.m^ 


W::]\\ 


m 


txhxaxy  of  Che  t:heoio0ical  ^tminavy 

PRINCETON  •  NEW  JERSEY 


Pprt   of  Acc'ison  Alexpnc'er 

libr?.ry.   Presented  by 

R.  L.  and  A.  Stuart 


THE 


ANCIENT  CHURCH: 

ITS  HISTOEY,    DOCTEINE,    WOESHIP,  AND' 
CONSTITUTION, 

TRACED  FOE  THE  FIRST  THREE  HUNDRED  YEARS. 


W.  D.  KILLEN,  D.D., 

PROFESSOR  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY  AND  PASTORAL  THEOLOGY  TO  THE 
GENERAL  ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH  IN  IRELAND. 


'  Glorious  tilings  are  spoken  of  thee,  O  city  of  God." 

Psalm  Ixxxvii.  3. 


NEW   YOEK: 
CHAELES  SCEIBNEE,  124  GEAND  STEEET. 

M.DCCC.LIX. 


edinburgh  :    . 

priktkd  by  ballantynk  and  company, 

Paul's  work. 


PEEFATOEY  NOTE. 


I  CANNOT  permit  this  Edition  of  "  The  Ancient  Church  " 
to  appear  before  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  without 
acknowledging  my  obligations  to  Mr  Charles  Scribner  of 
New  York.  Mr  Scribner  was  the  first  gentleman  con- 
nected with  the  noble  profession  to  which  he  belongs, 
either  in  the  Old  or  in  the  New  World,  from  whom  I 
received  encouragement  in  this  undertaking ;  and  his 
prompt  and  generous  offers  aided  me  materially  in  making 
arrangements  for  the  publication  of  the  work  in  Great 
Britain.  Every  line  of  the  present  impression  has  been 
corrected  by  myself,  and  should  my  life  be  spared,  any 
futiu-e  Edition  which  Mr  Scribner  may  publish  is  to  appear 
under  the  same  supervision.  I  trust  that  the  Trade 
throughout  the  Union  will  recognize  the  debt  of  gratitude 
which  I  owe  to  my  American  friend.  There  is  a  higher 
law  than  the  law  of  international  copyright,  and  I  feel 
confident  that  no  Publisher  of  honour  and  integrity  in  the 
Great  Republic  will  repudiate  its  claims. 

W.  D.  KILLEN. 


17  University  Square,  Belfast,  Ireland, 
July  1859. 


PREFACE. 


The  appearance  of  another  history  of  the  early  Church 
reqmres  some  explanation.  As  the  progress  of  the  Chris- 
tian commonwealth  for  the  first  three  hundred  years  has 
been  recently  described  by  British,  German,  and  American 
writers  of  eminent  ability,  it  may,  perhaps,  be  thought  that 
the  subject  is  now  exhausted.  No  competent  judge  will 
pronounce  such  an  opinion.  During  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century,  various  questions  relating  to  the  ancient  Church, 
which  are  almost,  if  not  altogether,  ignored  in  existing  his- 
tories, have  been  earnestly  discussed;  whilst  several  docu- 
ments, lately  discovered,  have  thrown  fresh  light  on  its 
transactions.  There  are,  besides,  points  of  view,  disclosing 
unexplored  fields  for  thought,  from  which  the  ecclesiastical 
landscape  has  never  yet  been  contemplated.  The  following 
work  is  an  attempt  to  exhibit  some  of  its  features  as  seen 
from  a  new  position. 

The  importance  of  this  portion  of  the  history  of  the 
Church  can  scarcely  be  over-estimated.  Our  attention  is 
here  directed  to  the  life  of  Christ,  to  the  labours  of  the 
apostles  and  evangelists,  to  the  doctrines  which  they 
taught,  to  the  form  of  worship  which  they  sanctioned,  to 


VI  PREFACE. 

the  organization  of  the  community  which  they  founded, 
and  to  the  mdomitable  constancy  with  which  its  members 
suffered  persecution.  The  practical  bearing  of  the  topics 
thus  brought  imder  review  must  be  sufficiently  obvious. 

In  the  interval  between  the  days  of  the  apostles  and  the 
conversion  of  Constantine,  the  Christian  commonwealth 
changed  its  aspect.  The  Bishop  of  Eome — a  personage 
unknoTVTi  to  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament — meauAvhile 
rose  into  prominence,  and  at  length  took  precedence  of  all 
other  churchmen.  Eites  and  ceremonies,  of  which  neither 
Paul  nor  Peter  ever  heard,  crept  silently  into  use,  and  then 
claimed  the  rank  of  divine  institutions.  Officers,  for  whom 
the  primitive  disciples  could  have  found  no  place,  and  titles, 
which  to  them  would  have  been  altogether  unintelligible, 
began  to  challenge  attention,  and  to  be  named  apostolic. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  historian  to  endeavour  to  point  out 
the  origin,  and  to  trace  the  progress  of  these  innovations. 
A  satisfactory  account  of  them  must  go  far  to  settle  more 
than  one  of  our  present  controversies.  An  attempt  is  here 
made  to  lay  bare  the  causes  which  produced  these  changes, 
and  to  mark  the  stages  of  the  ecclesiastical  revolution. 
When  treating  of  the  rise  and  growth  of  the  hierarchy, 
several  remarkable  facts  and  testimonies  which  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  preceding  historians  are  particularly  noticed. 

Some  may,  perhaps,  consider  that,  in  a  work  such  as  this, 
undue  prominence  has  been  given  to  the  discussion  of  the 
question  of  the  Ignatian  epistles.  Those  who  have  care- 
fully examined  the  subject  will  scarcely  think  so.  If  we 
accredit  these  documents,  the  history  of  the  early  Church 
is  thrown  into  a  state  of  hopeless  confusion ;  and  men, 
taught  and  honoured  by  the  apostles  themselves,  must  have 


PREFACE.  Vll 

inculcated  the  most  dangerous  errors.  But  if  their  chxims 
vanish,  when  touched  by  the  Avand  of  truthful  criticism, 
many  clouds  which  have  hitherto  darkened  the  ecclesiastical 
atmosphere  disappear ;  and  the  progress  of  corruption  can 
be  traced  on  scientific  principles.  The  special  attention  of 
all  interested  in  the  Ignatian  controversy  is  invited  to  the 
two  chapters  of  this  work  in  which  the  subject  is  investi- 
gated. Evidence  is  there  produced  to  prove  that  these 
Ignatian  letters,  even  as  edited  by  the  very  learned  and 
laborious  Doctor  Cureton,  are  utterly  spurious,  and  that 
they  should  be  swept  away  from  among  the  genuine  remains 
of  early  Chm^ch  literature  with  the  besom  of  scorn. 

Throughout  the  work  very  decided  views  are  expressed 
on  a  variety  of  topics ;  but  it  must  surely  be  unnecessary 
to  tender  an  apology  for  the  free  utterance  of  these  senti- 
ments; for,  when  recording  the  progress  of  a  revolution 
affectine^  the  hio-hest  interests  of  man,  the  narrator  cannot 
be  expected  to  divest  himself  of  his  cherished  convictions; 
and  very  few  will  venture  to  maintain  that  a  writer,  Avho 
feels  no  personal  interest  in  the  great  principles  brought 
to  light  by  the  gospel,  is,  on  that  account,  more  competent 
to  describe  the  faith,  the  struggles,  and  the  triumphs 
of  the  primitive  Christians.  I  am  not  aware  that  mere 
prejudice  has  ever  been  permitted  to  influence  my  nar- 
rative, or  that  any  statement  has  been  made  which  does 
not  rest  upon  solid  evidence.  Some  of  the  views  here  pre- 
sented may  not  have  been  suggested  by  any  previous  inves- 
tigator, and  they  may  be  exceedingly  damaging  to  certain 
popular  theories;  but  they  should  not,  therefore,  be  sum- 
marily condemned.  Surely  every  honest  effort  to  explain 
and  reconcile  the  memorials  of  antiquity  is  entitled  to  a 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

candid  criticism.  Nor,  from  those  whose  opinion  is  really 
worthy  of  respect,  do  I  despair  of  a  kindly  reception  for 
this  volume.  One  of  the  most  hopeful  signs  of  the  times 
is  the  increasing  charity  of  evangelical  Christians.  There 
is  a  growing  disposition  to  discountenance  the  spirit  of  reli- 
gious partisanship,  and  to  bow  to  the  supremacy  of  truth. 
I  trust  that  those  who  are  in  quest  of  the  old  paths  trodden 
by  the  apostles  and  the  martyrs  will  find  some  light  to 
guide  them  in  the  following  pages. 


CONTENTS. 


PERIOD  I. 

FROM  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  THE 
APOSTLE  JOHN,  A.D.  100. 


SECTION  I. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PLANTING  AND  GROWTH  OP  THE  APOSTOLIC 
CHURCH. 


CHAPTEK  I. 


THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST. 


The  boundaries  of  the  Empire, 

Its  population,  strength,  and  grandeur, 

Its  orators,  poets,  and  philosophers, 

The  influence  of  Kome  upon  the  provinces, 

The  languages  most  extensively  spoken. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  Empire,  . 

The  influence   of  the  philosophical    sects- 
Stoics,  the  Academics,  and  Plato, 

The  influence  of  the  current  Polytheism, 

The   state   of  the  Jews — the  Pharisees,  the  Sadducees,  and  the 
Essenes,  ........•• 

Preparations  for  a  great  Deliverer,  and  expectation  of  His  appear- 
ance,       .......... 


-the    Epicureans,   the 


PAGE 

3 

ib. 

5 
ib. 

6 
ib. 

7 
9 

ib. 

11 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

The  date  of  tlie  Birth  of  Christ,         .... 

The  place  of  His  Birth,     ...... 

The  visit  of  the  angel  to  the  shepherds. 

The  visit  of  the  ]\Iagi — the  flight  into  Egypt — and  the  murder  of 

the  infants  at  Bethlehem,  .... 

The  presentation  in  the  Temple,         .... 
The  infancy  and  boyhood  of  Jesus,     .... 
His  baptism  and  entrance  upon  His  public  ministry. 
His  mysterious  movements,       ..... 
The  remarkable  blanks  in  the   accounts  given   of  Him  in  the 

Gospels, 

His  moral  purity,     ....... 

His  doctrine  and  His  mode  of  teaching,     . 

His  miracles,  ....... 

The  independence  of  His  proceedings  as  a  reformer,     . 
The  length  of  His  ministry,       ..... 

The  Sanhedrim  and  Pontius  Pilate,  .... 

The  Death  of  Christ,  and  its  significance,   . 

His  Eesurrection,  and  His  appearance  afterwards  only  to  His  own 

followers,  ....... 

His  Ascension,         ....... 

His  extraordinary  character,      .         .         .  .         r 

SuppLEMENTAKY  NoTE  ou  the  year  of  the  Birth  of  Christ 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

Our  Lord  during  His  short  mmistry  trained  eighty-two  preachers 

— the  Twelve  and  the  Seventy, 
Various  names  of  some  of  the  Twelve, 
Relationship  of  some  of  the  parties, 
Original  condition  of  the  Twelve, 
Various  characteristics  of  the  Twelve, 
Twelve,  why  called  Apostles, 
Typical  meaning  of   the   appointment   of  the   Twelve    and   the 

Seventy,  ..... 

In  what  sense  the  Apostles  founded  the  Church 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


Why  so  little  notice  of  the  Seventy  in  the  New  Testament, 

No  account  of  ordinations  of  pastors  or  elders  by  the  Twelve  or 

the  Seventy,     ......... 

No  succession  from  the  Twelve  or  Seventy  can  be  traced,     . 

In  what  sense  the  Twelve  and  Seventy  have  no  successors,  and  in 

what  sense  they  have, 


PAGE 

46 


47 
48 


50 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  PROGRESS   OF  THE  GOSPEL  FROM  THE    DEATH  OF  CHRIST  TO  THE  DEATH 
OF  THE  APOSTLE  JAMES,  THE  BROTHER  OF  JOHN. A.D.  31   TO  A.D.   44. 


The  successfid  preaching  of  the  Apostles  in  Jerusalem, 

The  disciples  have  aU  things  common,        .  .  .  .         , 

The  appointment  of  the  deacons,        ..... 

The  Apostles  refuse  to  obey  the  rulers  of  the  Jews, 

The  date  of  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen,      .... 

The  gospel  preached  in  Samaria,         ..... 

The  baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunuch,  and  of  Cornelius  the  cen 

turion,     ......... 

The  conversion  of  Saul,  his  character,  position,  and  suffermgs, 
His  visit  to  Jerusalem,  and  vision,     ..... 

His  ministry  in  Syria  and  Cilicia,       ..... 

His  appearance  at  Antioch,        ...... 

Why  the  disciples  were  called  Christians,    .... 

Paul  and  Barnabas   sent  from  Antioch  with  relief  to  the  poor 

saints  in  Judea,         ....... 

The  Apostles  leave  Jerusalem — why  no  successor  aj^pointed  on 

the  death  of  James  the  brother  of  John, 
WTiy  Paul  taken  up  to  Paradise,        ...'.. 


52 
ib. 

54 
55 
ib. 

56 

51 
59 
62 
63 
ib. 
64 

Q5 
68 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    ORDINATION   OF   PAUL   AND   BARNABAS  ;   THEIR   MISSIONARY   TOUR  IN 
ASIA  MINOR;    AND  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. A.D.   44  TO  A.D.  51. 

Previous  position  of  Paul  and  Barnabas,     .         .         .         .         .  70 

Why  now  ordained,  ........  71 

Import  of  ordination,        ........  73 

By  whom  Paul  and  Barnabas  were  ordained,       .  .         .  .  74 

They  visit  C3rprus,  Perga,  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  Iconium,  and  other 

places,     ..........  75 

Ordain  elders  in  every  Church, 76 


XU  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Opposition  of  the  Jews,  and  clangers  of  the  missionaries,  .  .  77 
Some  insist  on  the  circumcision  of  the  Gentile  converts,  and  are 

resisted  by  Paul,       ........  79 

Why  he  objected  to  the  proj)Osal,       ......  ib. 

Deputation  to  Jerusalem  about  this  question,       ,         .          .          .  81 

Constituent  members  of  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,       ...  ib. 

Date  of  the  meeting,          ........  82 

Not  a  popular  assembly,            .......  83 

In  what  capacity  the  Apostles  here  acted,            ....  85 

Why  the  Council  said  "  It  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and 

to  us,"     ..........  86 

The  decision, 87 

Why  the  converts  were  required  to  abstain  from  blood  and  things 

strangled,          .........  88 

Importance  of  the  decision,       .......  89 

CHAPTER  Vl. 

THE    INTRODUCTION    OF    THE    GOSPEL    INTO  EUROPE,   AND   THE  MINISTRY  OF 
PAUL  AT  PHILIPPL A.D.  52. 


Date  of  Paul's  first  appearance  in  Europe, 

History  of  Philippi, 

Jewish  Oratory  there, 

Conversion  of  Lydia, 

The  damsel  with  the  spirit  of  divination, 

Paul  and  Silas  before  the  magistrates, 

Causes  of  early  persecutions, 

Paul  and  Silas  in  prison. 

Earthquake  and  alarm  of  the  jailer,  . 

Remarkable  conversion  of  the  jailer. 

Alarm  of  the  magistrates, 

Liberality  of  the  Philippians,    , 


90 
ib. 
91 
ib. 
92 
93 
ib. 
94 
95 


99 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  MINISTRY   OF  PAUL  IN  THESSALONICA,   BEREA,  ATHENS,   AND   CORINTH. 
A.D.   52  TO  A.D.  54. 


Thessalonica  and  its  rulers, 

The  more  noble  Bereans, 

Athens  and  its  ancient  glory,     . 

Paul's  appearance  among  the  philosophers, 


100 

101 

ib. 

102 


COIN' TENTS. 


XIU 


His  speech  on  Mars'  Hill, 

Altar  to  the  unknown  God, 

The  Epicureans  and  Stoics, 

The  resurrection  of  the  body,  a  strange  doctrine, 

Conversion  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,     . 

Corinth  in  the  first  century, 

Paul's  success  here,  .... 

Works  at  the  trade  of  a  tent-maker, 

Corinth  a  centre  of  missionary  operation, 

The  Corinthian  Church,  and  its  character. 

Opposition  of  Jews,  and  conduct  of  the  Proconsul  Gallic, 

Paul  wiites  the  First  and  Second  Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians, 


PAGE 

104 

ib. 

105 

106 

107 

ib. 

109 

110 

111 

112 

ib. 

113 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THE    CONVERSION     OF   APOLLOS  ;    HIS    CHARACTER  ;    AND    THE   MINISTRY    OF 
PAUL  IN  EPHESUS. A.B.  54  TO  A.D.  57. 


Paul's  first  visit  to  EjDhesus,       ...... 

Aquila  and  Priscilla  instruct  Apollos,  .... 

Position  of  the  Jews  in  Alexandria,     ..... 

Gifts  of  Apollos,       ........ 

Ministry  of  Apollos  in  Corinth,  ..... 

Paul  returns  to  Ephesus,  and  disputes  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus, 
The  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,     ...... 

Paul's  visit  to  Crete,  and  perils  in  the  sea. 

Churches  founded  at  Colosse  and  elsewhere, 

Temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus,  and  the  Ephesian  letters, 

Apollonius  of  Tyana,  and  Paul's  miracles. 

First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,         ..... 

Demetrius  and  the  craftsmen,     ...... 

The  Asiarchs  and  the  town-clerk,        ..... 

Progress  of  the  gospel  in  Ephesus,     ..... 


115 
116 

ib. 
117 

ib. 
118 
119 
120 
121 

ib, 
122 
123 
124 
125 
127 


CHAPTER  IX. 
Paul's  epistles  ;  his  collection  for  the  poor  saints  at  Jerusalem  ; 

HIS  imprisonment  there,  and  at  C^SAREA  and  ROME." — A.D.    57  TO 
A.D.  63. 


Paul  preaches  in  Macedonia  and  Illyricum, 


128 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


sends 


Writes  the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy,  and  the  Second  Epistle  to 

the  Corinthians,         ...... 

Arrives  in  Corinth,  and  writes  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
Sets  out  on  his  return  to  Jerusalem  ;  and,  when  at  Miletua 

to  Ephesus  for  the  elders  of  the  Church, 
The  collection  for  the  poor  saints  of  Jerusalem  carried  by 

commissioners,  ..,.,. 

Riot  when  Paul  appeared  in  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem, 
Paul  rescued  by  the  chief  captain  and  made  a  prisoner, 
Paul  before  the  Sanhedrim, 
Removed  to  Csesarea, 
Paul  before  Felix  and  Festus,    . 
Appeals  to  Caesar,     .... 
His  defence  before  Agrippa, 
His  voyage  to  Rome,  and  shipwreck, 
His  arrival  in  Italy, 
Greatness  and  luxury  of  Rome, 
Paul  preaches  in  his  own  hired  house, 
His  zeal,  labours,  and  success,    . 
Writes  to  Philemon,  to  the  Colossians,  the  Ephesians,  and  the  Philip- 

pians, 


CHAPTER  X. 


PAUL  S  SECOND  IMPRISONMENT,  AND  MARTYRDOM  ;   PETER,  HIS  EPISTLES,  HIS 
MARTYRDOM,  AND  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH, 


Evidences  of  Paul's  release  from  his  first  Roman 

His  visit  to  Spain,    .... 

Writes  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,    . 

Revisits  Jerusalem,  and  returns  to  Rome, 

His  second  Roman  imprisonment. 

Writes  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy,    . 

Date  of  his  martyrdom,     . 

Peter's  arrival  in  Rome,     . 

His  First  Epistle  written  from  Rome, 

Why  Rome  called  Babylon, 

Peter  writes  his  Second  Epistle, 

His  testimony  to  the  inspiration  of  Paul, 

His  martyrdom,        .... 

Circumstances  which,  at  an  early  period,  g 

Church  of  Rome, 
Its  remarkable  history,     . 


ave  p; 


mprisonment, 


ommence 


to  the 


ib. 
162 


CONTENTS.  XV 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  PEESECTJTIONS  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHCTRCH,  AXD  ITS  CONDITION  AT  THE 
TERMINATION  OF  THE  FIRST  CENTURY. 

PAGE 

The  Jews  at  first  the  cliief  persecutors  of  the  Church,           .         .  163 

Their  banishment  from  Rome  by  Claudius,           ,          .          .          .  164 

Mart}Tdom  of  James  the  Just,            ,         .         .         .         .         .  165 

Why  Christians  so  much  persecuted,           .         .         .         .         .  166 

Persecution  of  Xero,          ........  ib. 

A  general  iiersecutiou,       .          .         .          .         .          .          .         .  10T 

Effect  of  the  fiill  of  Jerusalem ,            .         .         .         .         .         .  168 

Persecution  of  Domitian,            .          .          .          .          .          .          .  169 

The  grandchildren  of  Jude, ib. 

Flavins  Clemens  and  Flavia  Domitilla,        ,          .          .         .          .  170 

John  banished  to  Patnios,           .          .          .          .          .          .          .  171 

His  last  days,  and  death,            .          .          .         .          .         .          .  172 

State  of  the  Chiistian  interest  towards  the  close  of  the  first  century,  ib. 

Spread  of  the  gospel,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  173 

Practical  power  of  Chiistianity, 174 


SECTION  II. 

THE  LITERATURE  AND  THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 
CHAPTER  I. 

THE    NEW  TESTAMENT,  ITS  HISTORY,  AND   THE  AUTHORITY   OF   ITS  VARIOUS 
PARTS. THE  EPISTLE  OF  CLEMENT  OF  ROME. 

Why  our  Lord  wrote  nothing  Himself,       .         .         .         .         .         176 

The  order  in  which  the  Gospels  appeared,  .  .  .         .  177 

Internal  marks  of  truthfulness  and  originality  in  the  writings  of  the 

Evangelists,      .........  178 

The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  treat  chiefly  of  the  acts  of  Peter  and  Paul,       179 
On  what  principle  the  Epistles  of  Paul  arranged  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament,   ..........         180 

The  titles  of  the  sacred  books  not  appended  by  the  Apostles  or 
Evangelists,  and  the  postscripts  of  the  Epistles  of  Paul  not 
added  by  himself,  and  often  not  trustworthy,        .         .         .         181 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


The  dates  of  the  Catholic  Epistles, 

The  authenticity  of  the  various  parts  of  the  New  Testament, 
Doubts  respecting  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  some  of  the 

smaller  Epistles,  and  the  Apocalyi^se, 
Division  of  the  New  Testament  into  chapters  and  verses,     . 
All,  in  primitive  times,  were  invited  and  required  to  study  the 

Scriptures,        ........ 

The  autographs  of  the  sacred  penmen  not  necessary  to  prove  the 

inspiration  of  their  writings,       ..... 
The  Epistle  of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians, 
The  truth  of  the  New  Testament  established  by  all  the  proper  tests 

which  can  be  applied,         ....... 


PAGE 

182 
ib. 


183 

184 

ib. 

185 
186 

187. 


CHAPTER  11. 


THE  DOCTEINE  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 


Same  system  of  doctrine  in  Old  and  New  Testaments, 

The  New  Testament  the  complement  of  the  ,01d, 

The  views  of  the  Apostles  at  first  obscure,  . 

New  light  received  after  the  resurrection,   . 

In  the  New  Testament  a  full  statement  of  apostolic  doctrine, 

Sufl&ciency  and  plenary  inspiration  of  Scripture, 

State  of  man  by  nature,   ...... 

Faith  and  the  Word, 

All  the  doctrines  of  the  Bible  form  one  system, 

The  Deity  of  Christ, 

The  Incarnation  and  Atonement,        .... 
Predestination,  ....... 

The  Trinity, 

Creeds, 

Practical  tendency  of  apostolic  doctrine. 


188 
ib. 

m 

190  I 

ib. 
191 
192 

ib. 
193 
194 
195 
197 

ib. 
198 

ib. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  HERESIES  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE. 

Original  meaning  of  the  word  Heresy/,         .....  200 

How  the  word  came  to  signify  something  wrong,          .         .         .  201 

The  Judaizers  the  earliest  errorists,    ......  ib. 

Views  of  the  Gnostics  respecting  the  present  world,  the  body  of 

Christ,  and  the  resurrection  of  the  body,      .          .         .          .  202 


CONTENTS. 


XVll 


Simon  Magus  and  other  heretics   mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment,      .......... 

Carpocrates,  Cerinthus,  and  Ebion, 

The  Nicolaitanes,     ......... 

Peculiarities  of  -Jewish  sectarianism,   ...... 

Unity  of  apostolic  Church  not  much  affected  by  the  heretics. 
Heresy  convicted  by  its  practical  results, 


205 

206 

ib. 

207 

208 

ib. 


SECTION  III. 


THE  WORSHIP  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 


V< 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  LOKD  S  DAY  ;    THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH  : 
SYMBOLIC  ORDINANCES,  AND  ITS  DISCIPLINE. 

Christians  assembled  for  worship  on  the  first  day  of  the  week, 

Our  Lord  recognized  the  permanent  obligation  of  the  Fourth  Com- 
mandment,       ......... 

Worship  of  the  Church  resembled,  not  that  of  the  Temple,  but 
that  of  the  Synagogue,       .... 

No  Liturgies  in  the  apostolic  Church, 

No  instrumental  music,     ..... 

Scriptures  read  publicly,    ..... 

Worship  in  the  viilgar  tongue. 

Ministers  had  no  official  dress,  .... 

Baptism  administered  to  infants, 

Mode  of  Bajitism,     ...... 

The  Lord's  Supper  frequently  administered. 

The  elements  not  believed  to  be  transubstantiated. 

Profane  excluded  from  the  Eucharist, 

Cases  of  discipline  decided  by  Church  rulers. 

Case  of  the  Corinthian  fornicator. 

Share  of  the  people  in  Church  discipline,    . 

Significance  of  excommunication  in  the  apostolic  Church, 

Perversion  of  excommunication  by  the  Church  of  Rome, 

h 


210 

211 

214 
21.5 
216 
217 

ib. 
218 
219 
220 
221 
222 

ib. 
22.3 

ib. 
226 
228 
229 


XVIU  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

THE    EXTRAOKDINAEY     TEACHERS    OF    THE    APOSTOLIC    CHURCH  ;     AND    ITS 
ORDINARY  OFFICE-BEARERS,  THEIR  APPOINTMENT,  AND  ORDINATION. 

PAGE 

Eimmeration  of  ecclesiastical  functionaries  in  Ephesians  iv.  11, 12, 

and  1  CorintMans  xii.  28,  ...... 

Ordinary  Church  officers,  teachers,  rulers,  and  deacons. 
Elders,  or  bishops,  the  same  as  pastors  and  teachers,    . 
Different  duties  of  elders  and  deacons,         ..... 

All  the  primitive  elders  did  not  preach,       ..... 

The  office  of  the  teaching  elder  most  honourable. 
Even  the  Apostles  considered  preaching  their  highest  function,     . 
Timothy  and  Titus  not  diocesan  bishops  of  Ephesus  and  Crete,     . 
The  Pastoral  Epistles  inculcate  all  the  duties  of  ministers  of  the 

Word, 

Ministers   of  the   Word   should  exercise  no   lordship  over  each 

other,        .......... 

The  members    of  the  apostolic  Churches  elected  aU  their  own 

office-bearers,    ......... 

Church  officers  ordained  by  the  presbytery,  .... 

The  office  of  deaconess,      ........ 

All  the  members  of  the  apostolic  Churches  taught  to  contribute 

to  each  other's  edification, 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 

Unity  of  the  Church  of  Israel,   ....... 

Christian  Church  also  made  up  of  associated  congregations. 
The  Apostles  act  upon  the  principle  of  ecclesiastical  confedera- 
tion,        .......... 

Polity  of  the  Christian  Church  borrowed  from  the  institutions  of 
the  Israelites,    ......... 

Account  of  the  Sanhedrim  and  inferior  Jewish  courts. 
Evidences  of  similar  arrangements  in  the  Christian  Church, 
How  the  meeting  mentioned  in  the  15th  chapter  of  the  Acts  dif- 
fered in  its  construction  from  the  Sanhedrim, 
Why  we  have  not  a  more  particular  account  of  the  government 

of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  New  Testament, 
No  higher  and   lower  houses   of  convocation   in   the   apostolic 
Church,  


CONTENTS.  XIX 

PAGE 

James  not  bisliop  of  Jerusalem, 256 

Origin  of  the  story,  ........  lb. 

Jerusalem  for  some  time  the  stated  pLice  of  meeting  of  the  highest 

court  of  the  Christian  Church,  257 

Traces  of  provincial  organization  in  Proconsular  Asia,  Galatia,  and 

other  districts,  among  the  apostolic  Churches,       .  .  .  258 

Intercourse  between  apostolic  Churches  by  letters  and  deputa- 
tions,        2G0 

How  there  were  preachers  in  the  apostolic  Church  of  whom  the 

Apostles  disapproved, 261 

The   unity  of  the  apostolic   Church — in   what  it  consisted,    to 

what  it  may  be  compared,  .         .         .         .         .         .         262 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES. 

The  mysteiious  symbols  of  the  Apocalypse,          ....  263 

The  seven  stars  seven  angels,     .         .         .         .         .         .         .  264 

These  angels  not  angelic  beings,  and  not  corporate  bodies,  but  in- 
dividuals,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  265 

The  name  angel  probably  not  taken  from  that  of  an  officer  of  the 

synagogue,        .........  ib. 

The  angel  of  the  synagogue  a  congregational  officer,      .          .          .  26Q 

The  angels  of  the  Churches  not  diocesan  bishops,         .         .         .  267 
The  stars,  not  attached  to  the  candlesticks,  but  in  the  hand  of 

Christ, 268 

The  angels  of  the  Churches  were  their  messengers  sent  to  visit 

John  in  Patmos,         ........  ib. 

Why  only  seven  angels  named,           .         .         .         .         .         .  271 


PEEIOD  IL 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  THE  APOSTLE  JOHN  TO  THE  CONVERSION 
OF  CONSTANTINK— A.D.  100  TO  A.D.  312. 


J 


SECTION  I. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CHURCH. 
CHAPTER  I. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


Prospects  of  the  Church  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  . 
Christianity  recommended  by  its  good  fruits,       .          .          .          . 
Diffusion  of  Scriptures  and  preparation  of  versions  in  other  lan- 
guages,      

Doubtful  character  of  the  miracles  attributed  to  this  jDeriod, 
Remarkable  progress  of  the  gospel,    ...... 

Christianity  propagated  in  Africa,  France,  Thrace,  and  Scotland,  . 
Testimonies  to  its  success,  ....... 

Gains  ground  rapidly  towards  the  close  of  the  third  century, 

Its  progress,  how  to  be  tested,  ....... 

N  CHAPTER  II. 

THE  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

Spectators  impressed  by  the  suff"erings  of  the  Christians, 
The  blood  of  the  martyrs  the  seed  of  the  Church, 
Persecution  promoted  the  purity  of  the  Church, 
Christian  graces  gloriously  displayed  in  times  of  persecution. 
Private  sufferings  of  the  Christians,    ..... 
How  far  the  Romans  acted  on  a  principle  of  toleration, 


CONTENTS. 

Christianity  opposed  as  a  "  new  religion,"  . 

Correspondence  between  Pliny  and  Trajan, 

Law  of  Trajan,  ..... 

Martyrdom  of  Simeon  of  Jerusalem, 

Sufferings  of  Christians  under  Hadrian, 

Hadrian's  rescript,    ..... 

Marcus  Aurelius  a  persecutor,    . 

Justin  and  Polycarp  martyred. 

Persecution  at  Lyons  and  Vienna, 

Absurd  passion  for  martyrdom, 

Treatment  of  the  Christians  by  Septimius  Severus, 

The  Libellatici  and  Thuriticati, 

Perpetua  and  Felicitas  martyred, 

Alexander   Severus   and    Philip  the  Arabian  favourable 

Christians,        ..... 
Persecution  under  Decius, 
Persecution  under  Valerian, 
Gallienus  issues  an  edict  of  toleration. 
State  of  the  Church  during  the  last  forty  years 

tury,         .... 
Diocletian  persecution,     . 
The  Traditors, 
Cruelties  now  practised,    . 
Not  ten  general  persecutions,     . 
Deaths  of  the  persecutors, 
Causes  of  the  persecutions. 
The  suflferings  of  the  Christians  did  not  teach  them  toleration 


of  the  third  cen 


to  the 


XXI 

PAOE 

288 
289 

ib. 
290 
291 

ib. 
292 
293 
294 
296 
297 
298 

ib. 

299 
300 
302 
303 

ib. 
304 
305 
306 
307 
308 
309 
310 


/ 


CHAPTEPt  III. 


FALSE  BEETHREN  AND  FALSE  PRINCIPLES  IN  THE  CHURCH  ;   SPIRIT  AND 
CHARACTER  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 


Piety  of  the  early  Christians  not  superior  to  that  of  all  succeeding 
ages,         ....... 

Covetous  and  immoral  pastors  in  the  ancient  Church, 
Asceticism  and  its  pagan  origin. 
The  unmarried  clergy  and  the  virgins, 
Paul  and  Antony  the  ftrst  hermits. 
Origin  of  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross. 
Opposition  of  the  Christians  to  image-worship. 
Image-makers  condemned,        .... 


312 
313 
314 
315 
ib. 
316 
319 
320 


xxu 


CONTENTS. 


Objections  of  the  Christians  to  the  theatre,  the  gladiatorial  shows, 

and  other  public  spectacles,        .... 
Superior  morality  of  the  mass  of  the  early  Christians, 
How  they  treated  the  question  of  polygamy, 
Condemned  intermarriages  with  heathens, 
How  they  dealt  with  the  question  of  slavery, 
Influence  of  Christianity  on  the  condition  of  the  slave, 
Brotherly  love  of  the  Christians,         .... 
Their  kindness  to  distressed  heathens, 
Christianity  fitted  for  all  mankind,    .... 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY, 

Weak  historical  foundation  of  Romanism, 

Church  of  Rome  not  founded  by  either  Paul  or  Peter, 

Its  probable  origin,  ....... 

Little  known  of  its  primitive  condition,      .... 

Its  early  episcopal  succession  a  riddle. 

Martyrdom  of  Telesphorus,        .         .  .  .  *  . 

Heresiarchs  in  Rome,        ....... 

Its  presiding  presbyter  called  bishop,  and  invested  with  additional 

power,     ....  ..... 

Beginning  of  the  Catholic  system,      ..... 

Changes  in  the  ecclesiastical  constitution  not  accomplished  without 

opposition,        ........ 

Visit  of  Polycarp  to  Rome,        ...... 

Why  so  much  deference  so  soon  paid  to  the  Roman  Church, 
Wealth  and  influence  of  its  members,  .... 

Remarkable  testimony  of  Irenasus  respecting  it, 

Under  what  circumstances  given,        ..... 

Victor's  excommunication  of  the  Asiatic  Christians, 

Extent  of  Victor's  jurisdiction,  ..... 

Explanation  of  his  arrogance,     ...... 

First-fruits  of  the  Catholic  system,     ..... 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME  IN  THE  THIRD  CENTURY. 

Genuine  letters  of  the  early  bishops  of  Rome  and  false  Decretal 
epistles, 


CONTENTS.  XXm 

PAGE 

Discovery  of  tlie  statue  of  Hippolytus  and  of  his  "  Philosophu- 

mena," •         .         .         .         .  344 

The  Roman  bishops  Zephyrinus  and  Callistus,    ....  345 

Heresy  of  Zephyiinus,       .          .          .          .         .          .          .          .  346 

Extraordinary  career  and  heresy  of  Callistus,       ....  ib. 

The  bishop  of  Rome  not  a  metropolitan  in  the  time   of  Hip- 
polytus,              348 

Bishops  of  Rome  chosen  by  the  votes  of  clergy  and  people,           .  349 

Remarkable  election  of  Fabian,           ......  ib. 

Discovery  of  the  catacombs,       .         .         .         .         .         .         .  350 

Origin  of  the  catacombs,   and   how    used  by  the  Christians  of 

Rome,      ..........  ib. 

The  testimony  of  their  inscriptions,    .          .          .          .          .          .  351 

The  ancient  Roman  clergy  married,    ......  353 

Severity  of  persecution  at  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  third  cen- 
tury,          354 

Four  Roman  bishops  martyred,          .          .          .         .          .          .  355 

Statistics  of  the  Roman  Church  about  this  period,        ...  ib. 

Schism  of  No vatian,          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  35 G 

Controversy  respecting  rebaptism  of  heretics,  and  rashness  of  Ste- 
phen, bishop  of  Rome,       .......  ib. 

Misinterpretation  of  Matt,  xvi.  18,     .         .         .         .         .         .  357 

Increasing  power  of  Roman  bishop,    .         .          .         .         .         .  359 

The  bishop  of  Rome  becomes  a  metropolitan,  and  is  recognized  by 

the  Emperor  Aurelian,       .         .          .         .          .          .         .  3  GO 

Early  Roman  bishops  spoke  and  wi-ote  in  Greek,         .         .          ,  ib. 

Obscurity  of  their  early  annals,           ......  ib. 

Advancement  of  their  power  during  the  second  and  third  centuries,  3G1 

Causes  of  their  remarkable  progress,           .....  ib. 


SECTION  II. 

THE  LITERATURE  AND  THEOLOGY  OF  THE  CHURCH. 
CHAPTER  I. 

THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  WRITERS. 

The  amount  of  their  extant  writings, 3G4 

The  Epistle  of  Poly  carp, 365 

Justin  Martyr,  his  history  and  liis  works,  ....  ib. 


XXIV  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

The  Epistle  to  Diognetus, 367 

Tatian,  Athenagoras,  Tlicoplulus,  and  Hernias,     ....  ib. 

The  Epistle  of  Barnabas  and  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,         .          .  ib. 

Papias  and  Hcgesippus,     ........  ib. 

Irenaeus  and  his  Works,    .          .         .          .          .         .          .          .  368 

Tertullian,  his  character  and  writings,         .         .          ...         .  370 

Clement  of  Alexandria,     .         .          .          .         .          .          .          .  373 

Hippolytus,      ..........  374 

Minucius  Felix,        .          .          .          .          .          „          .          .          .  3"  5 

Origen — his  early  history  and  remarkable  career — his  great  learning 
— his  speculative  spirit — his  treatise  against  Celsus  and  his 

"  Hexapla  " — his  theological  peculiarities,             ...  ib. 

Cyprian — his  training,  character,  and  writings,    .          .          .         .  381 

Gregory  Thaumaturgus,    .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  383 

The  value  of  the  Fathers  as  ecclesiastical  authorities,   .         .          .  384 

Their  erroneous  and  absurd  expositions,      .....  385 

The  excellency  of  Scripture,      .......  387 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES  AND  THEIR  CLAIMS THE  EXTERNAL  EVIDENCE. 

The  journeys  undertaken  in  search  of  the  Ignatian  Epistles,  and  the 

amount  of  literature  to  which  they  have  given  birth,    .          .  389 

Why  these  letters  have  awakened  such  interest,  .          .          .         .  390 

The  story  of  Ignatius  and  its  difficulties,  .....  ib. 
The  Seven  Epistles  known  to  Eusebius  and  those  which  appeared 

afterwards,       .........  394 

The  different  recensions  of  the  Seven  Letters  known  to  Eusebius,  395 

The  discovery  of  the  Syriac  version,  ......  ib. 

Diminished  size  of  the  Curetonian  Letters,           ....  397 

The  testimony  of  Eusebius  considered,        .....  398 

The  testimony  of  Origen,           .          .         .          .          .          .          .  399 

The  Ignatian  Epistles  not  recognised  by  Irenaeus  or  Polycarp,  .  400 
These  letters  not  known  to  Tertullian,  Hippolytus,  and  other  early 

writers,    ..........  408 

The  date  of  their  fabrication.  Their  multiplication  accounted  for,  409 
Remarkable  that  spurious  works  are  often  found  in  more  than  one 

edition,    ..........  411 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES  AND  THEIR  CLAIMS — THE  INTERNAL  EVIDENCE. 

The  liistory  of  these  Epistles  like  the  story  of  the  Sibylline  books,  413 


CONTENTS.  XXV 

PAGE 

The  three  Curetonian  Letters  as  objectionable  as  those  formerly 

piiblished, 414 

The  style  suspicious,  challenged  by  Ussher,         .          .         .          .  415 

The  Word  of  God  strangely  ignored  in  these  letters,     ...  ib. 

Their  chronological  blunders  betray  their  forgery,  .  .  .  417 
Various  words  in  them  have  a  meaning  which  they  did  not  acquire 

until  after  the  time  of  Ignatius,  .  .  .  .  .  419 
Their  puerilities,  vapouring,  and  mysticism  betray  their  spurious- 

ness, 422 

The  anxiety  for  martyrdom  displayed  in  them  attests  their  forgery,  423 
The  internal  evidence  confirms  the  view  already  taken  of  the  date 

of  their  fabrication,  ........  425 

Strange  attachment  of  Episcopalians  to  these  letters,  .         .          .  426 

The  sagacity  of  Calvin, 427 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  GNOSTICS,  THE  MONTANISTS,  AND  THE  MANICH^ANS 

The  early  heresies  numerous,      .... 

The  systems  with  wliich  Christianity  had  to  struggle, 

The  leading  peculiarities  of  Gnosticism, 

The  Aeons,  the  Demiurge,  and  the  Saviour, 

Saturninus,  Basilides,  and  Valentine, 

Marcion  and  Carpocrates,  .... 

Causes  of  the  popularity  of  Gnosticism,  and  its  defects 
Montanus  and  his  system,  .... 

His  success  and  condemnation, 
Mani  and  his  doctrine  of  the  Two  Principles, 
The  Elect  and  Hearers  of  the  JManichieans," 
Martyrdom  of  ]\Iani,         ..... 

Peculiarities  of  the  heretics  gradually  adopted  by  the  Catholic 
Church,  ....... 

Doctrine  of  Venial  and  Mortal  Sins,  . 

Doctrine  of  Purgatoiy,     ..... 

Celibacy  and  Asceticism,  .... 


429 
430 

ib. 
431 
433 

ib. 
434 
436 
437 
438 
439 
440 

441 

ib. 
442 
443 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  DOCTBINE  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

Leading  doctrines  of  the  gospel  still  acknowledged. 
Meaning  of  theological  terms  not  yet  exactly  defined, 


445 
ib. 


XXVI 


CONTENTS, 


Scripture  venerated  and  studied,        ..... 
Extraordinary  scriptural  acquirements  of  some  of  the  early  Chris 

tians,       ........ 

Doctrine  of  Plenary  Inspiration  of  Scripture  taught,    . 
The  canon  of  the  New  Testament,      .... 

Spurious  scriptures  and  tradition,       .... 

Human  Dei)ravity  and  Regeneration, 

Christ  worshipped  by  the  early  Christians, 

Christ  God  and  man,         ...... 

The  Ebionites,  Theodotus,  Artemon,  and  Paul  of  Samosata, 

Doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  

Praxeas,  Noetus,  and  Sabellius,  .... 

Doctrine  of  the  Trinity  not  borrowed  from  Platonism, 

The  Atonement  and  Justification  by  Faith, 

Grace  and  Predestination,  ..... 

Theological  errors,   ....... 

Our  knowledge  of  the  gospel  does  not  depend  on  our  i^roximity  to 

the  days  of  the  Apostles, 


PAGE 

446 


447 
448 

ib. 
449 
450 
451 
452 
453 
454 
455 
457 
458 

ib. 
459 

4G1 


SECTION  III. 

THE  WORSHIP  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


Splendour  of  the  Pagan  and  Jewish  worship — simplicity  of 

tian  worship,  .... 

The  places  of  worship  of  the  early  Christians. 
Psalmody  of  the  Church, 
No  instrumental  music,    . 
No  forms  of  prayer  used  by  the  early  pastors, 
Congregation  stood  at  prayer,   . 
Worship,  how  conducted. 
Scriptures  read  in  public  worship, 
The  manner  of  preaching. 
Deportment  of  the  congregation, 
Dress  of  ministers,  . 
Great  change  between  this  and  the  sixteenth  century. 


Chr 


462 
463 
464 
465 
466 

ib. 
467 
468 
469 

ib. 
470 

ib. 


CONTENTS. 


XXVU 


CHAPTER  II. 


Polycarp  probably  baptized  in  infancy,        .... 
Testimony  of  Justin  Martyr  and  Ireneeus  for  Infant  Baptism, 

Testimony  of  Origen, 

Objections  of  TertiiUian  examined,     ..... 
Sponsors  in  Baptism,  who  they  were,  .... 

The  Baptism  of  Blood, 

Infant  Baptism  universal  in  Africa  in  the  days  of  Cyprian, 
The  mode  of  Baptism  not  considered  essential,   . 
Errors  respecting  Baptism,  and  new  rites  added  to  the  original  in 
stitution,  ........ 

The  Baptismal  Service  the  germ  of  a  Church  Liturgy, 

E\ils  connected  with  the  corruption  of  the  baptismal  institute. 


PAGE 

472 
473 
474 
475 
ib. 
477 
478 
479 

480 

481 

ib. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  LORD  S  SUPPER. 


Danger  of  changing  any  part  of  a  typical  ordinance, 
How  the  Holy  Supper  was  admmistered  in  Rome  in  the  second 
century,    ........ 

The  posture  of  the  communicants — sitting  and  standing. 

The  bread  not  unleavened, 

Wine  mixed  with  water,     .... 

Bread  not  put  into  the  mouth  by  the  minister, 
Infant  communion,   ..... 

How  often  the  Lord's  Supper  celebrated,  . 

The  words  Sacrament  and  Tranmhstantiation, 

Bread  and  wine  types  or  symbols. 

How  Christ  is  present  in  the  Eucharist, 

Growth  of  superstition  in  regard  to  the  Eucharist, 

Danger  of  using  language  not  warranted  by  Scripture, 


483 

484 
48.5 

ib. 

ib. 
486 

ib. 

ib. 
487 

ib. 
488 
489 

ib. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CONFESSION  AND  PENANCE. 

Confession  often  made  at  Baptism  by  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist, 
and  of  Christ,  ......... 

The  early  converts  forthwith  baptized,        ..... 


491 
493 


CONTENTS. 


In  the  second  century  fasting  preceded  Baptism, 

The  exomologesis  of  penitents, 

Influence  of  the  mind  on  the  body,  and  of  the  body  on  the  mind. 

Fasting  not  an  ordinary  duty, 

Fasts  of  tlie  ancient  Church, 

Fasting  soon  made  a  test  of  repentance, 

The  ancient  penitential  discipline, 

Establishment  of  a  Penitentiary, 

Different  classes  of  penitents,     . 

Auricular  confession  now  unknown, 

Increasing  spiritual  darkness  leads  to  confusion  of  terms, 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY. 


Statement  of  Justin  Martyr, 

Great  obscurity  resting  on  the  subject,        .... 
Illustrated  by  the  Epistles  of  Clement  and  Polycarp,  . 
Circumstances  which  led  to  the  writing  of  Clement's  Epistle, 
Churches  of  Corinth  and  Eome  then  governed  by  presbyters, 
Churches  of  Smyrna  and  Philippi  governed  by  presbyters 
The  presbyters  had  a  chairman  or  president. 
Traces  of  this  in  the  apostolic  age,     .... 
Early  catalogues  of  bishops — their  origin  and  contradictions. 
The  senior  presbyter  the  ancient  president. 
Testimony  of  Hilary  confirmed  by  various  proofs, 
Ancient  names  of  the  president  of  the  presbytery, 
Great  age  of  ancient  bishops,     ..... 
Great  number  of  ancient  bishops  in  a  given  period. 
Remarkable  case  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem, 
No  parallel  to  it  in  more  recent  times,        ... 
Argument  against  heretics  from  the  episcopal  succession 

trated,     ,......., 

The  claims  of  seniority  long  respected  in  various  ways. 

The  power  of  the  presiding  presbyter  limited,  for  the  Church  was 

still  governed  by  the  common  council  of  the  presbyters. 

Change  of  the  law  of  seniority, 

Change  made  about  the  end  of  the  second  century. 

Singular  that  many  episcopal  lists  stop  at  the  end  of  the  second 

century,  ........ 

Before  that  date  only  one  bishop  in  Egypt, 
In  some  places  another  system  set  up  earlier. 


illus- 


CONTENTS. 


XXIX 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  RISE  OF  THE  HIERARCHY  CONNECTEB  WITH  THE  SPREAD  OF  HERESIES. 


Eusebius.     The  defects  of  his  Ecclesiastical  History,. 
Superior  erudition  of  Jerome,    ...... 

His  account  of  the  origin  of  Prelacy,  .... 

Prelacy  originated  after  the  apostolic  age,  ... 

Suggested  by  the  distractions  of  the  Church,       ,         .  .  . 

Formidable  and  vexatious  character  of  the  early  heresies,     . 
Mode  of   aj^pointing   the   president   of   the    eldership    changed, 

Pojiular  election  of  bishops,  how  introduced, 
The  various  statements  of  Jerome  consistent. 
The  primitive  moderator  and  the  bishop  contrasted,     . 
How  the  decree  relative  to  a  change  in  the  ecclesiastical  constitu 

tion  adopted  throughout  the  whole  world. 


PAOK 

599 


CHAPTEPt  VIL 


PRELACY  BEGINS  IN  ROME. 


Comparative  length  of  the  lives  of  the  early  bishops  of  Piomc, 
Observations   relative   to   a  change   in  the   organization    of  the 
Roman  Church  in  the  time  of  Hyginus, 

1.  The  statement   of   Hilary  will    account    for    the    increased 

average  in  the  length  of  episcojial  life, 

2.  The  testimony  of  Jerome  cannot  otherwise  be  explained, 

3.  Hilary  indicates  that  the   constitution   of  the    Church   was 

changed  about  this  period,      ..... 

4.  At  this  time  such  an  arrangement  must  naturally  have  sug- 

gested itself  to  the  Roman  Christians,     ... 

5.  The  violent  death  of  Telesphorus  fitted  to  prepare  the  way 

for  it,  ........ 

6.  The  influence  of  Rome  would  recommend  its  adoption, 

7.  A  vacancy  which  occurred  after  the  death  of  Hyginus  accords 

with  this  view.     Valentine  a  candidate  for  the   Roman 
bishopric,      ........ 

8.  The  letters  of  Pius  to  Justus  corroborate  this  view, 

9.  It  is  sustained  by  the  fact  that  the  word  hisho})  now  began 

to  be  applied  to  the  presiding  elder, 
10.  The  Pontifical  Book  remarkably  confirms  it — Not  strange  that 

history  speaks  so  little  of  this  change, 

Little  alteration  at  first  apparent  in  the  general  aspect  of  the 

Church  in  consequence  of  the  adoption  of  the  new  principle, 

Facility  with  which  the  change  could  be  accomplished. 


XXX 


CONTENTS. 


Polycarp  probably  dissatisfied  with  tlie  new  arrangements,  .         .  55G 

Change,  in  all  likelihood,  not  much  opposed,       .          .         .         .  558 

Many  presbyters,  as  well  as  the  people,  would  be  favourable  to  it,  ib. 

The  new  system  gradually  spread, 559 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  CATHOLIC  SYSTEM. 

History  of  the  Avord  Catholic,    .          .          .          .          .          .          .  561 

Circumstances  in  which  the  system  originated,    ....  ib. 

The  bishop  the  centre  of  unity  for  his  district,     .         .          .          .  562 

Principal  or  apostolic  Churches — their  position,            .          .         .  564 

The  Church  of  Rome  more  potentially  principal,           ,          .          .  566 

How  communion  maintained  among  the  Churches,       .         .          .  567 

Early  jealousy  towards  the  bishop  of  Rome,         .          .          .         .  568 

The  Catholic  system  identified  with  Rome,          ....  569 

Why  the  Apostle  Peter  everywhere  so  highly  exalted,           .         .  570 

Roman  bishops  sought  to  work  out  the  idea  of  unity,            .          .  571 

Theory  of  the  Catholic  system  fallacious,    .          .          .          .         .  572 

How  Rome  the  antitype  of  Babylon,           .         ...         .         .  573 

CHAPTER  IX. 

PRIMITIVE  EPISCOPACY  AND  PRESBYTERIAN  ORDINATION. 

Where  Christians  formed  only  a  single  congregation  Episcopacy 

made  little  change,    ........  575 

The  bishop  the  parish  minister,           ......  ib. 

Every  one  who  could  might  preach  if  the  bishops  permitted,         .  576 
Bishops  thickly  planted — all  of  equal  rank — the  greatest  had  very 

limited  jurisdiction,            .......  577 

Ecclesiastics  often  engaged  in  secular  pursuits,    .          .          .          .  578 

The  Alexandrian  presbyters  made  their  bishops,           .          .          .  580 

When  this  practice  ceased,         .          .          .          .          .          .          .  581 

Alexandrian  bishops  not  origuaally   ordained    by   imposition  of 

hands, 582 

Roman  presbyters  and  others  made  their  bishojis,         .          .          ,  583 

The  bishop  the  presiding  elder — early  Roman  bishops  so  called,  584 

Bishops  of  the  order  of  the  presbytery, 585 

All  Christian  ministers  originally  ordained  by  presbyters,     ,          .  ib. 

A  bishop  ordained  by  a  bishop  and  a  presbyter,            .         .         .  586 

Difference  between  ancient  and  modern  bishops,          .         .         .  587 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  PRELACY. 

Power  of  the  president  of  a  court,      .         .         ,         .         .         .  589 


CONTENTS.  XXXI 

PAGE 

Power  of  the  ecclesiastical  president  increased  when  elected  by  the 

peoi^le, 590 

The  superior  wealth  of  the  bishop  added  to  his  influence,      .          .  ib. 
Appointment  of  lectors,  sub-deacons,  acolyths,  exorcists,  and  jani- 
tors,           592 

These  new  offices  first  appeared  in  Eome,    .....  lb. 
Bishops  began  to  appoint  church  officers  without  consulting  the 

people, 593 

New  canons  relative  to  ordination,      .          .          .         .         .          .  594 

Presbyters  ceased  to  inaugurate  bishops,      .          .          .          .         .  595 

Presbyters  continued  to  ordain  presbyters  and  deacons,         .         .  596 

Country  bishops  deprived  of  the  right  to  ordain,           .          .          .  597 

Account  of  their  degradation,    .         .         .         .         .         .         ,  598 

Else  of  metropolitans,       ........  599 

Circumstances  which  added  to  the  power  of  the  city  bishops,        .  ib. 

One  bishop  in  each  province  at  the  head  of  the  rest,     .          .          .  GOl 

Jealousies  and  contentions  of  city  bishops,            .          .          .          .  602 

Great  change  in  the  Church  in  two  centuries,       ....  603 

Reasons  why  the  establishment  of  metropolitans  so  much  opposed,  604 

CHAPTER  XI. 

SYNODS THEIR  HISTORY  AND  CONSTITUTION. 

Apostles  sought,  first,  the  conversion  of  sinners,  and  then  the  edifi- 
cation of  their  converts,     .         .         .         .         .         .         .  605 

No  general  union  of  Churches  originally,    .          .          ,         .         .  606 

But  intercourse  in  various  ways  maintained,        ....  ib. 

Synods  did  not  commence  about  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury,           607 

A  part  of  the  original  constitution  of  the  Church,         ...  ib. 

At  first  held  on  a  limited  scale, 609 

Reason  why  we  have  no  account  of  early  Synods,         ...  ib. 

First  notice  of  Synods, 610 

Synods  held  respecting  the  Paschal  controversy,            .         .          .  611 
Found  in  operation  everywhere  before  the  end  of  the  second  cen- 
tury,           ib. 

TertulKan  does  not  say  that  Synods  commenced  in  Greece,            .  612 

Why  he  notices  the  Greek  Synods,     .         .          .          ,          .          .  613 

Amphictyonic  Covmcil  did  not  suggest  the  establishment  of  Synods,  615 

Synods  originally  met  only  once  a-year,       .....  ib. 

Began  to  meet  in  fixed  places  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,      .         .  616 

'Met  twice  a-year  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,       .         .  ib. 

Synods  m  third  century  respecting  re-baptism,    .          .         .         .  617 

Synods  at  An tioch  respecting  Paul  of  Samosata,           .         .         .  618 


CONTENTS. 


Early  Synods  composed  of  bishops  and  elders,    . 
Deacons  and  laymen  had  no  right  of  voting, 
Churches  not  originally  independent. 
Utility  of  Synods,    ....... 

Circumstances  which  led  to  a  change  in  their  constitution, 
Decline  of  jjrimitive  polity,        ..... 


PAOE 

G19 
ib. 

620 

G21 
ib. 

622 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  CEREMONIES  AND   DISCIPLINE  OF  THE  CHURCH,   AS  ILLUSTRATED  BY 
CURRENT  CONTROVERSIES  AND  DIVISIONS. 

The  rise  of  the  Nazarenes,         .......  623 

Lessons  taught  by  their  history,          .          .          .          .          .          .  624 

The  Paschal  controversy  and  Victor's  excommunication,        .         .  62.5 

Danger  of  depending  on  tradition,     .          .         .          .          .          .  628 

Institution  of  Easter  unnecessary,      ......  629 

The  tickets  of  peace  and  the  schism  of  Felicissimus,    .         .         .  ib. 

Schism  of  Novatian,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  631 

Controversy  respecting  the  baptism  of  heretics,  and  Stephen's  ex- 
communication,        .          .          .          .  '       .          .          .          .  632 

Uniformity  in  discipline  and  ceremonies  not  to  be  found  in  the 

ancient  Church,         .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  633 

Increasing  mtolerance  of  the  dominant  party  in  the  Church,          .  634 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  THEORY  OF  THE  CHURCH,  AND  THE  HISTORY  OF  ITS  PERVERSION 

CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

The  Church  invisible  and  its  attributes,       .....  636 

The  visible  Church  and  its  defects, 637 

The  holy  Catholic  Church — what  it  meant,          ....  639 

Church  visible  and  Church  in\isilDle  confounded,          .         .          .  640 

Evils  of  the  Catholic  system, 642 

Establishment  of  an  odious  ecclesiastical  monopoly,      ...  ib. 

Pastors  began  to  be  called  priests,      .         .         .         .         .         .  644 

Arrogant  assumptions  of  bishops,        ......  646 

The  Catholic  system  encouraged  bigotry,    .....  647 

Its  ungenerous  spirit, ib. 

The  claims  of  the  Word  of  God  not  properly  recognized,       .          .  648 

Many  corruptions  already  in  the  Church,    .....  650 

The  establishment  of  the  hierarchy  a  grand  mistake,    .          .         .  652 

Only  promoted  outward,  not  real  unity, 653 

Sad  state  of  the  Church  when  Catholicism  was  f  uUy  developed,    .  655 

ErangeUcal  unity — in  what  it  consists,       .....  656 


PEEIOD  I. 

FEOM  THE  BIETH  OF  CHEIST  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  THE 
APOSTLE  JOHN,  A.D.  100. 


r  "^^^^^4 


SECTION  I. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  PLANTING  AND  GROWTH  OF  THE 
APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST. 

Upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  the  Birtli  of 
Christ,  the  grandnephew  of  Julius  Csesar  had  become  sole 
master  of  the  Eoman  world.  Never,  perhaps,  at  any  former 
period,  had  so  many  human  beings  acknowledged  the  au- 
thority of  a  single  potentate.  Some  of  the  most  powerful 
monarchies  at  present  in  Europe  extend  over  only  a  fraction 
of  the  territory  which  Augustus  governed  :  the  Atlantic  on 
the  west,  the  Euphrates  on  the  east,  the  Danube  and  the  -, 
Khine  on  the  north,  and  the  deserts  of  Africa  on  the  south,  i 
were  the  boundaries  of  his  empire. 

We  do  not  adequately  estimate  the  rank  of  Augustus 
among  contemporary  sovereigns,  when  we  consider  merely 
the  superficial  extent  of  the  countries  placed  within  the 
"range  of  his  jurisdiction.  His  subjects  probably  formed 
more  than  one-third  of  the  entire  population  of  the  globe, 
and  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  millions  of  souls.''' 

*  Mr  Merivale,  in  his  "  Histoi-y  of  the  Romans  under  tha  Empire,"  (voL 
iv.  p.  450,)  estimates  the  population  in  the  time  of  Augustus  at  eighty-five 
millions,  but  in  this  reckoning  he  does  not  include  Palestine,  and  perhaps 


4  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  AT 

His  empire  embraced  within  its  immense  circumference  the 
Lest  cultivated  and  tlie  most  civilised  portions  of  the  earth. 
The  remains  of  its  populous  cities,  its  great  fortresses,  its 
extensive  aqueducts,  and  its  stately  temples,  may  still  be 
pointed  out  as  the  memorials  of  its  grandeur.  The  capital 
was  connected  with  the  most  distant  provinces  by  carefully 
constructed  roads,  along  which  the  lemons  could  march 
with  ease  and  promptitude,  either  to  quell  an  internal  in- 
surrection, or  to  encounter  an  invading  enemy.  And  the 
military  resources  at  the  command  of  Augustus  were  abun- 
dantly sufficient  to  maintain  obedience  among  the  myriads 
whom  he  governed.  After  the  victory  of  Actium  he  was 
at  the  head  of  upwards  of  forty  veteran  legions  ;  and  though 
some  of  these  had  been  decimated  by  war,  yet,  when  re- 
cruited, and  furnished  with  their  full  complement  of  auxili- 
aries, they  constituted  a  force  of  little  less  than  half  a  million 
of  soldiers. 

The  arts  of  peace  now  flourished  under  the  sunshine  of 
imperial  patronage.  Augustus  could  boast,  towards  the  end 
of  his  reign,  that  he  had  converted  Eome  from  a  city  of 
brick  huts  into  a  city  of  marble  palaces.  The  wealth  of  the 
nobility  was  enormous ;  and,  excited  by  the  example  of  the 
Emperor  and  his  friend  Agrippa,  they  erected  and  decorated 
mansions  in  a  style  of  regal  magnificence.  The  taste 
cherished  in  the  capital  was  soon  widely  diffused;  and,  in 
a  comparatively  short  period,  many  new  and  gorgeous 
temples  and  cities  appeared  throughout  the  empire.  Herod 
the  Great  expended  vast  sums  on  architectural  improve- 
ments. The  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  rebuilt  under  his  ad- 
ministration, was  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world. 

The  century  terminating  wdth  the  death  of  Augustus 


some  of  his  calculations  are  rather  low.  Greswell  computes  the  population 
of  Palestine  at  ten  millions,  and  that  of  the  whole  empire  at  one  hundred  and 
twenty  millions.  ("Dissertations  upon  an  Harmony  of  the  Gospels,"  vol.  iv. 
p.  11,  493.) 


THE  TIME  OF  THE  BTKTH  OF  CHRIST.  5 

claims  an  undisputed  pre-eminence  in  tlie  history  of  Koman 
eloquence  and  literature.  Cicero,  the  prince  of  Latin  orators, 
now  delivered  those  addresses  which  perpetuate  his  fame ; 
Sallust  and  Livy  produced  works  which  are  still  regarded 
as  models  of  historic  composition ;  Horace,  Virgil,  and  others, 
acquired  celebrity  as  gifted  and  accomplished  poets.  Among 
the  subjects  fitted  to  exercise  and  expand  the  intellect,  reli- 
gion was  not  overlooked.  In  the  great  cities  of  the  empire 
many  were  to  be  found  who  devoted  themselves  to  meta- 
physical and  ethical  studies;  and  questions,  bearing  upon 
the  highest  interests  of  man,  were  discussed  in  the  schools  of 
the  philosophers. 

The  barbarous  nations  under  the  dominion  of  Augustus 
derived  many  advantages  from  their  connexion  with  the 
Eoman  empire.  They  had,  no  doubt,  often  reason  to  com- 
plain of  the  injustice  and  rapacity  of  provincial  governors; 
but,  on  the  whole,  they  had  a  larger  share  of  social  comfort 
than  they  could  have  enjoyed  had  they  preserved  their  inde- 
pendence ;  for  their  domestic  feuds  were  repressed  by  the 
presence  of  their  powerful  rulers,  and  the  imperial  armies 
were  at  hand  to  protect  them  against  foreign  aggression. 
By  means  of  the  constant  intercourse  kept  up  with  all  its 
dependencies,  the  skill  and  information  of  the  metropolis  of 
Italy  were  gradually  imparted  to  the  rude  tribes  imder  its 
sway,  and  thus  the  conquest  of  a  savage  country  by  the 
Romans  was  an  important  step  towards  its  civilisation.  The 
union  of  so  many  nations  in  a  great  state  was  otlierwise 
beneficial  to  society.  A  Roman  citizen  might  travel  without 
hindrance  from  Armenia  to  the  British  Channel ;  and  as  all 
the  countries  washed  by  the  Mediterranean  were  subject  to 
the  empire,  their  inhabitants  could  carry  on  a  regular  and 
prosperous  trafiic  by  availing  themselves  of  the  facilities  of 
navigation. 

The  conquests  of  Rome  modified  the  vernacular  dialects 
of  not  a  few  of  its  su1)jugatcd  provinces,  and  greatly  pro- 


6  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  AT 

moted  the  diffusion  of  Latin.  Tliat  language,  whicli  had 
gradually  spread  throughout  Italy  and  the  west  of  Europe, 
was  at  length  understood  by  persons  of  rank  and  education 
in  most  parts  of  the  empire.  But  in  the  time  of  Augustus, 
Greek  was  spoken  still  more  extensively.  Several  centuries 
before,  it  had  been  planted  in  all  the  countries  conquered  by 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  it  was  now,  not  only  the  most 
general,  but  also  the  most  fashionable  medium  of  communi- 
cation. Even  Eome  swarmed  with  learned  Greeks,  who 
employed  their  native  tongue  when  giving  instruction  in 
the  higher  branches  of  education.  Greece  itself,  however, 
was  considered  the  head-quarters  of  intellectual  cultivation, 
and  the  wealthier  Eomans  were  wont  to  send  their  sons  to 
its  celebrated  seats  of  learning,  to  improve  their  acquaintance 
with  philosophy  and  literature. 

The  Koman  Empire  in  the  time  of  Augustus  presents 
to  the  eye  of  contemplation  a  most  interesting  spectacle, 
whether  we  survey  its  territorial  magnitude,  its  political 
power,  or  its  intellectual  activity.  But  when  we  look  more 
minutely  at  its  condition,  we  may  discover  many  other 
strongly  marked  and  less  inviting  features.  That  stern 
patriotism,  which  imparted  so  much  dignity  to  the  old 
Eoman  character,  had  now  disappeared,  and  its  place  was 
occupied  by  ambition  or  covetousness.  Venality  reigned 
throughout  every  department  of  the  public  administration. 
Those  domestic  virtues,  which  are  at  once  the  ornaments 
and  the  strength  of  the  community,  were  comparatively 
rare ;  and  the  prevalence  of  luxury  and  licentiousness  pro- 
claimed the  unsafe  state  of  the  social  fabric.  There  was  a 
growing  disposition  to  evade  the  responsibilities  of  marriage, 
and  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Eome  deliberately  pre- 
ferred the  system  of  concubinage  to  the  state  of  wedlock. 
The  civil  wars,  which  had  created  such  confusion  and  in- 
volved such  bloodshed,  had  passed  away ;  but  the  peace 
which  followed  was,  rather  the  quietude  of  exhaustion,  than 
the  repose  of  contentment. 


THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST.  7 

The  state  of  the  Roman  Empire  about  the  time  of  the\ 
birth  of  Christ  abundantly  23roves  that  there  is  no  necessary  \ 
connexion  between  intellectual  refinement  and  social  re-   j 
generation.     The  cultivation  of  the  arts  and  sciences  in  the  " 
reign  of  Augustus  may  have  been  beneficial  to  a  few,  by 
diverting  them  from  the  pursuit  of  vulgar  pleasures,  and 
opening  up  to  them  sources  of  more  rational  enjoyment ; 
but  it  is  a  most  humiliating  fact  that,  during  the  brightest  i 
period  in  the  history  of  Roman  literature,  vice  in  every  form  \ 
was  fast  gaining  ground  among  almost  all  classes  of  the 
population.    The  Greeks,  though  occupying  a  higher  position 
as  to  mental  accomplishments,  were  still  more  dissolute  than 
the  Latins.    Among  them  literature  and  sensuality  appeared 
in  revolting  combination,  for  their  courtesans  were  their 
only  females  who  attended  to  the  culture  of  the  intellect.''" 

Nor  is  it  strange  that  the  Roman  Empire  at  this  period 
exhibited  such  a  scene  of  moral  pollution.  There  was  no- 
thing in  either  the  philosophy  or  the  religion  of  heathenism 
sufficient  to  counteract  the  influence  of  man's  native  depra- 
vity. In  many  instances  the  speculations  of  the  pagan 
sages  had  a  tendency,  rather  to  weaken,  than  to  sustain, 
the  authority  of  conscience.  After  unsettling  the  founda- 
tions of  the  ancient  superstition,  the  mind  was  left  in  doubt 
and  be^vilderment ;  for  the  votaries  of  what  was  called 
wisdom  entertained  widely  di9"erent  views  even  of  its  ele- 
mentary principles.  The  Epicureans,  who  formed  a  large 
section  of  the  intellectual  aristocracy,  denied  the  doctrine  of  j 
Providence,  and  pronounced  pleasure  to  be  the  ultimate  1 
end  of  man.  The  Academics  encouraged  a  spirit  of  disjDU- 
tatious  scepticism;  and  the  Stoics,  who  taught  that  the: 
practice  of,  what  they  rather  vaguely  designated,  virtue,], 
involves  its  own  reward,  discarded  the  idea  of  a  future  re- 
tribution.    Plato  had  still  a  goodly  number  of  disciples; 

*  Sec  the  article  'Eralpai  in  Smith's  "  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Anti- 
quities." 


8  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  AT 

and  thougli  his  doctrines,  containing  not  a  few  elements  of 
suljlimity  and  beauty,  exercised  a  Letter  influence,  it  must 
be  admitted,  after  all,  tliat  they  constituted  a  most  unsatis- 
factory system  of  cold  and  barren  mysticism.  The  ancient 
philosophers  delivered  many  excellent  moral  precepts;  but, 
as  they  wanted  the  light  of  revelation,  their  arguments  in 
support  of  duty  Avere  essentially  defective,  and  the  lessons 
which  they  taught  had  often  very  little  influence  either  on 
themselves  or  others.'"'  Their  own  conduct  seldom  marked 
them  out  as  greatly  superior  to  those  around  them,  so  that 
neither  their  instructions  nor  their  example  contributed 
efficiently  to  elevate  the  character  of  their  generation. 

Though  the  philosophers  fostered  a  spirit  of  inquiry,  yet, 
as  they  made  little  progress  in  the  discovery  of  truth,  they 
were  not  qualified  to  act  with  the  skill  and  energy  of  en- 
lightened reformers  ;  and,  whatever  may  have  been  the 
amount  of  their  convictions,  they  made  no  open  and  reso- 
lute attack  on  the  popular  mythology,  A  very  superficial 
examination  was,  indeed,  enough  to  shake  the  credit  of  the 
heathen  worship.  The  reflecting  subjects  of  the  Roman 
Empire  might  have  remarked  the  very  aAvkward  contrast 
between  the  multiplicity  of  their  deities,  and  the  unity  of 
their  political  government.  It  was  the  common  belief  that 
every  nation  had  its  own  divine  guardians,  and  that  the 
religious  rites  of  one  country  might  be  fully  acknowledged 
without  impugning  the  claims  of  those  of  another ;  but  still 
a  thinking  pagan  might  have  been  staggered  by  the  consi- 
deration that  a  human  being  had  apjDarently  more  extensive 
authority  than  some  of  his  celestial  overseers,  and  that  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  emperor  was  established  over  a 
more  ample  territory  than  that  which  was  assigned  to  many 
of  the  immortal  gods. 

*  "  We  desiMse,"  says  an  early  Christian  writer,  "  the  suiierciUous  looks  of 
philosophers,  whom  we  have  known  to  be  the  corrupters  of  innocence,  adul- 
terers, and  tyrants,  and  eloquent  declaimers  against  vices  of  which  they  thcm- 
sols'es  are  guilty." — Octavius  of  Miiiucius  Felix. 


THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST.  9 

But  the  multitude  of  its  divinities  was  by  no  means  tlie 
most  offensive  feature  of  heathenism.  The  gods  of  anti- 
quity, more  particularly  those  of  Greece,  were  of  an  infamous 
character.  Whilst  they  were  represented  by  their  votaries 
as  excelling  in  beauty  and  activity,  strength  and  intelli- 
gence, they  were  at  the  same  time  described  as  envious  and 
gluttonous,  base,  lustful,  and  revengeful.  Jupiter,  the  king 
of  the  gods,  was  deceitful  and  licentious ;  Juno,  the  queen 
of  heaven,  was  cruel  and  tyrannical.  What  could  be  ex- 
pected from  those  who  honoured  such  deities  1  Some  of 
the  wiser  heathens,  such  as  Plato,'"'  condemned  their  mytho- 
logy as  immoral,  for  the  conduct  of  one  or  other  of  the  gods 
might  have  been  quoted  in  vindication  of  every  species  of 
transgression;  and  had  the  Gentiles  but  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  their  own  heavenly  hierarchy,  they  might  have 
felt  themselves  warranted  in  pursuing  a  course  either  of  the 
most  diabolical  oppression,  or  of  the  most  abominable  pro- 
fligacy, t 

At  the  time  of  the  birth  of  our  Lord  even  the  Jews  had 
sunk  into  a  state  of  the  grossest  degeneracy.  They  were 
now  divided  into  sects,  two  of  which,  the  Pharisees  and  the 
Sadducees,  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  New  Testament. 
The  Pharisees  were  the  leading  denomination,  being  by  far 
the  most  numerous  and  powerful.  By  adding  to  the  writ- 
ten law  a  mass  of  absurd  or  frivolous  traditions,  which,  as 
they  foolishly  alleged,  were  handed  down  from  Moses,  they 
completely  subverted  the  authority  of  the  sacred  record,  and 
changed  the  religion  of  the  patriarchs  and  prophets  into  a 

*  "  De  Republ.,"  ii. 

t  In  the  "  Octavius  of  Minucius  Felix  "  (c.  25),  we  meet  with  the  following 
startling  challenge — "  Where  are  there  more  bargains  for  debauchery  made, 
more  assignations  concerted,  or  more  adultery  devised  than  b>/  the  priests  amidst 
the  altars  and  shrines  of  the  gods?"  This,  of  course,  refers  to  the  state  of 
things  in  the  thiixl  century,  but  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  it  was  now 
much  better.  TertuUian  speaks  in  the  same  manner  ("  Apol".  c.  15).  See  also 
"  Juvenal,"  sat.  vi.  488,  and  ix.  23. 


10  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  AT 

wearisome  parade  of  superstitious  observances.  The  Sad- 
ducees  were  comparatively  few,  but  as  a  large  proportion  of 
them  were  persons  of  rank  and  wealth,  they  possessed  a 
much  greater  amount  of  influence  than  their  mere  numbers 
would  have  enabled  them  to  command.     It  has  been  said 

\  that  they  admitted  the  divine  authority  only  of  the  Penta- 
teuch,* and  though  it  may  be  doubted  whether  they  openly 
ventured  to  deny  the  claims  of  all  the  other  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  it  is  certain  that  they  discarded  the  doctrine 
of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,t  and  that  they  were  disposed 
to  self-indulgence  and  to  scepticism.  There  was  another 
still  smaller  Jewish  sect,  that  of  the  Essenes,  of  which  there 
is  no  direct  mention  in  the  New  Testament.  The  members 
of  this  community  resided  chiefly  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  and  as  our  Lord  seldom  visited  that  quarter 
of  the  country,  it  would  appear  that,  during  the  course  of 
His  23nblic  ministry,  He  rarely  or  never  came  in  contact  with 
these  religionists.  Some  of  them  were  married,  but  the 
greater  number  lived  in  cehbacy,  and  spent  much  of  their 
time  in  contemplation.     They  are  said  to  have  had  a  com- 

\  mon-stock  purse,  and  their  course  of  life  closely  resembled 

\  that  of  the  monks  of  after-times. 

Though  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  were  now  sunk  in  sensuality 
or  superstition,  there  were  still  some  among  them,  such  as 
Simeon  and  Anna,  noticed  in  the  Gospel  of  Luke,f  who  were 
taught  of  God,  and  who  exliibited  a  spirit  of  vital  piety. 
"  The  law  of  the  Lord  is  perfect  converting  the  soul,"  and  as 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament  were  committed  to  the 
keeping  of  the  posterity  of  Abraham,  there  were  "  hidden 
ones"  here  and  there  who  discovered  the  way  to  heaven  by 
the  perusal  of  these  "lively  oracles."  We  have  reason  to 
believe  that  the  Jews  were  faithful  conservators  of  the 
inspired  volume,  as  Christ  uniformly  takes  for  granted  the 

*  "  Origen.  Contra  Celsum,"  lib.  i.  c.  49. 

t  Mat.  xxii.  23.  J  Luke  ii.  25,  36. 


THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CIiraST.  11 

accuracy  of  their  "Scriptures.""'  It  is  an  imjiortant  fact 
that  they  did  not  admit  into  their  canon  the  writings  now 
known  under  the  designation  of  the  Apocrypha.\  Nearly 
three  hundred  years  before  the  appearance  of  our  Lord,  the 
Old  Testament  had  been  translated  into  the  Greek  language, 
and  thus,  at  this  period,  the  educated  portion  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Roman  Empire  had  all  an  opportunity  of  becoming 
acquainted  with  the  religion  of  the  chosen  people.  The  Jews  | 
were  now  scattered  over  the  earth,  and  as  they  erected 
synagogues  in  the  cities  where  they  settled,  the  Gentile 
world  had  ample  means  of  information  in  reference  to  their 
faith  and  worship. 

AVhilst  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews  disseminated  a  know- 
ledge of  their  religion,  it  likewise  suggested  the  approaching 
dissolution  of  the  Mosaic  economy,  as  it  was  apparent  that 
their  present  circumstances  absolutely  required  another 
ritual.  It  could  not  be  expected  that  individuals  dwelling 
in  distant  countries  could  meet  three  times  in  the  year  at 
Jerusalem  to  celebrate  the  great  festivals.  The  Israelites 
themselves  had  a  presentiment  of  coming  changes,  and 
anxiously  awaited  the  appearance  of  a  Messiah.  They  were 
actuated  by  an  extraordinary  zeal'  for  proselytism,|  and 
though  their  scrupulous  adherence  to  a  stern  code  of  cere- 

*  See  ]\Iatt.  v.  18  ;  John  v.  39,  and  x.  35. 

+  See  Josephus  against  Apiou,  i.  §  8.  Origan  says  that  the  Hebrews  had 
twenty-two  sacred  books  corresponding  to  the  number  of  letters  in  their 
alphabet.  Opera,  ii.  528.  It  would  appeal-  from  Jerome  that  they  reckoned 
in  the  following  manner  :  they  considered  the  Twelve  Minor  Prophets  only  one 
book  ;  First  and  Second  Samuel,  one  book  ;  First  and  Second  Kings,  one  book  ; 
First  and  Second  Chronicles,  one  book  ;  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  one  book  ;  Jere- 
miah and  Lamentations,  one  book ;  the  Pentateuch,  five  books  ;  Judges  and 
Ruth,  one  book ;  thus,  with  the  other  ten  books  of  Joshua,  Esther,  Job, 
Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles,  Isaiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Daniel,  making 
up  twenty-two.  The  most  learned  Roman  Catholic  wi'iters  admit  that  what 
are  called  the  apocryphal  books  were  never  acknowledged  by  the  Jewish 
Church.  See,  for  example,  Dupin's  "  History  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,"  Pre- 
liminary Dissertation,  section  ii.  See  also  Father  Simon's  "  Critical  History 
of  the  Old  Testament,"  book.  i.  chap.  viii. 

X  Matt,  xxiii.  15. 


12  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  AT 

monies  often  exposed  tliem  to  much  obloquy,  they  succeeded, 
notwitstanding,  in  making  many  converts  in  most  of  the 
places  where  they  resided.*  A  prominent  article  of  their 
creed  was  adopted  in  a  quarter  where  their  theology  other- 
wise found  no  favour,  for  the  Unity  of  the  Great  First  Cause 
was  now  distinctly  acknowledged  in  the  schools  of  the 
philosophers.! 

From  the  preceding  statements  we  may  see  the  peculiar 

significance  of  the  announcement  that  God  sent  forth  His 

Son  into  the  world  "  vjhen  the  fulness  of  the  time  ivas  come."\ 

Various  predictions  §  pointed  out  this  age  as  the  period  of 

the  Messiah's  Advent,  and  Gentiles,  as  well  as  Jews,  seem 

by  some  means  to  have  caught  up  the  expectation  that  an 

extraordinary  personage  was  now  about  to  appear  on  the 

theatre  of  human  existence.  ||     Providence   had  obviously 

prepared  the  way  for  the  labours  of  a  religious  reformer. 

trhe  civil  wars  which  had  convulsed  the  state  were  now 

ialmost  forgotten,  and  though  the  hostile  movements  of  the 

/Germans,  and  other  barbarous  tribes  on  the  confines  of  the 

I  empire,  occasionally  created  uneasiness  or  alarm,  the  public 

;■  mind    was   generally  unoccupied   by  any  great   topic   of 

!  absorbing  interest.     Iii  the  populous  cities  the  multitude 

\  languished  for  excitement,  and  sought  to  dissipate  the  time 

Vin  the  forum,  the  circus,  or  the  amphitheatre.     At  such  a 

prisis  the  heralds  of  the  most  gracious  message  that  ever 

greeted  the  ears  of  men  might  hope  for  a  patient  hearing. 

Even  the  consolidation   of  so   many  nations   under   one 

government  tended  to  "  the  furtherance  of  the  gospel,"  for 

*  ]\Iany  proofs  of  this  occur  in  the  Acts.  See  Acts  x.  2,  xiii.  43,  svi.  14> 
xvii.  4. 

t  See  Cudworth's  "  Intellectual  System,"  i.  318,  &c.  Edition,  London,  1845, 
Warburton  has  adduced  evidence  to  2'rove  that  this  doctrine  was  imjiarted  to 
the  initiated  in  the  heathen  mysteries.  "  Divine  Legation  of  Moses,"  i.  224. 
Edit.,  London,  1837.  J  Gal.  iv.  4. 

§  Gen.  xlix.  10  ;  Dan.  ix.  25  ;  Ilaggai  ii.  6,  7. 

II  Virgil.  Ec.  iv.     Suetonius.  Octavius,  94.     Tacitus.  Histor.  v.  13. 


THE  TIME  OF  THE  BIRTH  OF  CHRIST.  13 

tliG  gigantic  roads,  which  radiated  from  Rome  to  the  distaiit 
regions  of  the  east  and  of  the  west,  facilitated  intercourse ; 
and  the  messengers  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  could  travel  from 
country  to  country  without  suspicion  and  without  passports. 
And  well  might  the  Son  of  God  be  called  "  The  desire  of 
all  nations."  ^''  Though  the  wisest  of  the  pagan  sages  could 
not  have  described  the  renovation  which  the  human  family 
required,  and  though,  when  the  Redeemer  actually  appeared, 
He  was  despised  and  rejected  of  men,  there  was,  withal,  a 
wide  spread  conviction  that  a  Saviour  w^as  required,  and 
there  was  a  lonmnci:  for  deliverance  from  the  evils  which 
oppressed  society.  The  ancient  superstitions  were  rapidly 
losing  their  hold  on  the  affection  and  confidence  of  the 
people,  and  whilst  the  light  of  philosophy  was  sufficient  to 
discover  the  absurdities  of  the  prevailing  polytheism,  it 
failed  to  reveal  any  more  excellent  way  of  purity  and  com- 
fort. The  ordinances  of  Judaism,  which  were  "  waxing  old  " 
and  "  ready  to  vanish  away,"  were  types  which  were  still 
unfulfilled ;  and  though  they  pointed  out  the  path  to  glory, 
they  requii^ed  an  interpreter  to  expound  their  import.  This 
Great  Teacher  now  appeared.  He  was  born  in  very  humble 
cii'cum  stances,  and  yet  He  was  the  heir  of  an  empire  be- 
yond comparison  more  illustrious  than  that  of  the  Csesars. 
"  There  was  given  him  dominion,  and  glory,  and  a  kingdom, 
that  all  people,  nations,  and  languages,  should  serve  him ; 
his  dominion  is  an  everlasting  dominion,  which  shall  not 
pass  away,  and  his  kingdom  that  which  shall  not  be  de- 
stroyed." t 

*  Haggai  ii.  7.  t  Dan.  vii.  14, 


CHAPTER    11. 

THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

Nearly  three  years  before  the  commencement  of  our  era,''' 
Jesus  Christ  was  bom.  The  Holy  Child  was  introduced 
into  the  world  under  circumstances  extremely  humiliating. 
A  decree  had  gone  forth  from  Csesar  Augustus  that  all  the 
Roman  Empire  shoidd  be  taxed,  and  the  Jews,  as  a  con- 
quered people,  were  obliged  to  submit  to  an  arrangement 
which  proclaimed  their  national  degradation.  The  reputed 
parents  of  Jesus  resided  at  Nazareth,  a  toAvn  of  Galilee ; 
but,  as  they  were  "  of  the  house  and  lineage  of  David,"  they 
were  obliged  to  repair  to  Bethlehem,  a  village  about  six 
miles  south  of  Jerusalem,  to  be  entered  in  their  proper 
place  in  the  imperial  registry.  "  And  so  it  was,  that,  while 
they  were  there,  the  days  were  accomplished  that  Mary 
should  be  delivered,  and  she  brought  forth  her  first-born 
son,  and  wrapped  him  in  swaddling  clothes,  and  laid  him  in 
a  manger;  because  there  was  no  room  for  them  in  the 
inn."t 

This  child  of  poverty  and  of  a  despised  race,  born  in  the 
stable  of  the  lodging-house  of  an  insignificant  town  belong- 
ing to  a  conquered  province,  did  not  enter  upon  life  sur- 
rounded by  associations  which  betokened  a  career  of  earthly 
prosperity.  But  intimations  were  not  wanting  that  the 
Son  of  ]\Iary  was  regarded  with  the  deepest  interest  by  the 
inhabitants  of  heaven.    An  angel  had  appeared  to  announce 

*  See  Supplementary  Note  at  the  end  of  this  chapter  on  the  year  of 
Christ's  Birth.  f  Luke  ii.  6,  7. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  15 

the  conception  of  the  individual  who  was  to  be  the  herald 
of  his  ministry  '/'  and  another  angel  had  been  sent  to  give 
notice  of  the  incarnation  of  this  Great  Deliverer.t  When  He 
was  born,  the  angel  of  the  Lord  communicated  the  tidings 
to  shepherds  in  the  plains  of  Bethlehem ;  "  and  suddenly 
there  w^as  with  the  angel  a  multitude  of  the  heavenly  host 
praising  God  and  saying — Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and 
on  earth  peace,  good  will  toward  men."  J  Inanimate  nature 
called  attention  to  the  advent  of  the  illustrious  babe,  for  a 
wonderful  star  made  known  to  wise  men  from  the  east  the 
incarnation  of  the  King  of  Israel ;  and  when  they  came  to 
Jerusalem  "  the  star,  which  they  saw  in  the  east,  went  be- 
fore them,  till  it  came  and  stood  over  where  the  young  child 
was."§  The  history  of  these  eastern  sages  cannot  now  be 
explored,  and  we  know  not  on  what  grounds  they  regarded 
the  star  as  the  sign  of  the  Messiah ;  but  they  rightly  inter- 
preted the  appearance,  and  the  narrative  warrants  us  to 
infer  that  they  acted  under  the  guidance  of  divine  illumi- 
nation. As  they  were  "  warned  of  God  in  a  dream "  ||  to 
return  to  their  own  country  another  way,  we  may  presume 
that  they  were  originally  directed  by  some  similar  commu- 
nication to  undertake  the  journey.  It  is  probable  that  they 
did  not  belong  to  the  stock  of  Abraham ;  and  if  so,  their 
visit  to  the  babe  at  Bethlehem  may  be  recognised  as  the 
harbinger  of  the  union  of  Jews  and  Gentiles  under  the  new 
economy.  The  presence  of  these  Orientals  in  Jerusalem 
attracted  the  notice  of  the  watchful  and  jealous  tyrant  who 
then  occupied  the  throne  of  Judea.  Their  story  filled  him 
A\dth  alarm  ;  and  his  subjects  anticipated  some  tremendous 
outbreak  of  his  suspicions  and  savage  temper.  "  When  the 
king  had  heard  these  things  he  was  troubled,  and  all  Jeru- 
salem with  him."  IF     His  rage  soon  vented  itself  in  a  terrible 

*  Luke  i.  11,  19.  t  Luke  I.  26,  31. 

t  Luke  ii.  13,  14.  §  Matt.  ii.  9.  ||  Matt.  ii.  12. 

1"  Matt.  ii.  3.     The  evangelist  does  not  positively  assert  that  the  wise  men 


16  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

explosion.  Having  ascertained  from  the  chief  priests  and 
scribes  of  the  people  where  Christ  was  to  be  born,  he  "  sent 
forth  and  slew  all  the  children  that  were  in  Bethlehem,  and 
in  all  the  coasts  thereof,  from  two  years  old  and  under."  '"' 

Joseph  and  Mary,  in  accordance  with  a  message  from 
heaven,  had  meanwhile  fled  towards  the  border  of  Egypt, 
and  thus  the  holy  infant  escaped  this  carnage.  The  wise 
men,  on  the  occasion  of  their  visit,  had  "  opened  their  trea- 
sures," and  had  "  presented  unto  him  gifts,  gold,  and  frank- 
incense, and  myrrh,"  t  so  that  the  poor  travellers  had  provi- 
dentially obtained  means  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  their 
journey.  The  slaughter  of  the  babes  of  Bethlehem  was  one 
of  the  last  acts  of  the  bloody  reign  of  Herod ;  and,  on  his 
demise,  the  exiles  were  divinely  instructed  to  return,  and 
the  child  was  presented  in  the  temple.  This  ceremony 
evoked  new  testimonies  to  His  high  mission.  On  His  ap- 
pearance in  His  Father's  house,  the  aged  Simeon,  moved  by 
the  Spirit  from  on  high,  embraced  Him  as  the  promised 
Shiloh  ;  and  Anna,  the  prophetess,  likewise  gave  thanks  to 
God,  and  "  spake  of  him  to  all  them  that  looked  for  redemp- 
tion in  Jerusalem."  J     Thus,  whilst  the  Old  Testament  pre- 

met  Herod  at  Jerusalem.  On  their  arrival  in  the  holy  city  he  was  probably  at 
Jericho — distant  about  a  day's  journey — for  Josephus  states  that  he  died 
there.  ("  Antiq."  xvii.  6.  §  5.  and  8,  §  1.)  We  may  infer,  therefore,  that  he 
"  heard "  of  the  strangers  on  his  sick-bed,  and  "  privily  called "  them  to 
Jericho.  The  chief  priests  and  scribes  were,  perhaps,  summoned  to  attend 
him  at  the  same  place. 

*  Matt.  ii.  16.  The  estimates  formed  at  a  subsequent  period  of  the  number 
of  infants  in  the  village  of  Betlalehem  and  its  precincts  betray  a  strange 
ignorance  of  statistics.  "  The  Greek  Chm-ch  canonised  the  14,000  innocents," 
observes  the  Dean  of  St  Paul's,  "  and  another  notion,  founded  on  a  misrepre- 
sentation of  Revelations  (xiv.  3),  swelled  the  number  to  144,000.  The  former, 
at  least,  was  the  common  belief  of  our  Church,  though  even  in  our  liturgy  the 
latter  has  in  some  degree  been  sanctioned  by  retaining  the  chapter  of  Revela- 
tions as  the  epistle  for  the  day.  Even  later,  Jeremy  Taylor,  in  his  "  Life  of 
Christ,"  admits  the  14,000  without  scruple,  or  rather  without  thought." — Mil- 
man's  History  of  Christianity,  i.  p.  113,  note.  f  Matt.  ii.  11. 

X  Luke  ii.  38.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  in  the  year  751  of  the  city  of  Rome, 
the  year  of  the  Birth  of  Christ  according  to  the  chronology  adopted  in  this 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  17 

dictions  pointed  to  Jesus  as  tlie  Christ,  living  prophets 
appeared  to  interpret  these  sacred  oracles,  and  to  bear  wit- 
ness to  the  claims  of  the  new-born  Saviour. 

Though  the  Son  of  Mary  was  beyond  all  comparison  the 
most  extraordinary  personage  that  ever  appeared  on  earth, 
it  is  remarkable  that  the  sacred  writers  enter  into  scarcely 
any  details  respecting  the  history  of  His  infancy.  His  youth, 
or  His  early  manhood.  They  tell  us  that  "  the  child  grew 
and  waxed  strong  in  spirit,"*  and  that  He  "  increased  in 
wisdom  and  stature,  and  in  favour  with  God  and  man ;  "t 
but  they  do  not  minutely  trace  the  progress  of  His  mental 
development,  neither  do  they  gratify  any  feeling  of  mere 
curiosity  by  giving  us  His  infantile  biography.  In  what  is 
omitted  by  the  penmen  of  the  New  Testament,  as  well  as  in 
what  is  written,  we  must  acknowledge  the  guidance  of  inspi- 
ration; and  though  we  might  have  perused  with  avidity  a 
description  of  the  pursuits  of  Jesus  when  a  child,  such  a  record 
has  not  been  deemed  necessary  for  the  illustration  of  the 
work  of  redemption.  It  would  appear  that  He  spent  about 
thirty  years  on  earth  almost  unnoticed  and  unknown ;  and 
He  seems  to  have  been  meanwhile  trained  to  the  occupation 
of  a  carpenter.J  The  obscurity  of  His  early  career  must 
doubtless  be  regarded  as  one  part  of  His  humiliation.  But 
the  circumstances  in  which  He  was  placed  enabled  Him  to 
exhibit  more  clearly  the  divinity  of  His  origin.  He  did  not 
receive  a  liberal  education,  so  that  when  He  came  forward 
as  a  public  teacher  "  the  Jews  marvelled,  saying — How 
knoweth  this  man  letters  havmg  never  learned  f'^  When 
He  was  only  twelve  years  old,  He  was  "  found  in  the  temple 

volume,  the  passover  was  not  celebrated  as  usual  in  Juclea.  Tlie  disturbances 
which  occurred  on  the  death  of  Herod  had  become  so  serious  on  the  arrival  of 
the  paschal  day,  that  Archelaus  was  obliged  to  disperse  the  people  by  force  of 
arms  in  the  very  midst  of  the  sacrifices.  So  soon  did  Christ  begin  to  cause 
the  sacrifice  and  the  oblation  to  cease.  See  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  i.  p 
393,  394,  note. 

*  Luke  ii.  40.  t  Luke  ii.  52.  ;  Mark  vi.  3.  §  John  vii.  15. 

B 


18  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

sitting  in  tlie  midst  of  the  doctors,  Loth  hearing  them,  and 
asking  them  questions ;  and  all  that  heard  Him  were  as- 
tonished at  His  understanding  and  answers."'"'  As  He  grew 
up,  He  was  distinguished  by  His  diligent  attendance  in  the 
house  of  God  ;  and  it  seems  not  improbable  that  He  was  in 
the  habit  of  officiating  at  public  worship  by  assisting  in  the 
reading  of  the  law  and  the  prophets  ;  for  we  are  told  that, 
shortly  after  the  commencement  of  His  ministry,  "  He  came 
to  Nazareth,  where  he  had  been  brought  up,  and,  as  his 
custom  was,  he  went  into  the  synagogue  on  the  Sabbath- 
day,  and  stood  up  for  to  read."f 

When  He  was  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  immediately 
before  His  public  appearance  as  a  prophet,  our  Lord  was  bap- 
tized of  John  in  Jordan.  J  The  Baptist  did  not,  perhaps, 
preach  longer  than  six  months,§  but  it  is  probable  that 
during  his  imprisonment  of  considerably  upwards  of  a  year, 
he  still  contributed  to  prepare  the  way  of  Christ;  for,  in 
the  fortress  of  Machaerus  in  which  he  was  incarcerated,  || 
he  was  not  kept  in  utter  ignorance  of  passing  occurrences, 
and  when  permitted  to  hold  intercourse  with  his  friends,  he 
would  doubtless  direct  their  special  attention  to  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Great  Prophet.  The  claims  of  John,  as  a 
teacher  sent  from  God,  were  extensively  acknowledged; 
and  therefore  his  recognition  of  our  Lord  as  the  promised 
Messiah,  must  have  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  minds 
of  the  Israelites.     The  miracles  of  our  Saviom-  corroborated 

*  Luke  ii.  46,  47.  f  Luke  iv.  16. 

t  Luke  iii.  21-23.  "  It  became  Him,  being  in  the  likeness  of  sinful  flesh,  to 
go  through  these  appointed  rites  and  purifications  which  belonged  to  that 
flesh.  There  is  no  more  strangeness  in  His  having  been  baptized  by  John, 
than  in  His  keeping  the  Passover.  The  one  rite,  as  the  other,  belonged  to 
sinners,  and  among  the  transgressors  He  was  numbered." — Alford,  Greek 
Testament,  Note  on  Matt.  iii.  13-17. 

§  See  Greswell's  "  Dissertations  upon  an  Harmony  of  the  Gospels,"  vol.  i.  p. 
362,  363.  John  probably  commenced  his  ministry  about  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, A.D.  27. 

y  See  Josephus,  "  Autiq."  xviii.  5,  §  2. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  li) 

the  testimouy  of  His  forerunner,  and  created  a  deep  sensa- 
tion. He  healed  "all  manner  of  sickness,  and  all  manner 
of  disease."'"  It  was,  consequently,  not  strange  that  "His 
fame  went  throughout  all  Syria,"  and  that  "  tliere  followed 
him  great  multitudes  of  people,  from  Galilee,  and  from 
Decapohs,  and  from  Jerusalem,  and  from  Judea,  and  from 
beyond  Jordan."! 

Even  when  the  Most  High  reveals  himself  there  is  some- 
thing mysterious  in  the  manifestation,  so  that,  whilst  we 
acknowledge  the  tokens  of  His  presence,  we  may  well  exclaim 
— "  Verily  thou  art  a  God  that  hidest  thyself,  0  God  of 
Israel,  the  Saviour."  J  When  He  displayed  His  glory  in  the 
temple  of  old,  He  filled  it  with  thick  darkness  ;§  when  He 
delivered  the  sure  word  of  prophecy,  He  employed  strange 
and  misty  language;  when  He  announced  the  Gospel  it- 
self. He  uttered  some  things  hard  to  be  understood.  It 
might  have  been  said,  too,  of  the  Son  of  God,  when  He  ap- 
peared on  earth,  that  His  "  footsteps  were  not  known."  In 
early  life  He  does  not  seem  to  have  arrested  the  attention 
of  His  own  townsmen ;  and  when  He  came  forward  to  assert 
His  claims  as  the  Messiah,  He  did  not  overawe  or  dazzle  his 
countrymen  by  any  sustained  demonstration  of  tremendous 
power  or  of  overwhelming  splendour.  To-day  the  multi- 
tude beheld  His  mii^acles  with  wonder,  but  to-morrow  they 
could  not  tell  ^^diere  to  meet  with  Him;  ||  ever  and  anon  He 
appeared  and  disappeared;  and  occasionally  His  own  dis- 
ciples found  it  difficult  to  discover  the  place  of  His  retire- 
ment. Wlien  He  arrived  in  a  district,  thousands  often 
hastily  gathered  around  Him; IF  but  He  never  encouraged 
the  attendance  of  vast  assemblages  by  giving  general  notice 
that,  in  a  specified  place  and  on  an  appointed  day.  He  would 
deliver  a  pubhc  address,  or  perform  a  new  and  unprece- 

•  Matt.  iv.  23.     +  Matt.  iv.  24,  25.     %  Isaiah  xlv.  15.     §  1  Kings  viii.  10-12. 
II  John  V.  13,  vi.  15,  viii.  59,  xii.  3G  ;  Mark  i.  45,  vii.  24. 
1  Mark  ii.  1,  2  ;  Matt.  xiv.  13,  14,  21,  xv.  32,  38,  39. 


20  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

dented  miracle.  We  may  here  see  the  wisdom  of  Him  who 
"  doeth  all  things  well."  Whilst  the  secresy  with  which 
He  conducted  His  movements  baffled  any  premature  at- 
tempts on  the  part  of  His  enemies,  to  effect  His  capture  or 
condemnation,  it  also  checked  that  intense  popular  excite- 
ment which  a  ministry  so  extraordinary  might  have  been 
expected  to  awaken. 

Four  inspired  writers  have  given  separate  accounts  of 
the  life  of  Christ — all  repeat  many  of  His  wonderful  sayings 
— all  dwell  with  marked  minuteness  on  the  circumstances 
of  His  death — and  all  attest  the  fact  of  His  resurrection. 
Each  mentions  some  things  which  the  others  have  omitted  ; 
and  each  apparently  observes  the  order  of  time  in  the 
details  of  his  narrative.  But  when  we  combine  and  arrange 
their  various  statements,  so  as  to  form  the  whole  into  one 
regular  and  comprehensive  testimony,  we  discover  that 
there  are  not  a  few  periods  of  His  life  still  left  utterly  blank 
in  point  of  incidents  ;  and  that  there  is  no  reference  what- 
ever to  topics  which  we  might  have  expected  to  find  par- 
ticularly noticed  in  the  biography  of  so  eminent  a  person- 
age. After  His  appearance  as  a  public  teacher,  He  seems, 
not  only  to  have  made  sudden  transitions  from  place  to 
place,  but  otherwise  to  have  often  courted  the  shade  ;  and, 
instead  of  unfolding  the  circumstances  of  His  private  his- 
tory, the  evangelists  dwell  chiefly  on  His  Discoiu\ses  and  His 
Miracles.  During  His  ministry,  Capernaum  was  His  head- 
quarters ;'"'  but  we  cannot  positively  tell  with  whom  He 
lodged  in  that  place ;    nor  whether  the  twelve  sojourned 

*  ilatt.  iv.  13.  Hence  it  is  said  to  have  been  "exalted  unto  heaven"  in  the 
way  of  privilege.  ]\Iatt.  xi.  23  ;  Luke  x.  15.  It  was  the  residence  as  well  of 
Peter  and  Andrew  (Matt.  xvii.  24),  as  of  James,  John  (Mark  i.  21,  29),  and 
Matthew  (Mark  ii.  1,  14,  15),  and  there  also  dwelt  the  nobleman  whose  son  was 
healed  by  our  Lord  (John  iv.  46).  It  was  on  the  borders  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee, 
so  that  by  ci-ossing  the  water  He  could  at  once  reach  the  territory  of  another 
potentate,  and  withdraw  Himself  from  the  multitudes  drawn  together  by  the 
fame  of  His  miracles.     See  Mill  nan's  "  History  of  Christianity,"  i.  188. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  2 1 

there  under  the  same  roof  with  Him  ;  nor  how  much  time 
He  spent  in  it  at  any  particular  period.  We  camiot  point 
out  the  precise  route  wliich  He  pursued  on  any  occasion 
when  itineratino'  throusjhout  Galilee  or  Judea ;  neither  are 
we  sure  that  He  always  journeyed  on  foot,  or  that  He  ad- 
hered to  a  uniform  mode  of  travellino;.  It  is  most  sinmilar 
that  the  inspired  writers  throw  out  no  hint  on  which  an 
artist  might  seize  as  the  groundwork  of  a  painting  of  Jesus. 
As  if  to  teach  us  more  emphatically  that  we  should  l3eware 
of  a  sensuous  superstition,  and  that  we  should  direct  our 
thoughts  to  the  spiritual  features  of  His  character,  the  New 
Testament  never  mentions  either  the  colour  of  His  hair,  or 
the  height  of  His  stature,  or  the  cast  of  His  countenance. 
How  wonderful  that  even  "  the  beloved  disciple,"  who  was 
permitted  to  lean  on  the  bosom  of  the  Son  of  man,  and 
who  had  seen  Him  in  the  most  trying  circumstances  of  His 
earthly  history,  never  speaks  of  the  tones  of  His  voice,  or 
of  the  expression  of  His  eye,  or  of  any  striking  peculiarity 
pertaining  to  His  personal  aj^pearance !  The  silence  of  all 
the  evangelists  respecting  matters  of  which  at  least  some  of 
them  must  have  retained  a  very  vivid  remembrance,  and  of 
which  ordinary  biographers  would  not  have  failed  to  pre- 
serve a  record,  supplies  an  indirect  and  yet  a  most  power- 
ful proof  of  the  Divine  origin  of  the  Gospels. 

But  whilst  the  sacred  writers  enter  so  sparingly  into  per- 
sonal details,  they  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  perfect  integrity 
which  marked  every  part  of  our  Lord's  proceedings.  He 
was  born  in  a  degenerate  age,  and  brought  up  in  a  city  of 
Galilee  which  had  a  character  so  infamous  that  no  good 
thing  was  expected  to  proceed  from  it  ;*  and  yet,  like  a 
ray  of  purest  light  shining  into  some  den  of  uncleanness. 
He  contracted  no  defilement  from  the  scenes  of  pollution 
which  He  was  obliged  to  witness.  Even  in  boyhood,  He 
must  have  uniformly  acted  mth  supreme  discretion ;   for 

*  John  i.  46. 


22  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

tliougli  His  enemies  from  time  to  time  gave  vent  to  their 
malignity  in  various  accusations,  we  do  not  read  that  they 
ever  sought  to  cast  so  much  as  a  sohtary  stain  upon  His 
youthful  reputation.  The  most  malicious  of  the  Jews  failed 
to  fasten  upon  Him  in  after  life  any  charge  of  immorality. 
Among  those  constantly  admitted  to  His  familiar  inter- 
course, a  traitor  was  to  be  found ;  and  had  Judas  been  able 
to  detect  anything  in  His  private  deportment  inconsistent 
with  His  public  profession,  he  would  doubtless  have  pro- 
claimed it  as  an  apology  for  his  perfidy ;  but  the  keen  eye 
of  that  close  observer  could  not  discover  a  single  blemish 
in  the  character  of  his  Master ;  and,  when  prompted  by 
covetousness,  he  betrayed  Him  to  the  chief  priests,  the 
thought  of  having  been  accessory  to  the  death  of  one  so 
kind  and  so  holy,  continued  to  torment  him,  until  it  drove 
him  to  despair  and  to  self-destruction. 

The  doctrine  inculcated  by  our  Lord  commended  itself  by 
the  lio'ht  of  its  own  evidence.  It  was  nothino-  more  than  a 
lucid  and  comprehensive  exposition  of  the  theology  of  the 
Old  Testament;  and  yet  it  presented  such  a  new  view  of 
the  faith  of  patriarchs  and  of  prophets,  that  it  had  all  the 
freshness  and  interest  of  an  original  revelation.  It  dis- 
covered a  most  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  mental  con- 
stitution of  man — it  appealed  with  mighty  power  to  the 
conscience — and  it  was  felt  to  be  exactly  adapted  to  the 
moral  state  and  to  the  spiritual  wants  of  the  human  family. 
The  disciples  of  Jesus  did  not  require  to  be  told  that  He  had 
"  the  key  of  knowledge,"  for  they  were  delighted  and  edified 
as  "  He  opened"  to  them  the  Scriptures.'"'  He  taught  the 
multitude  "as  one  having  authority ;"t  and  they  were 
"  astonished  at  His  doctrine."  The  discourses  of  the  Scribes, 
their  most  learned  instructors,  were  meagre  and  vapid — 
they  were  not  calculated  to  enlarge  the  mind  or  to  move  the 
affections — they  consisted  frequently  of  doubtful  disputa- 

*  Luke  xxiv.  32.  t  Matt.  vii.  29. 


THE  LIFE  OP  CHRIST.  23 

tions  relating  to  the  ceremonials  of  their  worship — and  the 
very  air  with  which  they  were  delivered  betrayed  the  insig- 
nificance of  the  topics  of  discussion.  But  Jesus  spake  with 
a  dignity  which  commanded  respect,  and  with  the  deep 
seriousness  of  a  great  Teacher  delivering  to  perishing  sinners 
tidings  of  unutterable  consequence. 

There  was  something  singularly  beautiful  and  attractive, 
as  well  as  majestic  and  impressive,  in  the  teaching  of  our 
Lord.  The  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is  a  most  pleasing  speci- 
men of  His  method  of  conveying  instruction.  Whilst  He 
gives  utterance  to  sentiments  of  exalted  wisdom,  He  employs 
language  so  simple,  and  imagery  so  chaste  and  natural,  that 
even  a  child  takes  a  pleasure  in  perusing  His  address. 
There  is  reason  to  think  that  He  did  not  begin  to  speak  in 
parables  until  a  considerable  time  after  He  had  entered  upon 
His  ministry.'''  By  these  symbohcal  discourses  He  at  once 
blinded  the  eyes  of  His  enemies,  and  furnished  materials  for 
profitable  meditation  to  His  genuine  disciples.  The  parables^) 
like  the  light  of  prophecy,  are,  to  this  very  day,  a  beacon  to' 
the  Church,  and  a  stumbling-block  to  imbelievers. 

The  claims  of  Jesus  as  the  Christ  were  decisively  esta- 
blished by  the  Divine  power  which  He  manifested.  It  had 
been  foretold  that  certain  extraordinary  recoveries  from 
disease  and  infirmity  would  be  witnessed  in  the  days  of  the 
Messiah  ;  and  these  predictions  were  now  literally  fulfilled. 
The  eyes  of  the  blind  were  opened,  and  the  ears  of  the  deaf 
were  unstopped ;  the  lame  man  leaped  as  an  hart,  and  the 
tongue  of  the  dumb  sano-.t  Not  a  few  of  the  cures  of  our 
Saviour  were  wrought  on  individuals  to  whom  He  was  per- 
sonally unlmown;;]:  and  many  of  His  works  of  wonder  were 
performed  in  the  presence  of  friends  and  foes.§     Whilst  His 

*  According  to  Mr  Greswell  our  Lord  adopted  this  method  of  teaching 
about  eighteen  months  after  the  commencement  of  His  ministry,  and  the 
Parable  of  the  Sower  was  the  first  delivered.  "  Exposition  of  the  Parables," 
vol.  i.  p.  2.  t  Isa.  XXXV.  5,  G. 

X  See  John  v.  13,  ix.  1,  6,  25,  3G.  ^  Mark  ii.  G,  7,  10,  11,  iii.  5,  22. 


24  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

miracles  exceeded  in  numLer  all  those  recorded,  in  the  Old 
Testament,  they  were  still  more  remarkable  for  their  variety 
and  tlieir  excellence.  By  His  touch,  or  His  word,  he  healed 
the  most  inveterate  maladies;  He  fed  the  multitude  by 
thousands  out  of  a  store  of  provisions  which  a  little  boy 
could  carry ; '"'  He  walked  upon  the  waves  of  the  sea,  when 
it  was  agitated  by  a  tempest ;  t  He  made  the  storm  a  calm, 
so  that  the  wind  at  once  ceased  to  blow,  and  the  surface  of 
the  deep  reposed,  at  the  same  moment,  in  glassy  smooth- 
ness;! He  cast  out  devils;  and  He  restored  life  to  the  dead. 
Well  might  the  Pharisees  be  perplexed  by  the  inquiry — 
"How  can  a  man  that  is  a  sinner  do  such  miracles "?"§  It 
is  quite  possible  that  false  prophets,  by  the  help  of  Satan, 
may  accomplish  feats  fitted  to  excite  astonishment ;  and  yet, 
i  n  such  cases,  the  agents  of  the  Wicked  One  may  be  expected 
to  exhibit  some  symptoms  of  his  spirit  and  character.  But 
nothing  diabolical,  or  of  an  evil  tendency,  appeared  in  the 
miracles  of  our  Lord.  With  the  one  exception  of  the  cursing 
of  the  barren  fig-tree  || — a  malediction  which  created  no 
pain,  and  involved  no  substantial  loss — all  His  displays  of 
power  were  indicative  of  His  goodness  and  His  mercy.  No 
other  than  a  true  prophet  would  have  been  enabled  so  often 
to  control  the  course  of  nature,  in  the  production  of  results 
of  such  utility,  such  benignity,  and  such  grandeur. 

The  miracles  of  Christ  illustrated,  as  well  as  confirmed, 
His  doctrines.  When,  for  instance.  He  converted  the  water 
into  wine  at  the  marriage  in  Cana  of  Galilee,1"  He  taught, 
not  only  that  He  approved  of  wedlock,  but  also  that,  within 
proper  limits.  He  was  disposed  to  patronise  the  exercise  of 
a  generous  hospitality.  In  some  cases  He  required  faith  in 
the  individuals  whom  He  vouchsafed  to  cure,'"""  thus  dis- 

*  John  vi.  9.  t  Matt.  xiv.  24,  25. 

X  Mark  iv.  39  ;  Matt.  viii.  26,  27.  §  John  ix.  16. 

II  Matt.  xxi.  19.     Neander  has  shewn  that  this  was  a  tj\Ac2i\  action  pointing 
to  the  rejection  of  the  Jews.     See  his  "  Life  of  Christ."     Bohn's  Edition. 
T  John  ii.  9.  **  Matt.  ix.  28,  29  ;  Mark  vi.  5,  ix.  23,  24. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  25 

tinctly  suggesting  the  way  of  a  sinner's  salvation.  Many 
of  His  miracles  were  obviously  of  a  typical  character.  When 
He  acted  as  the  physician  of  the  body,  He  indirectly  gave 
evidence  of  His  efficiency  as  the  physician  of  the  soul ; 
when  He  restored  sight  to  the  blind.  He  indicated  that  He 
could  turn  men  from  darkness  to  light ;  when  He  raised 
the  dead,  He  virtually  demonstrated  His  ability  to  quicken 
such  as  are  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins.  Those  who  wit- 
nessed the  visible  exhibitions  of  His  power  were  prepared  to 
listen  with  the  deepest  interest  to  His  w^ords  when  He  de- 
clared— "  I  am  the  light  of  the  world  ;  he  that  followeth  me 
shall  not  walk  in  darkness,  but  shall  have  the  light  of  life."  "'" 
Though  oiu'  Lord's  conduct,  as  a  public  teacher,  fully 
sustained  His  claims  as  the  Messiah,  it  must  have  been  a 
complete  enigma  to  all  classes  of  politicians.  He  did  not 
seek  to  obtain  power  by  courting  the  favour  of  the  great, 
neither  did  He  attempt  to  gain  popularity  by  flattering  the 
prejudices  of  the  multitude.  He  wounded  the  national 
pride  by  hinting  at  the  destruction  of  the  temple  ;  He  gave 
much  ojffence  by  holding  intercourse  with  the  odious  pub- 
licans ;  and  with  many,  He  forfeited  all  credit,  as  a  patriot, 
by  refusing  to  affirm  the  unlawfulness  of  paying  tribute  to 
the  Eoman  emperor.  The  greatest  human  characters  have 
been  occasionally  swayed  by  personal  predilections  or  an- 
tipathies, but,  in  the  life  of  Christ,  we  can  discover  no 
memorial  of  any  such  infirmity.  Like  a  sage  among  chil- 
dren. He  did  not  permit  Himself  to  be  influenced  by  the 
petty  partialities,  whims,  or  suj)erstitions  of  His  country- 
men. He  inculcated  a  theological  system  for  which  He 
could  not  expect  the  support  of  any  of  the  existing  classes 
of  religionists.  He  differed  from  the  Essenes,  as  He  did  not 
adopt  their  ascetic  habits  ;  He  displeased  the  Sadducees, 
by  asserting  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  ;  He  provoked 
the  Pharisees,  by  declaring  that  they  worshipped  God  in 

*  John  viii.  12. 


26  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

vain,  teaching  for  doctrines  the  commandments  of  men ; 
and  He  incurred  the  hostility  of  the  whole  tribe  of  Jewish 
zealots,  by  maintaining  His  right  to  supersede  the  arrange- 
ments of  the  Mosaic  economy.  By  pursuing  this  indepen- 
dent course  He  vindicated  His  title  to  the  character  of  a 
Divine  lawgiver,  but  at  the  same  time  He  forfeited  a  vast 
amount  of  sympathy  and  aid  upon  which  He  might  other- 
wise have  calculated. 

There  has  been  considerable  diversity  of  opinion  regard- 
ing the  length  of  our  Saviour's  ministry."""  We  could  ap- 
proximate very  closely  to  a  correct  estimate  could  we  tell 
the  number  of  passovers  from  its  commencement  to  its  close, 
but  this  point  cannot  be  determined  with  absolute  certainty. 
Four  are  apparently  mentioned  t  by  the  evangelist  John; 
and  if,  as  is  probable,  they  amounted  to  no  more,  it  would 
seem  that  our  Lord's  career,  as  a  public  teacher,  was  of 
about  three  years'  duration.|  The  greater  part  of  this 
period  was  spent  in  Galilee ;  and  the  sacred  writers  intimate 
that  He  made  several  circuits,  as  a  missionary,  among  the 
cities  and  villages  of  that  populous  district.  §  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  Luke  dwell  chiefly  upon  this  portion  of  His 
history.  Towards  the  termination  of  His  course,  Judea 
was  the  principal  scene  of  His  ministrations.  Jerusalem 
was  the  centre  of  Jewish  power  and  prejudice,  and  He  had 
hitherto  chiefly  laboured  in  remote  districts  of  the  land, 

*  Several  of  the  early  fathers  imagined  that  it  continued  only  a  year.  Some 
of  them,  such  as  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  drew  this  conclusion  from  Isaiah 
Ixi.  1,  "To  preach  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord."  See  Kaye's  "Clement 
of  Alexandria,"  p.  347. 

t  John  ii.  13,  v.  1,  vi.  4,  xii.  1.  Eusebius  argues  from  the  number  of  high 
priests  that  our  Lord's  ministry  did  not  embrace  four  entire  years.  "  Ecc. 
Hist."  i.  c.  X. 

X  He  hved,  therefore,  about  thirty-three  years.  According  to  Malte  Brun 
("  Universal  Geography,"  book  xxii.),  "  the  mea^i  duration  of  human  hfe  is  be. 
tween  thhty  and  forty  years,"  and,  in  the  same  chapter,  he  computes  it  at 
thirty-three  years.  It  would  thus  appear  that,  at  the  time  of  His  death,  our 
Lord  was,  in  point  of  age,  a  fitting  representative  of  the  species. 

§  Luke  iv.  44,  viii.  1  ;  Matt.  ix.  35. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHEIST.  27 

that  He  might  escape  the  malignity  of  the  scribes  and 
Pharisees;  but,  as  His  end  approached,  He  acted  with 
greater  publicity,  and  often  taught  openly  in  the  very 
coiu'ts  of  the  temple.  John  supplements  the  narratives  of 
the  other  evangelists  by  recording  our  Lord's  proceedings 
in  Judea. 

A  few  members  of  the  Sanhedrim,  such  as  Nicodemus,"^"' 
believed  Jesus  to  be  "  a  teacher  come  from  God,"  but  by  far 
the  majority  regarded  Him  with  extreme  aversion.  They 
could  not  imagine  that  the  son  of  a  carpenter  was  to  be  the 
Saviour  of  their  country,  for  they  expected  the  Messiah  to 
appear  surrounded  with  all  the  splendour  of  secular  magni- 
ficence. They  were  hypocritical  and  selfish  ;  they  had  been 
repeatedly  rebuked  by  Christ  for  their  impiety ;  and,  as  they 
marked  His  increasing  favour  with  the  multitude,  their 
envy  and  indignation  became  ungovernable.  They  accord- 
ingly seized  Him  at  the  time  of  the  Passover,  and,  on  the 
charge  that  He  said  He  was  the  Son  of  God,  Pie  was  con- 
demned as  a  blasphemer,  t  He  suffered  crucifixion — an  igno- 
minious form  of  capital  punishment  from  which  the  laws  of 
the  empire  exempted  every  Koman  citizen — and,  to  add  to 
His  disgrace.  He  was  put  to  death  between  two  thieves.^ 
But  even  Pontius  Pilate,  who  was  then  Procurator  of  Judea, 
and  who,  in  that  capacity,  endorsed  the  sentence,  was  con- 
strained to  acknowledge  that  He  was  a  "just  person  "in 
whom  He  could  find  "  no  faidt."  §  Pilate  was  a  truckling\ 
time-server,  and  he  acquiesced  in  the  decision,  simply  be- 
cause he  was  afraid  to  exasperate  the  Jews  by  rescuing  from  ] 
their  grasp  an  innocent  man  whom  they  persecuted  with' 
unrelenting  hatred.  || 

The  death  of  Christ,  of  which  all  the  evangelists  treat  so 
particularly,  is  the  most  awful  and  the  most  momentous 


•  John  iii.  1,2.  t  Matt.  xxvi.  G3-G6.  t  Matt,  xxvii.  38. 

§  Matt,  xxvii.  24;  John  xviii.  38.  II  Mark  xv.  10,  ]r>. 


28  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

event  in  the  history  of  the  world.  He,  no  doubt,  fell  a  vic- 
tim to  the  malice  of  the  rulers  of  the  Jews ;  but  He  was 
delivered  into  their  hands  "  by  the  determinate  counsel  and 
foreknowledge  of  God ;" '"'  and  if  we  discard  the  idea  that 
He  was  offered  up  as  a  vicarious  sacrifice,  we  must  find  it 
impossible  to  give  anything  like  a  satisfactory  account  of 
what  occurred  in  Gethsemane  and  at  Calvary.  The  amount 
of  physical  suffering  He  sustained  from  man  did  not  exceed 
that  endured  by  either  of  the  malefactors  with  whom  He 
was  associated;  and  such  was  His  magnanimity  and  forti- 
tude, that,  had  He  been  an  ordinary  martyr,  the  prospect  of 
crucifixion  would  not  have  been  sufficient  to  make  Him 
"  exceeding  sorrowful "  and  "  sore  amazed."!  His  holy  soul 
must  have  been  wrung  with  no  common  agony,  when  "  His 
sweat  was  as  it  were  great  drops  of  blood  falling  down  to 
the  ground,"  J  and  when  He  was  forced  to  cry  out — "  My 
God,  my  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken  meV  §  In  that  hour 
of  "the  power  of  darkness"  He  was  "smitten  of  God  and 
afilicted,"  and  there  was  never  sorrow  like  unto  His  sorrow, 
for  upon  Him  were  laid  "  the  iniquities  of  us  all." 

The  incidents  which  accompanied  the  death  of  Jesus  were 
even  more  impressive  than  those  which  signalised  His  birth. 
When  He  was  in  the  garden  of  Gethsemane  there  ap- 
peared unto  Him  an  angel  from  Heaven  strengthening  Him.|| 
During  the  three  concluding  hours  of  His  intense  anguish  on 
the  cross,  there  was  darkness  over  all  the  land,ir  as  if  nature 
mourned  along  with  the  illustrious  sufferer.  When  He 
bowed  His  head  on  Calvary  and  gave  up  the  ghost,  the 
event  was  marked  by  notifications  such  as  never  announced 
the  demise  of  any  of  this  world's  great  potentates,  for  "  the 
veil  of  the  temple  was  rent  in  twain,"  and  the  rocks  were 
cleft  asunder,  and  the  graves  were  opened,  and  the  earth 

*  Acts  ii.  23.  t  IMatt.  xxvi.  38  ;  Mark  xiv.  33. 

t  Luke  xxii.  44.  §  Matt,  xxvii.  46. 

II  Luke  xxii.  43.  H   Luke  xxiii.  44  ;  Mark  xv.  33. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  29 

trembled.^'  "  The  centurion  and  they  that  were  with  him," 
in  attendance  at  the  execution,  seem  to  have  been  Gentiles; 
and  though,  doubtless,  they  had  heard  that  Jesus  claimed 
to  be  the  Messiah  of  the  Jews,  they  perhaps  very  imperfectly 
comprehended  the  import  of  the  designation ;  but  they  were 
forthwith  overwhelmed  with  the  conviction,  that  He,  whose 
death  they  had  just  witnessed,  must  have  given  a  true  ac- 
count of  His  mission  and  His  dignity,  for  "  when  they  saw 
the  earthquake,  and  those  things  that  were  done,  they  feared 
greatly,  saying — Truly  this  was  the  Son  of  God!'\ 

The  body  of  our  Lord  was  committed  to  the  grave  on 
the  evening  of  Friday,  and,  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
following  Sunday,  He  issued  from  the  tomb.  An  ordinary 
individual  has  no  control  over  the  duration  of  his  existence, 
but  Jesus  demonstrated  that  He  had  power  to  lay  down  His 
life,  and  that  He  had  power  to  take  it  again.J  Had  He 
been  a  deceiver  His  delusions  must  have  terminated  with 
His  death,  so  that  His  resurrection  must  be  regarded  as  His 
crowning  miracle,  or  rather,  as  the  affixing  of  the  broad  seal 
of  heaven  to  the  truth  of  His  mission  as  the  Messiah.  It 
was,  besides,  the  fulfilment  of  an  ancient  prophecy  ;§  a  proof 
of  His  fore -knowledge  ;  ||  and  a  pledge  of  the  resurrection  of 
His  disciples.lF  Hence,  in  the  New  Testament/"""  it  is  so  often 
mentioned  with  marked  emphasis. 

There  is  no  fact  connected  with  the  life  of  Christ  better 
attested  than  that  of  His  resurrection.  He  was  put  to 
death  by  His  enemies  ;  and  His  body  was  not  removed  from 
the  cross  until  they  were  fully  satisfied  that  the  vital  spark 
had  fled.tt  His  tomb  was  scooped  out  of  a  solid  rock  ;\\  the 
stone  which  blocked  up  the  entrance  was  sealed  with  all 

*  Matt,  xxvii.  51,  52.  t  Matt,  xxvii.  54. 

t  John  X.  18.  §  Ps.  xvi.  10  ;  Acts  ii.  31. 

II  Johnii.  19  ;  Markviii.  31  ;  Luke  xviii.  33. 
IT  John  xiv.  19  ;  1  Thess.  iv.  14. 

**  Rom.  i.  4  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  14,  17  ;  1  Pet.  i.  3  ;  Rev.  i.  18. 
tt  John  xix.  33,  34.  Xt  ^^att.  xxvii.  GO. 


30  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

care ;  and  a  military  guard  kept  constant  watch  to  pre- 
vent its  violation.""'  But  in  due  time  an  earthquake  shook 
the  cemetery — "  The  angel  of  the  Lord  descended  from  hea- 
ven, and  came  and  rolled  back  the  stone  from  the  door  and 
sat  uj)on  it  .  .  .  and  for  fear  of  him  the  keepers  did  shake, 
and  became  as  dead  men."t  Our  Lord  meanwhile  came 
forth  from  the  grave,  and  the  sentinels,  in  consternation, 
hastened  to  the  chief  priests  and  communicated  the  astound^ 
ing  intelligence.^  But  these  infatuated  men,  instead  of 
yielding  to  the  force  of  this  overwhelming  evidence, 
endeavoured  to  conceal  their  infamy  by  the  base  arts  of 
bribery  and  falsehood.  "  They  gave  large  money  unto  the 
soldiers,  saying — Say  ye — His  disciples  came  by  night  and 
stole  him  away  while  we  slept  ...  so  they  took  the  money, 
and  did  as  they  were  taught."  § 

Jesus,  as  the  first-born  of  Mary,  was  presented  in  the 
temple  forty  days  after  His  birth  ;  and,  as  "  the  first-begot- 
ten of  the  dead," II  He  presented  Himself  before  His  Father, 
in  the  temple  above,  forty  days  after  He  had  opened  the 
womb  of  the  grave.  During  the  interval  He  appeared  only 
to  His  own  followers.il  Those  who  had  so  long  and  so 
wilfully  rejected  the  testimony  of  His  teaching  and  His 
miracles,  had  certainly  no  reason  to  expect  any  additional 
proofs  of  His  Divine  mission.  But  the  Lord  manifests  Him- 
self to  His  Church,  "  and  not  unto  the  world,"  ■^''"'  and  to  such 
as  fear  His  name  He  is  continually  supplying  new  and  inte- 
resting illustrations  of  His  presence.  His  power,  His  wis- 
dom, and  His  mercy.  Whilst  He  is  a  pillar  of  darkness  to 
His  foes.  He  is  a  pillar  of  light  to  His  people.  Though 
Jesus  was  now  invisible  to  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  He 
admitted  His  disciples  to  high  and  holy  fellowship.  Now 
their  hearts  burned  within  them  as  He  spake  to  them  "  of 

*  Matt,  xxvii.  66.  f  Matt,  xxviii.  2,  4.         +  Matt,  xxviii.  11. 

§  Matt,  xxviii.  12,  13,  15.         ||  Eev.  i.  5.  ^  Acts  x.  40,  41. 

**  John  xiv.  22. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  31 

the  tilings  pertaining  to  the  kingdom  of  God/*''''  and  as  "  He 
expounded  unto  them  in  all  the  Scriptures  the  things  con- 
cerning Himself/' t  Now  He  doubtless  pointed  out  to  them 
how  He  was  symbolised  in  the  types,  how  He  was  ex- 
hibited in  the  promises,  and  how  He  was  described  in  the 
prophecies.  Now  He  explained  to  them  more  fully  the 
arrangements  of  His  Church,  and  now  He  commanded  His 
apostles  to  go  and  "  teach  all  nations,  baptizing  them  in  the 
name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost."  J  Having  assured  the  twelve  of  His  presence  with 
His  true  servants  even  unto  the  end  of  the  world,  and  hav- 
ing led  them  out  as  far  as  Bethany,  a  village  a  few  furlongs 
from  Jerusalem,  "  he  lifted  up  his  hands  and  blessed  them. 
And  it  came  to  pass,  while  he  blessed  them,  he  was  parted 
from  them,  and  carried  up  into  heaven."  § 

Thus  closed  the  earthly  career  of  Him  who  is  both  the 
Son  of  man  and  the  Son  of  God.  Though  He  was  sorely 
tried  by  the  privations  of  j)overty,  though  He  was  exposed 
to  the  most  brutal  and  deoTadino;  insults,  and  thouoh  at  last 
He  was  forsaken  by  His  friends  and  consigned  to  a  death  of 
lingering  agony,  He  never  performed  a  single  act  or  uttered 
a  single  word  unworthy  of  His  exalted  and  blessed  mission. 
The  narratives  of  the  evangelists  supply  clear  internal  evi- 
dence that,  when  they  descril^ed  the  history  of  Jesus,  they 
must  have  copied  from  a  living  original;  for  otherwise,  no 
four  individuals,  certainly  no  four  Jews,  could  have  each 
furnished  such  a  portrait  of  so  great  and  so  singular  a  per- 
sonage. Combining  the  highest  respect  for  the  institutions 
of  Moses  with  a  spirit  eminently  catholic,  He  was  at  once  a 
devout  Israelite  and  a  large-hearted  citizen  of  the  world. 
Eising  far  superior  to  the  prejudices  of  His  countrymen,  He 
visited  Samaria,  and  conversed  freely  with  its  population; 
and,  whilst  declaring  that  He  was  sent  specially  to  the  seed 

*  Acts  i.  3.  t  Luke  xxiv.  27. 

+  Matt,  xiviii.  19.  §  Luke  xxiv.  50,  51. 


32  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

of  Abraham,  He  was  ready  to  extend  His  sympathy  to  their 
bitterest  enemies.  Tlioiigh  He  took  upon  Him  the  form 
of  a  servant,  there  was  nothing  mean  or  servile  in  His  be- 
haviour; for,  when  He  humbled  Himself,  there  was  ever 
about  Him  an  air  of  condescending  majesty.  Whether  He 
administers  comfort  to  the  mourner,  or  walks  upon  the 
waves  of  the  sea,  or  replies  to  the  cavils  of  the  Pharisees, 
He  is  still  the  same  calm,  holy,  and  gracious  Saviour.  When 
His  passion  was  immediately  in  view,  He  was  as  kind  and  as 
considerate  as  ever,  for,  on  the  very  night  in  which  He  was 
betrayed.  He  was  employed  in  the  institution  of  an  ordi- 
nance which  was  to  serve  as  a  sign  and  a  seal  of  His  grace 
throughout  all  generations.  His  character  is  as  sublime  as 
it  is  original.  It  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  human 
family.  The  impostor  is  cunning,  the  demagogue  is  turbu- 
lent, and  the  fanatic  is  absurd ;  but  the  conduct  of  Jesus 
Christ  is  uniformly  gentle  and  serene,  candid,  coui-teous, 
and  consistent.  Well,  indeed,  may  His  name  be  called 
Wonderful.  "  He  was  in  the  world,  and  the  world  was 
made  by  him,  and  the  world  knew  him  not.  He  came  unto 
his  own,  and  his  own  received  him  not.  But  as  many  as 
received  him,  to  them  gave  he  power  to  become  the  sons  of 
God,  even  to  them  that  believe  on  his  name."* 


SUPPLEMENTAEY  NOTE  TO  CHAPTEE  11. 

THE  YEAR  OF  CHRIST's  BIRTH. 

The  Christian  era  commences  on  the  1st  of  January  of  the  year  754  of 
the  city  of  Piome.  That  our  Lord  was  born  about  the  time  stated  in  the 
text  may  appear  from  the  following  considerations — 

The  visit  of  the  wise  men  to  Bethlehem  must  have  tcdrn  i^lace  a  very  few 
days  after-  the  hirth  of  Jesus,  and  before  His  prese7itation  in  the  temple. 
Bethlehem  was  not  the  stated  residence  of  Joseph  and  Mary,  either  before 

*  John  i.  10-12. 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  33 

or  after  the  birth  of  the  child  (Luke  i.  26,  ii.  4,  39;  Matt.  ii.  2). 
They  were  obliged  to  repair  to  the  jilace  on  account  of  the  taxing,  and 
immediately  after  the  presentation  in  the  temple,  they  returned  to  Nazareth 
and  dwelt  there  (Luke  ii.  39).  Had  the  visit  of  the  wise  men  occurred, 
as  some  think,  six,  or  twelve,  or  eighteen  months  after  the  birth,  the  ques- 
tion of  Herod  to  "the  chief  priests  and  scribes  of  the  people"  where 
"  Christ  should  be  horn  " — would  have  been  quite  vain,  as  the  infant  might 
have  been  removed  long  before  to  another  part  of  the  country.  The  wise 
men  manifestly  expected  to  see  a  newly  horn  infant,  and  hence  they  asked 
— "  where  is  he  that  is  born  King  of  the  Jews?"  (Matt.  ii.  2.)  The  evan- 
gelist also  states  expressly  that  they  came  to  Jerusalem  "  ivhen  Jesus  u>as 
born"  (Matt.  ii.  1).  At  a  subsequent  period  they  would  have  found  the 
Holy  Child,  not  at  Bethlehem,  but  at  Nazareth. 

The  only  plausible  objection  to  this  view  of  the  matter  is  derived  from 
the  statement  that  Herod  "  sent  forth  and  slew  all  the  cliildren  that  were  in 
Bethlehem  and  in  all  the  coasts  thereof,  from  two  years  old  and  tender, 
according  to  the  time  which  he  had  diligently  enquired  of  the  wise  men" 
(Matt.  ii.  1 6).  The  king  had  ascertained  from  these  sages  "  what  time  the 
star  appeared "  (Matt.  ii.  7),  and  they  seem  to  have  informed  him  that  it 
had  been  -visible  a  year  before.  A  Jewish  child  was  said  to  be  two  years 
old  ivhen  it  had  entered  on  its  second  year  (see  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  vol. 
ii.  136);  and,  to  make  sure  of  his  prey,  Herod  murdered  all  the  infants  in 
Bethlehem  and  the  neighbourhood  under  the  age  of  thirteen  months.  The 
wise  men  had  not  told  him  that  the  child  was  a  year  old — it  was  obvious 
that  they  thought  very  differently — but  the  tyrant  butchered  all  who  came 
within  the  range  of  suspicion.  It  is  highly  probable  that  the  star  announced 
the  appearance  of  the  Messiah  twelve  months  before  he  was  born.  Such 
an  intimation  was  given  of  the  birth  of  Isaac,  who  was  a  remarkable  type 
of  Christ  (Gen.  xvii.  21).     See  also  2  Kings  iv.  16,  and  Dan.  iv.  29,  33. 

The  presentation  of  the  infant  in  the  temple  occurred  after  the  death  of 
Herod.  This  follows  as  a  corollary  from  what  has  been  already  advanced, 
for  if  the  wise  men  visited  Bethlehem  immediately  after  the  birth,  and  if 
the  child  was  then  hurried  away  to  Egy])t,  the  presentation  could  not  have 
taken  place  earlier.  The  ceremony  was  performed /or^y  days  after  the  birth 
(Luke  ii.  22,  and  Lev.  xii.  2,  3,  4),  and  as  the  flight  and  the  return  might 
both  have  been  accomplished  in  eight  or  ten  days,  there  was  ample  time  for 
a  sojourn  of  at  least  two  or  three  weeks  in  that  part  of  Egji^t  which  was 
nearest  to  Palestine.  Herod  died  during  this  brief  exUe,  and  yet  his  demise 
happened  so  soon  before  the  departure  of  the  holy  family  on  their  way 
home,  that  the  intelligence  had  not  meanwhile  reached  Joseph  by  the  voice 
of  ordinary  fame;  and  until  his  arrival  in  the  land  of  Israel,  he  did  not 
even  know  that  Archelaus  reigned  in  Judea  (Matt.  ii.  22).      He  seems  to 


34  THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST. 

have  inferred  from  the  dream  that  the  dynasty  of  the  Herodian  family  had 
been  completely  subverted,  so  that  when  he  heard  of  the  succession  of 
Archelaus  "  he  was  afraid"  to  enter  his  territory;  but,  at  this  juncture,  being 
''counselled  of  God"  in  another  dream,  he  took  courage,  proceeded  on  his 
journey,  and,  after  the  presentation  in  the  temple,  "  returned  into  the  parts 
of  GaUlee."' 

That  the  presentation  in  the  temple  took  place  after  the  death  of  Herod 
is  further  manifest  from  the  fact  that  the  babe  remained  uninjured,  though 
his  appearance  in  the  sacred  courts  awakened  uncommon  interest,  and 
though  Anna  "  spake  of  him  to  all  them  that  looked  for  redemption  in  Jeru- 
salem "  (Luke  ii.  38).  Herod  had  his  spies  in  all  quarters,  and  had  he  been 
yet  living,  the  intelligence  of  the  presentation  and  of  its  extraordinary 
accompaniments,  would  have  soon  reached  his  ears,  and  he  would  have  made 
some  fresh  attempt  upon  the  life  of  the  infant.  But  when  the  babe  was 
actually  brought  to  the  temple,  the  tyrant  was  no  more.  Jerusalem  was  in 
a  state  of  great  political  excitement,  and  Archelaus  had,  perhaps,  already 
set  sail  for  Rome  to  secure  from  the  emperor  the  confirmation  of  his  title  to 
the  Idngdom  (see  Josephus'  Antiq.  xvii.  c.  9),  so  that  it  is  not  strange  if  the 
declarations  of  Simeon  and  Anna  did  not  attract  any  notice  on  the  part  of 
the  existing  rulers. 

Assuming,  then,  that  Christ  was  born  a  very  short  time  before  the  death 
of  Herod,  we  have  now  to  ascertain  the  date  of  the  demise  of  that  monarch. 
Josephus  states  (Antiq.  xiv.  14,  §  5)  that  Herod  was  made  king  by  the 
Roman  Senate  in  the  184th  Olympiad,  when  Calvinus  and  Pollio  were  con- 
suls, that  is,  in  the  year  of  Rome  714;  and  that  he  reigned  thirty-seven 
years  (Antiq.  xvii.  8,  §  1).  We  may  infer,  therefore,  that  his  reign  termi- 
nated in  the  year  751  of  the  city  of  Rome.  He  died  shortly  before  the 
passover;  his  disease  seems  to  have  been  of  a  very  Hngering  character;  and 
he  appears  to  have  languished  under  it  upwards  of  a  year  (Josephus'  Antiq. 
xvii.  6,  §  4,  5,  and  xvii.  9,  §  2,  3).  The  passover  of  751  fell  on  the  31st  of 
March  (see  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  vol.  i.  p.  331),  and  as  our  Lord  was  in 
all  likelihood  born  early  in  the  month,  the  Jewish  king  probably  ended  his 
days  a  week  or  two  afterwards,  or  about  the  time  of  the  vernal  equinox. 
According  to  this  computation  the  cancelation  took  place  exactly  at  the  feast 
of  Pentecost,  which  fell,  in  750,  on  the  31st  of  May. 

This  view  is  corroborated  by  Luke  iii.  1,  where  it  is  said  that  the  word  of 
God  came  to  John  the  Baptist  "in  \h&  fifteenth  i/earoi  the  reign  of  Tiberius 
Cesar."  John's  ministry  had  continued  only  a  short  time  when  he  was 
imprisoned,  and  then  Jesus  "began  to  be  about  thirty/  years  of  age"  (Luke  iii. 
23).  Augustus  died  in  August  767,  and  this  year  767,  according  to  a  mode 
of  reckoning  then  in  use  (see  Hales'  "  Chronology,"  i.  49,  171,  and  Luke  xxiv. 
21),  was  the^rs^  year  of  his  successor  Tiberius.    Thefifteenth  year  of  Tiberius, 


THE  LIFE  OF  CHRIST.  35 

according  to  the  same  mode  of  calculation,  commenced  on  the  1st  of  Jan- 
uary 781  of  the  city  of  Kome,  and  terminated  on  the  1st  of  January  782. 
If  then  our  Lord  was  born  about  the  1st  of  March  751  of  Rome,  and  if  the 
BaiDtist  was  imprisoned  early  in  781,  it  could  be  said  ■with  perfect  propriety 
that  Jesus  then  "  began  to  be  about  thirty  years  of  age."  This  view  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  Quirinius,  or  Cyrenius,  mentioned  Luke 
ii.  2,  -wasjirst  governor  of  Syria  from  the  close  of  the  year  750  of  Rome  to 
753.  (See  Merivale,  iv.  p.  457,  note.)  Our  Lord  was  born  under  his 
administration,  and  according  to  the  date  we  have  assigned  to  the  nativity, 
the  "taxing"  at  Bethlehem  must  have  taken  place  a  few  months  after 
Cyrenius  entered  into  office. 

This  view  of  the  date  of  the  birth  of  Christ,  which  differs  somewhat  from 
that  of  any  A\Titer  with  whom  I  am  acquainted,  appears  to  meet  all  the 
difficulties  connected  with  this  much-disputed  cjuestion.  It  is  based  partly 
upon  the  principle,  so  ingeniously  advocated  byWhiston  in  his  "Chronology," 
that  the  flight  into  Egypt  took  place  before  the  presentation  in  the  temple. 
I  have  never  yet  met  with  any  antagonist  of  that  hypothesis  who  was  able 
to  give  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  text  on  which  it  .rests.  Some  other 
dates  assigned  for  the  birth  of  Christ  are  quite  inadmissible.  In  Judea 
shepherds  could  not  have  been  found  "  abiding  in  the  field,  keeping  watch 
over  their  flock  by  night"  (Luke  ii.  8)  in  November,  December,  January, 
or,  perhaps,  February ;  but  in  March,  and  especially  in  a  mild  season,  such 
a  thing  appears  to  have  been  quite  common.  (See  GresweU's  "  Disserta- 
tions," vol.  i.  p.  391,  and  Robinson's  "Biblical  Researches,"  vol.  ii.  p.  97,  98.) 
Hippolytus,  one  of  the  earliest  Christian  writers  who  touches  on  the  sub- 
ject, indicates  that  our  Lord  was  bom  about  the  time  of  the  passover.  (See 
GresweU,  I  461,  462.) 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  that  the  personal  preaching  of 
onr  Lord  was  comparatively  barren.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  effects  produced  did  not  .at  all  correspond 
to  what  might  have  been  expected  from  so  wonderful  a 
ministry ;  but  it  had  been  predicted  that  the  Messiah 
would  be  "  despised  and  rejected  of  men," '"'  and  the  unbe- 
lief of  the  Jews  was  one  of  the  humiliating  trials  He  was 
ordained  to  suffer  during  His  abode  on  earth.  "  The  Holy 
Ghost  was  not  yet  given,  because  that  Jesus  was  not  yet 
glorified."  t  We  have,  certainly,  no  e^ddence  that  any  of 
His  discourses  made  such  an  impression  as  that  which 
accompanied  the  address  of  Peter  on  the  day  of  Pentecost. 
Immediately  after  the  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  at  that 
period  an  abundant  blessing  followed  the  proclamation  of 
the  gospel.  But  though  Jesus  often  mourned  over  the 
obduracy  of  His  countrymen,  and  though  the  truth,  when 
preached  by  His  disciples,  was  often  more  effective  than 
when  uttered  by  Himself,  it  cannot  with  propriety  be  said 
that  His  own  evangelical  labours  were  unfruitful.  The  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  who  met  in  an  upper  room  during  the 
interval  between  His  Ascension  and  the  day  of  Pentecost,^ 
were  but  a  portion  of  His  followers.  The  fierce  and  watch- 
ful opposition  of  the  Sanhedrim  had  kept  Him  generally  at 
a  distance  from  Jerusalem ;  it  was  there  specially  dangerous 

*  Isa.  liii.  3.  t  John  vii.  39.  %  Acts  i.  15. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  SY 

to  profess  an  attacliment  to  His  cause;  and  we  may  thus, 
perhaps,  partially  account  for  the  paucity  of  His  adherents 
in  the  Jewish  metropolis.  His  converts  were  more  nume- 
rous in  Galilee;  and  it  was,  probably,  in  that  district  He 
appeared  to  the  company  of  upwards  of  five  hundred 
brethren  who  saw  Him  after  His  resurrection.*  He  had 
itinerated  extensively  as  a  missionary;  and,  from  some 
statements  incidentally  occurring  in  the  gospels,  we  may 
infer,  that  there  were  individuals  who  had  imbibed  His 
doctrines  in  the  cities  and  villages  of  almost  all  parts  of 
Palestine.t  But  the  most  signal  and  decisive  proof  of  the 
power  of  His  ministry  is  presented  in  the  fact  that,  during 
the  three  years  of  its  duration.  He  enlisted  and  sent  forth 
no  less  than  eighty-two  preachers.  Part  of  these  have 
since  been  known  as  "  The  Twelve,"  and  the  rest  as  "  The 
Seventy." 

The  Twelve  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, and  yet  the  information  we  possess  respecting  them  is 
exceedingly  scanty.  Of  some  we  know  little  more  than 
their  names.  It  has  been  supposed  that  a  town  called 
Kerioth,|  or  Karioth,  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Judah,  was 
the  birthplace  of  Judas,  the  traitor ;  §  but  it  is  probable  that 
all  his  colleagues  were  natives  of  Galilee.  ||  Some  of  them 
had  various  names;  and  the  consequent  diversity  which  the 
sacred  catalogues  present  has  frequently  perj^lexed  the 
reader  of  the  evangelical  narratives.  Matthew  was  also 
calledLevi;ir  Nathanael  was  designated  Bartholomew;^'*  and 

*  1  Cor.  XV.  6.  t  See  Matt.  xv.  31 ;  Jolin  ii.  23,  vii.  31,  viii.  30. 

X  See  Joshua  xv.  25, 

§  Hence  called  Iscariot,  that  is,  Ish  Kerioth,  or,  a  man  of  Kerioth.  See 
Alford,  Greek  Test.,  Matt.  x.  4. 

II  Acts  ii.  7.  m  Compare  Matt.  ix.  9,  10,  and  Mark  ii.  14,  15. 

**  "  As  St  John  never  mentions  Bartholomew  in  the  number  of  the  apostles, 
so  the  other  evangelists  never  take  notice  of  Nathanael,  probably  because  the 
same  person  under  two  several  names  ;  and  as  in  John,  Philij)  and  Nathanael 
are  joined  together  in  their  coming  to  Christ,  so  in  the  rest  of  the  evangelists, 
Philip  and  Bartholomew  are  constantly  put  together  without  the  least  varia- 


38  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

Jiicle  had  the  two  other  names  of  Lebbseus  and  Thaddseus.* 
Thomas  was  called  Didymus,t  or  the  tivin,  in  reference,  we 
may  presume,  to  the  circumstances  of  his  birth ;  James  the 
son  of  Alphseus  was  styled,  perhaps  by  way  of  distinction, 
James  "the  Less" J — in  allusion,  it  would  seem,  to  the 
inferiority  of  his  stature;  the  other  James  and  John  were 
surnamed  Boanerges,  §  or  the  sons  of  thunder — a  title  pro- 
bably indicative  of  the  peculiar  solemnity  and  power  of 
their  ministrations ;  and  Simon  stands  at  the  head  of  all  the 
lists,  and  is  expressly  said  to  be  "first"  of  the  Twelve, || 
because,  as  we  have  reason  to  believe,  whilst  his  advanced 
age  might  have  warranted  him  to  claim  precedence,  his 
superior  energy  and  promptitude  enabled  him  to  occupy 
the  most  prominent  position.  The  same  individual  was 
called  Cephas,  or  Peter,  or  Stone,^  apparently  on  account  of 
the  firmness  of  his  character.  His  namesake,  the  other 
Simon,  was  termed  the  Canaanite,  and  also  Zelotes,''"'  or  the 
zealot — a  title  expressive,  in  all  likelihood,  of  the  zeal  and 
earnestness  with  which  he  was  wont  to  carry  out  his  prin- 
ciples. AYe  are  informed  that  our  Lord  sent  forth  the 
Twelve  "  by  two  and  two,"tt  but  we  cannot  tell  whether  He 

tion." — Cave's  Lives  of  the  Apostles.  Life  of  Bartliolomew.  Compare  Matt.  x. 
3;  Acts  i.  13 ;  and  John  i.  45,  xxi.  2. 

*  Compare  Matt.  x.  3,  and  Acts  i.  13.  +  John  xi.  16,  xxi.  2. 

J  Mark  xv.  40.  He  was  in  some  way  related  to  our  Lord,  and  hence  called 
His  brother  (Gal.  i.  19).  But  though  Mary,  the  mother  of  our  Saviour,  had 
evidently  several  sons  (see  Matt.  i.  20,  25,  compared  with  Matt.  xiii.  55 ;  Mark 
vi.  3 ;  Matt.  xii.  46,  47),  they  were  not  disciples  when  the  apostles  were  ajj- 
pointed,  and  none  of  them  consequently  could  have  been  of  the  Twelve.  (See 
John  vii.  5).  The  other  sons  of  Mary,  who  must  all  have  been  younger  than 
Jesus,  seem  to  have  been  converted  about  the  time  of  the  resurrection. 
Hence  they  are  found  among  the  disciples  before  the  day  of  Pentecost  (Acts 
i.  14).  §  Mark  iii.  17.  ||  Matt.  x.  2.  H  John  i.  42. 

**  Matt.  X.  4;  Mark  iii.  18;  Luke  vi.  15;  Acts  i.  13.  Some  think  that 
Kananites  is  equivalent  to  Zelotes,  whilst  others  contend  that  it  is  derived  from 
a  village  called  Canan.  See  Alf ord,  Greek  Test.,  Matt.  x.  4 ;  and  GresweU's 
"  Dissertations,"  vol.  ii.  p.  128.     Some  MSS.  have  Kavavaios. 

+t  Mark  vi.  7.  "  Although  no  two  of  these  catalogues  (of  the  Twelve)  agree 
precisely  in  the  order  of  the  names,  they  may  all  be  divided  into  three 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  3^ 

observed  any  general  rule  in  the  arrangement  of  those  who 
were  to  travel  in  company.  The  relationship  of  the  parties 
to  each  other  miglit,  at  least  in  three  instances,  have 
suggested  a  classification ;  as  Peter  and  Andrew,  James  and 
John,  James  the  Less  and  Jude,  were,  respectively,  brothers. 
James  the  Less  is  described  as  "  the  Lord's  brother,"*  and 
Jude  is  called  "the  brother  of  James," t  so  that  these  two 
disciples  must  have  been  in  some  way  related  to  our  Saviour ; 
but  the  exact  degree  of  affinity  or  consanguinity  cannot 
now,  perhaps,  be  positively  ascertained.  J  Some  of  the  dis- 
ciples, such  as  Andrew,  §  and  probably  John,  I|  had  previously 
been  disciples  of  the  Baptist,  but  their  separation  from  their 
former  master  and  adherence  to  Jesus  did  not  lead  to  any 
estrangement  between  our  Lord  and  His  pious  forerunner. 
As  the  Baptist  contemplated  the  more  permanent  and  im- 
portant character  of  the  Messiah's  mission,  he  could  cheer- 
fully say — "He  must  increase,  but  I  must  decrease." H 

All  the  Twelve,  when  enlisted  as  disciples  of  Christ,  appear 
to  have  moved  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life;  and  yet  we  are 
scarcely  warranted  in  asserting  that  they  were  extremely 
indigent.  Peter,  the  fisherman,  pretty  plainly  indicates 
that,  in  regard  to  worldly  circumstances,  he  had  been,  to 
some  extent,  a  loser  by  obeying  the  call  of  Jesus."'''"  Though 
James  and  John  were  likewise  fishermen,  the  family  had  at 
least  one  little  vessel  of  their  own,  and  they  could  afi"ord  to 

quatei-nions,  -whicli  are  never  interchanged,  and  the  leading  names  of  which 
are  the  same  in  all.  Thus  the  first  is  always  Peter,  the  fifth  Philip,  the  ninth 
James  the  son  of  Alpheus,  and  the  twelfth  Judas  Iscariot.  Another  difference 
is  that  Matthew  and  Luke's  Gospel  gives  the  names  in  pairs,  or  two  and  two, 
while  ]\Iark  enumerates  them  singly,  and  the  list  before  us  (in  the  Acts)  fol- 
lows both  these  methods,  one  after  the  other." — Alexander  on  the  Acts,  vol.  i. 
p.  19.  *  Gal.  i.  19.  t  Acts  i.  13.     See  also  Jude  v.  1. 

X  Upon  this  subject  see  the  conjectures  of  Greswell.  "  Dissertation," 
vol.  ii.  p.  120.  §  John  i.  35,  40. 

II  From  the  gi-eat  minuteness  of  the  statements  in  the  passage,  it  has  been 
conjectured  that  the  evangelist  himself  was  the  second  of  the  two  disciples 
mentioned  in  John  i.  35-37. 

t  John  iii.  30.  **  Matt.  xix.  27. 


40  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

pay  "liired  servants"  to  assist  them  in  their  business.* 
Matthew  acted,  in  a  subordinate  capacity,  as  a  collector  of 
imperial  tribute;  but  though  the  Jews  cordially  hated  a 
functionary  who  brouglit  so  painfully  to  their  recollection 
their  condition  as  a  conquered  people,  it  is  pretty  clear  that 
the  publican  Avas  engaged  in  a  lucrative  employment. 
Zacchseus,  said  to  have  been  a  "chief  among  the  pub- 
licans," t  is  represented  as  a  rich  man;  J  and  Matthew, 
though  probably  in  an  inferior  station,  was  able  to  give  an 
entertainment  in  his  own  house  to  a  numerous  company.§ 
Still,  however,  the  Twelve,  as  a  body,  were  qualified,  neither 
by  their  education  nor  their  habits,  for  acting  as  popular 
instructors;  and  had  the  gospel  been  a  device  of  human 
■wisdom,  it  could  not  have  been  promoted  by  their  advocacy. 
Individuals  who  had  hitherto  been  occupied  in  tilling  the 
land,  in  fishing,  and  in  mending  nets,  or  in  sitting  at  the 
receipt  of  custom,  could  not  have  been  expected  to  make 
any  great  impression  as  ecclesiastical  reformers.  Their 
position  in  society  gave  them  no  influence;  their  natural 
talents  were  not  particularly  brilliant;  and  even  their 
dialect  betokened  their  connexion  with  a  district  from  which 
nothing  good  or  great  was  anticipated.  ||  But  God  exalted 
these  men  of  low  degree,  and  made  them  the  spiritual  illu- 
minators of  the  world. 

Though  the  New  Testament  enters  very  sparingly  into 
the  details  of  their  personal  history,  it  is  plain  that  the 
Twelve  presented  a  considerable  variety  of  character. 
Thomas,  though  obstinate,  was  warm-hearted  and  manly. 
Once  when,  as  he  imagined,  his  Master  was  going  forward 
to  certain  death,  he  chivalrously  proposed  to  his  brethren 
that  they  should  all  perish  along  with  Him; IT  and  though  at 
first  he  doggedly  refused  to  credit  the  account  of  the  resur- 


*  Mark  i.  20.  +  Luke  xix.  2.  +  Luke  xix.  2. 

§  Mark  ii.  15.  ||  John  vii.  52.  1  John  xi.  16.     See  also  v.  8. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  41- 

rection,"^''  yet,  when  his  doubts  were  removed,  he  gave  vent 
to  his  feelings  in  one  of  the  most  impressive  testimonies  t  to 
the  power  and  godhead  of  the  Messiah  to  be  found  in  the 
whole  book  of  revelation.  James,  the  son  of  Alphteus,  was 
noted  for  his  prudence  and  practical  wisdom ; ;{;  and  Natha- 
nael  was  frank  and  candid — "  an  Israelite  indeed,  in  whom 
was  no  guile." §  Our  Lord  bestowed  on  Peter  and  the  two 
sons  of  Zebedee  peculiar  proofs  of  confidence  and  favour, 
for  they  alone  were  permitted  to  witness  some  of  the  most 
remarkable  scenes  in  the  history  of  the  Man  of  Sorrows.  || 
Though  these  three  brethren  displayed  such  a  congeniality 
of  disposition,  it  does  not  appear  that  they  possessed  minds 
of  the  same  moidd,  but  each  had  excellencies  of  his  own 
which  threw  a  charm  around  his  character.  Peter  yielded 
to  the  impulse  of  the  moment  and  acted  with  promptitude 
and  vigour;  James  became  the  first  of  the  apostolic  martyrs, 
probably  because  by  his  ability  and  boldness,  as  a  preacher, 
he  had  provoked  the  special  enmity  of  Herod  and  the  Jews  ;*!! 
whilst  the  benevolent  John  delighted  to  meditate  on  the 
"  deep  things  of  God,"  and  listened  with  profound  emotion 
to  his  Master  as  He  discoursed  of  the  mystery  of  His  Per- 
son, and  of  the  peace  of  believers  abiding  in  His  love.  It 
has  been  conjectured  that  there  was  some  family  relation- 
ship between  the  sons  of  Zebedee  and  Jesus;  but  of  this 
there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence.**  It  was  simply,  joerhaps, 
the  marked  attention  of  our  Saviour  to  James  and  John 
which  awakened  the  ambition  of  their  mother,  and  induced 

*  John  XX.  25.  t  John  xx.  28. 

+  Some  -^Titers  have  asserted  that  he  is  a  difterent  person  from  James  "the 
Lord's  brother"  mentioned  Gal.  i.  19,  but  the  statement  rests  upon  no  sohd 
foundation.  Compare  John  vii.  5 ;  1  Cor.  xv.  7 ;  Acts  i.  14,  xv.  2,  13.  See 
also  note  p.  38  of  this  chapter. 

§  John  i.  47.  ||  IMark  v.  37,  ix.  2 ;  Matt.  xxvi.  37. 

1  Acts  xii.  2,  3.  "  It  is  remarkable  that,  so  far  as  we  know,  one  of  these 
inseparable  brothers  (James  and  John)  was  the  first,  and  one  the  last,  that  died 
of  the  apostles." — Alexander  on  the  Acts,  i.  443. 

**  See  Greswell's  "Dissertations,"  vol.  ii.  p.  115. 


42  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

her  to  bespeak  their  promotion  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Son 
of  Man/' 

Though  none  of  the  Twelve  had  received  a  hberal  educa- 
tion,! it  cannot  be  said  that  they  were  literally  "  novices" 
when  invested  with  the  ministerial  commission.  It  is 
probable  that,  before  they  were  invited  to  follow  Jesus,  they 
had  all  seriously  turned  their  attention  to  the  subject  of 
religion ;  some  of  them  had  been  previously  instructed  by 
the  Baptist ;  and  all,  prior  to  their  selection,  appear  to  have 
been  about  a  year  under  the  tuition  of  oiu'  Lord  himself. 
From  that  time  until  the  end  of  His  ministry  they  lived 
with  Him  on  terms  of  the  most  intimate  familiarity.  From 
earlier  acquaintance,  as  well  as  from  closer  and  more  con- 
fidential companionship,  they  had  a  better  opportunity  of 
knowing  His  character  and  doctrines  than  any  of  the  rest 
of  His  disciples.  When,  perhaps  about  six  or  eight  months  J 
after  their  appointment,  they  were  sent  forth  as  missionaries, 
they  were  commanded  neither  to  walk  in  "the  way  of  the 
Gentiles,"  nor  to  enter  "into  any  city  of  the  Samaritans," 
but  rather  to  go  "to  the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  IsraeL''§ 
Their  number  Twelve  corresponded  to  the  number  of  the 
tribes,  and  they  were  called  apostles  probably  in  allusion  to 
a  class  of  Jewish  functionaries  who  were  so  designated.  It 
is  said  that  the  High  Priest  was  wont  to  send  forth  from 
Jerusalem  into  foreign  countries  certain  accredited  agents, 
or  messengers,  styled  apostles,  on  ecclesiastical  errands.  I| 

During  the  personal  ministry  of  our  Lord  the  Twelve  seem 
to  have  been  employed  by  Him  on  only  one  missionary 


*  Matt.  XX.  20,  21. 

t  Some  writers  have  asserted  that  Phihp  and  Nathanael  were  learned  men, 
but  of  this  there  is  no  good  evidence.  See  Cave's  "  Lives  of  the  Apostles," 
Philip  and  Bartholomew. 

:|:  Greswell  makes  it  nine  months.  See  his  "  Harmonia  Evangelica,"  p.  xxiv. 
xxvi.  §  Matt.  X.  5,  6. 

II  See  Vitriuga  "De  Synagoga  Vetere,"  p.  577,  and  Mosheim's  "Commen- 
taries," by  Vidal,  vol.  i.  120«2,  note. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  43 

excursion.  About  twelve  months  after  that  event*  He 
"appointed  other  seventy  also"  to  preach  His  Gospel.  Luke 
is  the  only  evangelist  who  mentions  the  designation  of  these 
additional  missionaries ;  and  though  we  have  no  reason  to 
believe  that  their  duties  terminated  with  the  first  tour  in 
which  they  were  engaged,!  they  are  never  subsequently 
noticed  in  the  New  Testament.  Many  of  the  actions  of  our 
Lord  had  a  typical  meaning,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that 
He  designed  to  inculcate  an  important  truth  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  these  Seventy  new  apostles.  According  to  the 
ideas  of  the  Jews  of  that  age  there  were  seventy  heathen 
nations;;];  and  it  is  rather  singular  that,  omitting  Peleg  the 
progenitor  of  the  Israelites,  the  names  of  the  posterity  of 
Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth,  recorded  in  the  10th  chapter  of 
Genesis,  amount  exactly  to  seventy.  "These,"  says  the 
historian,  "  are  the  families  of  the  sons  of  Noah,  after  their 
generations,  in  their  nations;  and  by  these  ivere  the  nations 
divided  in  the  earth  after  the  flood."  §  Every  one  who  looks 
into  the  narrative  will  perceive  that  the  sacred  writer  does 
not  propose  to  furnish  a  complete  catalogue  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Noah,  for  he  passes  over  in  entire  silence  the  posterity 
of  the  greater  number  of  the  patriarch's  grandchildren ;  he 
apparently  intends  to  name  only  those  who  were  thefounders 
of  nations;  and  thus  it  happens  that  whilst,  in  a  variety  of 
instances,  he  does  not  trace  the  line  of  succession,  he  takes 

*  This  is  tlie  calculation  of  Greswell.  "  Harmonia  Evangelica,"  p.  xxvi.  xxxi. 
Robiuson  makes  the  interval  considerably  shorter.  See  his  "  Harmony  of  the 
Four  Gospels  in  Greek." 

t  They  received  new  powers  at  the  close  of  their  first  missionary  excursion. 
See  Luke  x.  19. 

t  Selden  in  his  treatise  "  Do  Synedriis  "  supplies  some  curious  infoi-mation 
on  this  subject.  See  lib.  ii.  cap.  9,  §  3.  See  also  some  singular  speculations 
respecting  it  in  Baumgarten's  "  Theologischer  Commentar  zum  Pentateuch,"  i. 
153,  331.  Some  of  the  fathers  speak  of  seventy-two  disciples  and  of  seventy- 
two  nations  and  tongues.  See  Stieren's  "Irenseus,"  i.  p.  544,  note,  and  Epi- 
phanius,  torn.  i.  p.  50,  Edit.  Colonice,  1682 ;  compared  with  Greswell's 
"  Dissertations,"  ii.  p.  7.  §  Gen.  x.  32. 


44 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 


care,  in  others,  to  mention  tlie  father  and  many  of  his  sons/'^ 
The  Jewish  notion  current  in  the  time  of  our  Lord  as  to 
the  existence  of  seventy  heathen  nations,  seems,  therefore, 
to  have  rested  on  a  sound  historical  basis,  inasmuch  as, 
according  to  the  Mosaic  statement,  there  were,  beside  Peleg, 
precisely  seventy  individuals  by  whom  "  the  nations  were 
divided  in  the  earth  after  the  flood."  AVe  may  thus  infer 
that  our  Lord  meant  to  convey  a  great  moral  lesson  by  the 
appointment  alike  of  the  Twelve  and  of  the  Seventy.  In  the 
ordination  of  the  Twelve  He  evinced  His  regard  for  all  the 
tribes  of  Israel;  in  the  ordination  of  the  Seventy  He  inti- 

*  The  following  tabular  view  of  the  names  of  the  descendants  of  Shem, 
Ham,  and  Japheth,  mentioned  in  the  10th  chapter  of  Genesis,  will  illustrate 
this  statement : — 


SHEII. 

HAM. 

Elam.Asshur.Arijhaxad,  Lud 

Aram, 

Gush, 

Mizraim,  Phut 

.  Canaan, 

Salah, 

Uz, 

Seba, 

Ludim, 

Sidon, 

Eber, 

Hul, 

Havilah, 

Anamim, 

Heth, 

Peleg, 

Gether, 

Sabtah, 

Lehabim, 

Jebusite, 

Joktan, 

Mash. 

Raamah, 

Najihtuhim, 

Amorite, 

Almodad 

Sabtechah,  Pathrusim, 

Girgasite, 

Sheleph, 

Sheba, 

Casluhim, 

Hivite, 

Hazarmaveth, 

Dedan, 

Caphtorim, 

Arkite, 

Jerah, 

Nimrod. 

Philistim. 

Sinite, 

Hadoram, 

Arvadite, 

Uzal, 

Zemarite, 

Diklah, 

Hamathite. 

Obal, 

Abimael, 

Sheba, 

Ophir, 

Havilah, 

Jobab. 

JAPH 

ETH. 

Gomer,              Magog. 

Madai. 

Javan, 

Tubal.  Meshech.    Tiras. 

Ashkenaz, 

Elishah, 

Riphath 

Tarshish, 

Togarmah. 

Kittim, 

Dodanim. 
It  often  happens  that  one  branch  of  a  family  is  exceedingly  prolific  whilst 
another  is  barren.     So  it  seems  to  have  been  with  the  descendants  of  the  three 
sons  of  Noah.     Thus,  Elam,  Ashur,  and  others,  appear  each  to  have  founded 
only  one  nation,  whilst  Arphaxad  and  his  posterity  founded  eighteen. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  45 

mated  that  His  Gospel  was  designed  for  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth.  When  the  Twelve  were  about  to  enter  on  their 
first  mission  He  required  them  to  go  only  to  the  Jews,  but 
He  sent  forth  the  Seventy  "  two  and  two  before  His  face 
into  every  city  and  place  whither  He  himself  ivould  come."  ^'' 
Towards  the  commencement  of  His  public  career,  He  had 
induced  many  of  the  Samaritans  to  believe  on  Him,t  whilst 
at  a  subsequent  period  His  ministry  had  been  blessed  to 
Gentiles  in  the  coasts  of  Tyre  and  Sidon;J  and  there  is  no 
evidence  that  in  the  missionary  journey  which  He  contem- 
plated when  He  appointed  the  Seventy  as  His  pioneers,  He 
intended  to  confine  His  labours  to  His  kinsmen  of  the  seed 
of  Abraham.  It  is  highly  probable  that  the  Seventy  were 
actually  sent  forth  from  Samaria,\  and  the  instructions 
given  them  apparently  suggest  that,  in  the  circuit  now 
assigned  to  them,  they  were  to  visit  certain  districts  lying 
north  of  Galilee  of  the  Gentiles.  ||  The  personal  ministry  of 
our  Lord  had  respect  primarily  and  specially  to  the  lost 
sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel,1[  but  His  conduct  in  this  case 
symbolically  indicated  the  catholic  character  of  His  religion. 
He  evinced  His  regard  for  the  Jews  by  sending  no  less  than 
twelve  apostles  to  that  one  nation,  but  He  did  not  Himself 
refuse  to  minister  either  to  Samaritans  or  Gentiles ;  and  to 
shew  that  He  was  disposed  to  make  provision  for  the  general 
diffusion  of  His  word.  He  "  appointed  other  seventy  also, 
and  sent  them  two  and  two  before  His  face  into  every  city 
and  place  whither  He  himself  woidd  come." 

It  is  very  clear  that  our  Lord  committed,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  the  Twelve  the  organisation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
commonwealth.  The  most  ancient  Christian  Church,  that 
of  the  metropolis  of  Palestine,  was  modelled  under  their 

*  Luke  X.  1.  t  John  iv.  39.  J  Mark  vii.  24,  26,  30,  3L 

§  This  is  the  oi3inion  of  Dr  Eobiusou.  See  his  "Harmony."  See  also  Luke 
ix.  51,  52,  X.  33. 

II  Luke  X.  13,  17,  18.  1  Matt.  xv.  24. 


46  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

superintendence;  and  the  earliest  converts  gathered  into  it, 
after  His  ascension,  were  the  fruits  of  their  ministry. 
Hence,  in  the  Apocalypse,  the  wall  of  the  "  holy  Jerusalem  " 
is  said  to  have  "  twelve  foundations,  and  in  them  the  names 
of  the  twelve  apostles  of  the  Lamb/''"'  But  it  does  not  fol- 
low that  others  had  no  share  in  founding  the  spiritual 
structure.  The  Seventy  also  received  a  commission  from 
Christ,  and  we  have  every  reason  to  believe  that,  after  the 
death  of  their  Master,  they  pursued  their  missionary  labours 
with  renovated  ardour.  That  they  were  called  apostles  as 
well  as  the  Twelve,  cannot,  perhaps,  be  established  by  dis- 
tinct testimony  ;t  but  it  is  certain,  that  they  were  furnished 
with  supernatural  endowments ;  J  and  it  is  scarcely  probable 
that  they  are  overlooked  in  the  description  of  the  sacred 
writer  when  He  represents  the  New  Testament  Church  as 
"  built  upon  the  foundation  of  the  apostles  and  j^^ophets, 
Jesus  Christ  himself  being  the  chief  corner  stone."§ 

The  appointment  of  the  Seventy,  like  that  of  the  Twelve, 

was  a  typical  act;  and  it  is  not,  therefore,  extraordinary 

that  they  are  only  once  noticed  in  the  sacred  volume.     Our 

^Lord  never  intended  to  constitute  two  permanent  corpora- 

/tions,  limited,  respectively,  to  twelve  and  seventy  members, 

I  and  empowered  to  transmit  their  authority  to  successors 

•  from  generation  to  generation.     In  a  short  time  after  His 

death   the   symbolical    meaning    of   the    mission    of    the 

Seventy   was   explained,    as  it   very  soon   appeared   that 

*  Rev.  xxi.  14. 

f  It  is  certain  that  some  were  called  apostles  who  were  not  of  the  number 
of  the  Twelve.  See  Acts  xiv.  4.  In  1  Cor.  xv.  5,  7,  both  "  the  Twelve,"  and 
"  all  the  apostles,"  are  mentioned,  and  it  may  be  that  the  Seventy  are  included 
vmder  the  latter  designation.  Such  was  the  opinion  of  Origen — eVeira  rots 
erepois  irapa  tovs  ScoSeKa  airoaroXois  iraari,  raxa  Tois  e^dofirjKovTa.  "  Contra  Celr 
sum,"  lib.  ii.  65.  See  also  "  De  Recta  in  Deum  Fide,"  sec.  i..  Opera,  tom.  i.  p.  806. 

t  Luke  X.  9,  16,  19,  24. 

§  Eph.  ii.  20.  See  also  Eph.  iii.  5.  It  is  evident,  especially  from  the  latter 
passage,  that  the  prophets  here  spoken  of  belong  to  the  New  Testament 
Church. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  47 

the  gospel  was  to  be  transmitted  to  all  the  ends  of  the 
earth ;  and  thus  it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  refer  to  these 
representatives  of  the  ministry  of  the  universal  Church. 
When  the  Twelve  turned  to  the  Gentiles,  their  number  lost 
its  significance,  and  from  that  date  they  accordingly  ceased 
to  fill  up  vacancies  occurring  in  their  society ;  and,  as  the 
Church  assumed  a  settled  form,  the  apostles  were  disposed 
to  insist  less  and  less  on  any  special  powers  with  which 
they  had  been  originally  furnished,  and  rather  to  place 
themselves  on  a  level  with  the  ordinary  rulers  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical community.  Hence  we  find  them  sitting  in  church 
courts  with  these  brethren,''^  and  desirous  to  be  known  not 
as  ajDostles,  but  as  elders.t  We  possess  little  information 
respecting  either  their  oflacial  or  their  personal  history.  A 
very  equivocal,  and  sometimes  contradictory,  tradition  J 
is  the  only  guide  which  even  professes  to  point  out  to  us 
where  the  greater  number  of  them  laboured ;  and  the  same 
witness  is  the  only  voucher  for  the  statements  which 
describe  how  most  of  them  finished  their  career.  It  is  an 
instructive  fact  that  no  proof  can  be  given,  from  the  sacred 
record,  of  the  ordination  either  by  the  Twelve  or  by  the 
Seventy,  of  even  one  presbyter  or  pastor.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  the  laying  on  of  hands  upon  the  seven  deacons,§  no 
inspired  writer  mentions  any  act  of  the  kind  in  which  the 
Twelve  ever  engaged.     The  deacons  were  not  rulers  in  the 


•  Acts  XV.  6,  sxi.  18. 

+  1  Pet.  V.  1 ;  2  John  v.  1 ;  3  Jolin  v.  1.  It  is  remarkable  that  Papias,  one 
of  the  very  earliest  of  the  fathers,  actually  speaks  of  the  apostles  simply  as 
the  ciders.     See  Euseb.  book  iii.  chap.  39. 

X  Thus,  Simon  Zelotes  is  said  to  have  travelled  into  Egypt  and  thence 
passed  into  ^lesopotamia  and  Persia,  where  he  suffered  martyrdom ;  whilst, 
according  to  others,  he  travelled  through  Egypt  to  Mauritania  and  thence  to 
Britain,  where  he  was  crucified.  See  Cave's  "  Lives  of  the  Apostles,"  Life  of 
Simon  the  Zealot.  No  weight  can  be  attached  to  such  legends.  Origen  states 
that  the  Apostle  Thomas  labom-ed  in  Parthia,  and  Andrew  in  Scj'thia.  "  In 
Genesim,"  02)era,  tom.  ii.  p.  24. 

§  Acts  vi.  G. 


48  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

Church,  and  therefore  could  not  by  ordination  confer  eccle- 
siastical power  on  others. 

There  is  much  meaning  in  the  silence  of  the  sacred 
writers  respecting  the  official  proceedings  and  the  personal 
career  of  the  Twelve  and  the  Seventy.  It  thus  becomes 
impossible  for  any  one  to  make  out  a  title  to  the  ministry 
by  tracing  his  ecclesiastical  descent ;  for  no  contemporary 
records  enable  us  to  prove  a  connexion  between  the  in- 
spired founders  of  our  religion,  and  those  who  were  subse- 
quently entrusted  with  the  government  of  the  Church.  At 
the  critical  point  where,  had  it  been  deemed  necessary,  we 
might  have  had  the  light  of  inspiration,  we  are  left  to 
wander  in  total  darkness.  AVe  are  thus  shut  up  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  claims  of  those  who  profess  to  be 
heralds  of  the  gospel  are  to  be  tested  by  some  other  cri- 
terion than  their  ecclesiastical  lineage.  It  is  written — 
"  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them."  "'^  God  alone  can 
make  a  true  minister  ;  t  and  he  who  attempts  to  establish 
his  right  to  feed  the  flock  of  Christ  by  appealing  to  his 
official  genealogy  miserably  mistakes  the  source  of  the 
pastoral  commission.  It  would,  indeed,  avail  nothing 
though  a  minister  could  prove  his  relationship  to  the 
Twelve  or  the  Seventy  by  an  unbroken  line  of  ordina- 
tions, for  some  who  at  the  time  may  have  been  able  to 
deduce  their  descent  from  the  apostles  were  amongst  the 
most  dangerous  of  the  early  heretics.J  True  religion  is 
sustained,  not  by  any  human  agency,  but  by  that  Eternal 
Spirit  wdio  quickens  all  the  children  of  God,  and  who  has 
preserved  for  them  a  pure  gospel  in  the  writings  of  the 
apostles  and  evangelists.     The  perpetuity  of  the  Church 


♦  Matt.  vii.  16.  +  Acts  xxvi.  16 ;  Luke  x.  2 ;  1  Tim.  i.  12. 

:J:  Such  was  Valentine,  the  most  formidable  of  the  Gnostic  heresiarchs,  said 
to  be  a  disciple  of  Theodas,  the  companion  of  Paul.  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vii. 
Paul  of  Samosata  and  Arius  were  able  to  boast,  at  least  as  much  as  their 
antagonists,  of  their  apostolic  descent. 


THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY.  49 

no  more  depends  on  the  uninterrnpted  succession  of  its 
ministers  than  does  the  perpetuity  of  a  nation  depend  on 
the  continuance  of  the  dynasty  which  may  happen  at  a 
particuhar  date  to  occupy  the  throne.  As  plants  possess 
powders  of  reproduction  enabling  them,  when  a  part  decays, 
to  throw  it  off,  and  to  supply  its  place  by  a  new  and 
vigorous  vegetation,  so  it  is  with  the  Church — the  s^^iritual 
vine  which  the  Lord  has  planted.  Its  government  may 
degenerate  into  a  corrupt  tyranny  by  which  its  most  pre- 
cious liberties  may  be  invaded  or  destroyed,  but  the  free- 
men of  the  Lord  are  not  bound  to  submit  to  any  such 
domination.  Were  even  all  the  ecclesiastical  rulers  to 
become  traitors  to  the  King  of  Zion,  the  Church  would  not 
therefore  perish.  The  living  members  of  the  body  of  Christ 
would  be  then  required  to  repudiate  the  authority  of  over- 
seers by  whom  they  were  betrayed,  and  to  choose  amongst 
themselves  such  faithful  men  as  were  found  most  competent 
to  teach  and  to  guide  the  spiritual  community.  The  Divine 
Statute-book  clearly  warrants  the  adoption  of  such  an  alter- 
native. "  Beloved,"  says  the  Apostle  John,  "  believe  not 
every  spirit,  but  try  the  spirits  whether  they  are  of  God. 
....  We  are  of  God,  he  that  hioiveth  God  heareth  its,  he 
that  is  not  of  God  heareth  not  us.  Hereby  know  we  the 
spirit  of  truth  and  the  spirit  of  error." '''  "  If  there  come 
any  unto  you,  and  bring  not  this  doctrine,  receive  him  not 
into  your  house,  neither  bid  him  God-speed;  for  he  that 
biddeth  him  God-speed  is  partaker  of  his  evil  deeds."  t 
Paul  declares,  still  more  emphatically — "  Though  we,  or  AN 
ANGEL  FROM  HEAVEN,  preach  any  other  gospel  unto  you 
than  that  which  we  have  preached  unto  you,  let  him  be 
accursed.  As  we  said  before,  so  say  I  now  again,  If  any 
man  preach  any  other  gospel  unto  you  than  that  ye  have 
received,  let  him  be  accursed!'  \ 

*  1  John  iv.  1,  6,  t  2  John  10,  U.  X  Gal.  i.  8,  9. 

D 


50  THE  TWELVE  AND  THE  SEVENTY. 

In  one  sense  neither  the  Twelve  nor  the  Seventy  had 
successors.  All  of  them  were  called  to  preach  the  gospel 
by  the  living  voice  of  Christ  himself;  all  had  "  companied" 
with  Him  during  the  period  of  His  ministry;  all  had 
listeued  to  His  sermons;  all  had  been  spectators  of  His 
works  of  wonder ;  all  were  empowered  to  perform  miracles ; 
all  seem  to  have  conversed  with  Him  after  His  resurrection ; 
and  all  appear  to  have  possessed  the  gift  of  inspired  utter- 
ance/" But  in  another  sense  every  "  good  minister  of  Jesus 
Christ"  is  a  successor  of  these  primitive  preachers;  for 
every  true  pastor  is  taught  of  God,  and  is  moved  by  the 
Spirit  to  undertake  the  service  in  which  he  is  engaged,  and 
is  warranted  to  expect  a  blessing  on  the  truth  which  he 
disseminates.  As  of  old  the  descent  from  heaven  of  fire 
upon  the  altar  testified  the  Divine  acceptance  of  the  sacri- 
fices, so  now  the  descent  of  the  Spirit,  as  manifested  in  the 
conversion  of  souls  to  God,  is  a  sure  token  that  the  labours 
of  the  minister  have  the  seal  of  the  Divine  approbation. 
The  great  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  did  not  hesitate  to  rely  on 
such  a  proof  of  his  commission  from  heaven.  "  Need  we," 
says  he  to  the  Corinthians,  "  epistles  of  commendation  to 
you,  or  letters  of  commendation  from  you  1  Ye  are  our 
epistle  written  in  our  hearts,  knowni  and  read  of  all  men ; 
forasmuch  as  ye  are  manifestly  declared  to  be  the  epistle  of 
Christ  ministered  by  us,  Avritten,  not  with  ink,  but  with 
the  Spirit  of  the  living  God,  not  in  tables  of  stone,  but  in 
the  fleshy  tables  of  the  heart."  t  No  true  pastor  will  be 
left  entirely  destitute  of  such  encouragement,  and  neither 
the  Twelve  nor  the  Seventy  could  produce  credentials  more 
trustworthy  or  more  intelligible. 

*  Luke  X.  16.  t  2  Cor.  iii.  1-.3. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  GOSPEL  FROM  THE  DEATH   OF  CHREST 

TO  THE  DEATH  OF  THE  APOSTLE  JAMES,  THE 

BROTHER  OF  JOHN. 

A.D.  31  TO  A.D.  44. 

AVhen  our  Lord  bowed  His  head  on  the  cross  and  "  gave 
up  the  ghost,"  the  work  of  atonement  was  completed.  The 
ceremonial  law  virtually  expired  when  He  explained,  by 
His  death,  its  awful  significance;  aud  the  crisis  of  His 
passion  was  the  birthday  of  the  Christian  economy.  At 
this  date  the  history  of  the  New  Testament  Church  properly 
commences. 

After  His  resurrection  Jesus  remained  forty  days  on 
earth,''"  and,  during  this  interval.  He  often  took  occasion  to 
point  out  to  His  disciples  the  meaning  of  His  wonderful 
career.  He  is  represented  as  saying  to  them — "  Thus  it  is 
written,  and  thus  it  behoved  Christ  to  suffer,  and  to  rise 
from  the  dead  the  third  day,  and  that  repentance  and  re- 
mission of  sins  should  be  preached  in  His  name  among  all 
nations,  heg inning  at  Jerusalem!'  t  The  inspired  narratives/ 
of  the  teaching  and  miracles  of  our  Lord  are  emphatically! 
corroborated  by  the  fact,  that  a  large  Christian  Church  wasj 
established,  almost  immediately  after  His  decease,  in  the 
metropolis  of  Palestine.  The  Sanhedrim  and  the  Roman 
governor  had  concurred  in  His  condemnation ;  aud,  on  the 
night  of  His  trial,   even  the  intrepid  Peter  had  been  so 

*  Acts  i.  3.  t  Luke  xxiv.  40,  47. 


52  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

intimidated  that  lie  had  been  tempted  to  curse  and  to  swear 
as  he  averred  that  he  knev>^  not  "  The  Man."  It  might  have 
been  expected  that  the  death  of  Jesus  would  have  been  fol- 
■  lowed  by  a  reign  of  terror,  and  that  no  attempt  would  have 
been  made,  at  least  in  the  place  where  the  civil  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal authorities  resided,  to  assert  the  Divine  mission  of  Him 
whom  they  had  crucified  as  a  malefactor.  But  perfect  love 
casteth  out  fear.  In  the  very  city  where  He  had  suffered, 
and  a  few  days  after  His  passion.  His  disciples  ventured  in 
the  most  public  manner  to  declare  His  innocence  and  to 
proclaim  Him  as  the  Messiah.  The  result  of  their  appeal  is 
as  wonderfid  as  its  boldness.  Though  the  imminent  peril 
of  confessing  Christ  was  well  known,  such  was  the  strength 
of  their  convictions  that  multitudes  resolved,  at  all  hazards, 
to  enrol  themselves  among  His  followers.  The  success 
which  accompanied  the  preaching  of  the  apostolic  mission- 
aries at  the  feast  of  Pentecost  was  a  sign  and  a  pledge  of 
their  future  triumphs,  for  "  the  same  day  there  were  added 
unto  them  about  three  thousand  souls."  '" 

The  disinterested  behaviour  of  the  converts  betokened 
their  intense  earnestness.  "All  that  believed  were  together 
and  had  all  things  common,  and  sold  their  possessions  and 
goods  and  parted  them  to  all  men,  as  every  man  had  need."t 
These  early  disciples  were  not,  indeed,  required,  as  a  term 
of  communion,  to  deposit  their  property  in  a  common  stock- 
purse;  but,  in  the  overflowings  of  their  first  love,  they 
spontaneously  adopted  the  arrangement.  On  the  part  of 
the  more  opulent  members  of  the  community  residing  in  a 
place  which  was  the  stronghold  of  Jewish  prejudice  and 
influence,  this  course  was,  perhaps,  as  prudent  as  it  was 
generous.  By  joining  a  proscribed  sect  they  put  their  lives, 
as  well  as  their  wealth,  into  jeopardy;  but,  by  the  sale  of 
their  effects,  they  displayed  a  sj^irit  of  self-sacrifice  Avhich 
must  have  astonished  and  confounded  their  adversaries. 

*  Acts  ii.  41.  t  Acts  ii.  44,  45. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  53 

They  thus  anticipated  all  attempts  at  spoliation,  and  gave 
a  proof  of  their  readiness  to  submit  to  any  suffering  for  the 
cause  which  they  had  espoused.  An  inheritance,  when 
turned  into  money,  could  not  be  easily  sequestered;  and 
those  who  were  in  want  could  obtain  assistance  out  of  the 
secreted  treasure.  Still,  even  at  this  period,  the  principle  of  1 
a  community  of  goods  was  not  carried  out  into  universal  1 
operation ;  for  the  foreign  Jews  who  were  now  converted  to 
the  faith,  and  who  were  "possessors  of  lands  or  houses"'"'  in 
distant  countries,  could  neither  have  found  purchasers,  nor 
negotiated  transfers,  in  the  holy  city.  The  first  sales  must 
obviously  have  been  confined  to  those  members  of  the 
Church  who  were  owners  of  property  in  Jerusalem  and  its 
neighbourhood. 

The  system  of  having  all  things  common  was  suggested 
in  a  crisis  of  apparently  extreme  peril,  so  that  it  was  only  a 
temporary  expedient;  and  it  is  evident  that  it  was  soon 
given  up  altogether,  as  unsuited  to  the  ordinary  circum- 
stances of  the  Christian  Church.  But  though,  in  a  short 
time,  the  disciples  in  general  were  left  to  depend  on  their 
o^Am  resources,  the  community  continued  to  provide  a  fund 
for  the  help  of  the  infirm  and  the  destitute.  At  an  early 
period  complaints  were  made  respecting  the  distribution  of 
this  charity,  and  we  are  told  that  "  there  arose  a  murmuring 
of  the  Grecians  against  the  Hebrews  because  their  widows 
were  neglected  in  the  daily  ministration."  t  The  Grecians, 
or  those  converts  from  Judaism  who  used  the  Greek  lan- 
guage, were  generally  of  foreign  birth ;  and  as  the  Hehreivs, 
or  the  brethren  who  spoke  the  vernacular  tongue  of  Pales- 
tine, were  natives  of  the  country,  there  were,  perhaps,  sus- 
picions that  local  influence  secured  for  their  poor  an  undue 
share  of  the  puljlic  bounty.  The  expedient  employed  for 
the  removal  of  this  "root  of  bitterness"  seems  to  have  been 

*  See  Acts  iv.  .34.     Barnabas  was  probably  obliged  to  go  to  Cyprus  to  com- 
plete the  sale.  t  Acts  vi.  1. 


5  4  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

completely  successful.  "  The  twelve  called  the  multitude 
of  the  discij)les  unto  them  and  said,  It  is  not  reason  that 
we  shoidd  leave  the  word  of  God  and  serve  tables.  Where- 
fore, brethren,  look  ye  out  among  you  seven  men  of  honest 
report,  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  wisdom,  whom  we  may 
appoint  over  this  business."'"' 

Had  the  apostles  been  anxious  for  power  they  would 
themselves  have  nominated  the  deacons.  They  might  have 
urged,  too,  a  very  plausible  apology  for  here  venturing  upon 
an  exercise  of  patronage.  They  might  have  pleaded  that 
the  disciples  were  dissatisfied  with  each  other — that  the 
excitement  of  a  popular  election  was  fitted  to  increase  this 
feeling  of  alienation — and  that,  under  such  circumstances, 
prudence  required  them  to  take  upon  themselves  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  appointment.  But  they  were  guided  by 
a  higher  wisdom ;  and  their  conduct  is  a  model  for  the  imi- 
tation of  ecclesiastical  rulers  in  all  succeeding  generations. 
It  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Lawgiver  that  His  Church 
should  possess  a  free  constitution ;  and  accordingly,  at  the 
very  outset,  its  members  were  intrusted  with  the  privilege 
of  self-government.  The  community  had  already  been  in- 
vited to  choose  an  apostle  in  the  room  of  Judas,t  and  they 
were  now  required  to  name  office-bearers  for  the  manage- 
ment of  their  money  transactions.  But,  whilst  the  Twelve, 
on  this  occasion,  appealed  to  the  sufii-ages  of  the  Brother- 
hood, they  reserved  to  themselves  the  right  of  confirming 
the  election;  and  they  might,  by  withholding  ordination, 
have  refused  to  fiat  an  improper  appointment.  Hapj^ily  no 
such  difficulty  occurred.  In  compliance  with  the  instruc- 
tions addressed  to  them,  the  midtitude  chose  seven  of  their 
number  "whom  they  set  before  the  apostles,  and,  when 
they  had  prayed,  they  laid  their  hands  on  them."  J 

*  Acts  vi.  2,  3. 

t  Acts  i.  15,  23.     They  selected  two,  and  not  knowing  which  to  prefer,  they 
decided  finally  by  lot.  X  -A-cts  vi.  6. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  55 

Prior  to  tlie  election  of  the  deacons,  Peter  and  John  had 
been  incarcerated,  TlieSanhedrim wished toextortfroni  them 
a  pledge  that  they  would  "  not  speak  at  all  nor  teach  in  the 
name  of  Jesus,"  ^'  but  the  prisoners  nobly  refused  to  consent 
to  any  such  compromise.  They  "answered  and  said  unto  them 
— Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight  of  God  to  hearken  unto 
you  more  than  unto  God,  judge  ye."  t  The  apostles  here 
disclaimed  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience,  and  asserted 
principles  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  the  true  theory  of 
religious  freedom.  They  maintained  that  "  God  alone  is 
Lord  of  the  conscience  " — that  His  command  overrides  all 
human  regulations — and  that,  no  matter  w^hat  may  be  the 
penalties  which  earthly  rulers  may  annex  to  the  breach  of 
the  enactments  of  their  statute-book,  the  Christian  is  not 
bound  to  obey,  when  the  civil  law  would  compel  him  to 
violate  his  enlightened  convictions.  But  the  Sanhedrim 
ob\T.ously  despised  such  considerations.  For  a  time  they 
were  obliged  to  remain  quiescent,  as  public  feeling  ran 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  new  preachers;  but,  soon  after 
the  election  of  the  deacons,  they  resumed  the  work  of 
persecution.  The  tide  of  popularity  now  began  to  turn; 
and  Stephen,  one  of  the  Seven,  particularly  distinguished  by 
his  zeal,  fell  a  victim  to  their  intolerance. 

The  martyrdom  of  Stephen  ajDpears  to  have  occurred 
about  three  years  and  a  half  after  the  death  of  our  Lord.]^/ 
Daniel  had  foretold  that  the  Messiah  would  "  confirm  the 
covenant  with  many  for  one  iveeJc "  § — an  announcement 
which  has  been  understood  to  indicate  that,  at  the  time  of 

*  Acts  iv.  18.  t  Acts  iv.  19. 

J  That  is,  A.D.  34,  dating  the  crucifixion  a.d.  31.  Tillemont,  but  on  entirely 
difierent  gi-ounds,  assigns  the  same  date  to  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen.  See 
"  Memoires  pour  servir  a  L'Histoire  Ecclesiastique  des  six  premiers  siecles," 
tome  prem.  sec.  par.  p.  420.  Stephen's  martyixlom  probably  occm-red  about 
the  feast  of  Tabernacles. 

§  Daniel  ix.  27.  A  dai/  in  prophetic  language  denotes  a  ^ear.  Ezek.  iv. 
4,  5.  A  prophetic  week,  or  seven  days,  is,  therefore,  equivalent  to  .seven 
years. 


56  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

his  manifestation,  the  gospel  would  be  preached  with  much 
success  among  his  countrymen  ybr  seven  years — and  if  the 
prophetic  week  commenced  with  the  ministry  of  John  the 
Baptist,  it  proljably  terminated  with  this  bloody  tragedy.'^^ 
The  Christian  cause  had  hitherto  prospered  in  Jerusalem, 
and  there  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that,  meanwhile, 
it  had  also  made  considerable  progress  throughout  all  Pales- 
tine ;  Ijut,  at  this  date,  it  is  suddenly  arrested  in  its  career 
of  advancement.  The  Jewish  multitude  bemn  to  regard  it 
with  aversion ;  and  the  Eoman  governor  discovers  that  he 
may,  at  any  time,  obtain  the  tribute  of  their  applause  by 
oppressing  its  ablest  and  most  fearless  advocates. 
•  After  His  resurrection  our  Lord  commanded  the  apostles 
to  go  and  "  teach  all  nations'^  t  and  yet  years  rolled  away 
before  they  turned  their  thoughts  towards  the  evangelisa- 
tion of  the  Gentiles.  The  Jewish  mind  was  slow  to  appre- 
hend such  an  idea,  for  the  posterity  of  Abraham  had  been 
long  accustomed  to  regard  themselves  as  the  exclusive 
heirs  of  divine  privileges ;  but  the  remarkable  development 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  gradually  led  them  to  entertain 
more  enlarged  and  more  lil^eral  sentiments.  The  progress 
of  the  gospel  in  Samaria,  immediately  after  the  death  of 
Stephen,  demonstrated  that  the  blessings  of  the  new  dis- 
pensation were  not  to  be  conj&ned  to  God's  ancient  people. 
Though  many  of  the  Samaritans  acknowledged  the  divine 
authority  of  the  writings  of  Moses,  they  did  not  belong  to 
the  Church  of  Israel;  and  between  them  and  the  Jews  a 
bitter  antipathy  had  hitherto  existed.     When  Philip  ap- 

*  "  The  one  week,  or  Passion-week,  in  the  midst  of  which  our  Lord  was 
crucified  a.d.  31,  began  with  His  pubhc  ministry  a.d.  28,  and  ended  with  the 
martyrdom  of  Stephen  a.d.  34." — Hales'  Chronology,  ii.  p.  518.  Faber  and 
others,  who  hold  that  the  one  week  terminated  with  the  crucifixion,  are 
obliged  to  adopt  the  imtenable  hypothesis  that  John  the  Baptist  and  our  Lord 
together  preached  seven  years.  The  view  here  taken  is  corroborated  by  the 
statement  in  Dan.  ix.  27 — "  In  the  midst  of  the  'week  he  shall  cause  the  sacrifice 
and  the  oblation  to  cease," — as  Christ  by  one  sacrifice  of  Himself  "  perfected 
for  ever  them  that  are  sanctified."  f  Matt,  sxviii.  19. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  57 

peared  among  tliem,  and  preached  Jesus  as  the  promised 
Messiah,  they  listened  most  attentively  to  his  appeals,  and 
not  a  few  of  them  gladly  received  Christian  baptism/"'  It 
coidd  now  no  longer  be  said  that  the  Jews  had  "  no  deal- 
ings with  the  Samaritans,"  t  for  the  gospel  gathered  both 
into  the  fold  of  a  common  Saviour,  and  taught  them  to 
keep  "  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace." 

AVhen  the  disciples  were  scattered  abroad  by  the  perse- 
cution which  arose  after  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen,  the 
apostles  still  kept  their  post  in  the  Jewish  capital ;  |  for 
Christ  had  instructed  them  to  begin  their  ministry  in  that 
place :  §  and  they  perhaps  conceived  that,  until  authorised 
by  some  further  intimation,  they  were  bound  to  remain  at 
Jerusalem.  But  the  conversion  of  the  Samaritans  must 
have  reminded  them  that  the  sphere  of  their  labours  was 
more  extensive.  Our  Lord  had  said  to  them — "  Ye  shall 
be  witnesses  unto  me  both  in  Jerusalem,  and  in  all  Judea, 
and  in  Samaria,  and  unto  the  iittermost  part  of  the  earth"  || 
and  events,  which  were  now  passing  before  their  view,  were 
continually  throwing  additional  light  upon  the  meaning  of 
this  announcement.  The  baptism  of  the  Ethiopian  eunucli,1[ 
about  this  period,  was  calculated  to  enlarge  their  ideas; 
and  the  baptism  of  Cornelius  pointed  out,  still  more  dis- 
tinctly, the  wide  range  of  their  evangelical  commission. 
The  minuteness  with  which  the  case  of  the  devout  centu- 
rion is  described  is  a  proof  of  its  importance  as  connected 
with  this  transition-stage  in  the  history  of  the  Church.  He 
had  before  known  nothing  of  Peter;  and,  when  they  met 
at  Csesarea,  each  could  testify  that  he  had  been  prepared 
for  the  interview  by  a  special  revelation  from  heaven."'"^" 
Cornelius  was  "  a  centurion  of  the  band  called  the  Italian 
band  "  tt — he  was  a  representative  of  that  military  power 

*  Acts  viii.  6,  12.  f  John  iv.  9.  J  Acts  viii.  1. 

§  Luke  xxiv.  47  ;  Acts  i.  4.  ||  Acts  i.  8.  IT  Acts  viii.  27-38. 

**  Acts  X.  19,  30,  32.  ft  Acts  x.  1. 


58  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

which  then  ruled  the  world — and,  in  his  bajDtism,  we  see 
the  Roman  Emj^ire  presenting,  on  the  altar  of  Christianity, 
the  first-fruits  of  the  Gentiles. 

It  was  not,  however,  very  obvious,  from  any  of  the  cases 
already  enumerated,  that  the  salvation  of  Christ  was  designed 
for  all  classes  and  conditions  of  the  human  family.  The 
Samaritans  did  not,  indeed,  worship  at  Jerusalem,  but  they 
claimed  some  interest  in  "the  promises  made  unto  the 
fathers;"  and  they  conformed  to  many  of  the  rites  of 
Judaism.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  Ethiopian  eunuch 
was  of  the  seed  of  Abraham;  but  he  acknowledged  the 
inspiration  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  he  was  disposed,  at 
least  to  a  certain  extent,  to  observe  its  institutions.  Even 
the  Eoman  centurion  was  what  has  been  called  a  proselyte 
of  the  gate,  that  is,  he  professed  the  Jewish  theology — "he 
feared  God  with  all  his  house"*— though  he  had  not  received 
circumcision,  and  had  not  been  admitted  into  the  congre- 
gation of  Israel.  But  the  time  was  approaching  when  the 
Church  was  to  burst  forth  beyond  the  barriers  within  which 
it  had  been  hitherto  inclosed,  and  an  individual  now 
appeared  upon  the  scene  who  was  to  be  the  leader  of  this 
new  movement.  He  is  "a  citizen  of  no  mean  city^t — a 
native  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  a  place  famous  for  its  educational 
institutes  J — and  he  is  known,  by  Avay  of  distinction,  as  "an 
apostle  of  the  natio7is."^ 

The  apostles  were  at  first  sent  only  to  their  own  country- 
men ;1|  and  we  have  seen  that,  for  some  time  after  our 
Lord's  death,  they  do  not  appear  to  have  contemplated  any 
more  comprehensive  mission.  When  Peter  called  on  the 
disciples  to  appoint  a  successor  to  Judas,  he  seems  to  have 
acted  under  the  conviction  that  the  company  of  the  Twelve 
must  still  be  maintained  in  its  integrity,  and  that  its  num- 
bers must  still  exactly  correspond  to  the  number  of  the 

*  Acts  X.  2.  t  Acts  xxi.  39.  J  Strabo,  xiv.  p.  673. 

§  Rom.  xi.  13;  1  Tim.  ii.  7;  2  Tim.  i.  11.         ||  Matt.  x.  5,  6. 


OF  THE  CHEISTIAN  CHURCH.  59 

tribes  of  Israel.  But  the  Jews,  after  the  death  of  Stephen, 
evinced  an  increasing  aversion  to  the  gospel ;  and  as  the 
apostles  were  eventually  induced  to  direct  their  views  else- 
where, they  were,  of  course,  also  led  to  abandon  an  arrange- 
ment which  had  a  special  reference  to  the  sectional  divisions 
of  the  chosen  people.  Meanwhile,  too,  the  management  of 
ecclesiastical  affaii-s  had  partially  fallen  into  other  hands; 
new  missions,  in  which  the  Twelve  had  no  share,  had  been 
undertaken;  and  Paul  henceforth  becomes  most  conspicuous 
and  successful  in  extending  and  organising  the  Church. 

Paul  describes  himself  as  "one  born  out  of  due  time."'^ 
He  was  converted  to  Christianity  when  his  countrymen 
seemed  about  to  be  consigned  to  judicial  blindness;  and  he 
was  "called  to  be  an  apostle"  f  when  others  had  been  labour- 
ing for  years  in  the  same  vocation.  But  he  possessed  pecu- 
liar qualifications  for  the  office.  He  was  ardent,  energetic, 
and  conscientious,  as  well  as  acute  and  eloquent.  In  his 
native  city  Tarsus  he  had  probably  received  a  good  ele- 
mentary education,  and  afterwards,  "at  the  feetof  GamalieVJ 
in  Jerusalem,  he  enjoyed  the  tuition  of  a  Rabbi  of  unrivalled 
celebrity.  The  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  had  much  the  same 
religious  experience  as  the  father  of  the  German  Reforma- 
tion ;  for  as  Luther,  before  he  understood  the  doctrine  of  a 
free  salvation,  attempted  to  earn  a  title  to  heaven  by  the 
austerities  of  monastic  discipline,  so  Paul  in  early  life  was 
"  taught  according  to  the  perfect  manner  of  the  law  of  the 
fathers," §  and  "after  the  strictest  sect  of  his  religion  lived 
a  Pharisee." II  His  zeal  led  him  to  become  a  persecutor; 
and  when  Stephen  was  stoned,  the  witnesses,  who  were 
required  to  take  part  in  the  execution,  prepared  themselves 
for  the  work  of  death,  by  laying  down  their  upper  garments 
at  the  feet  of  the  "young  man"  Saul. IF  He  had  established 
himself  in  the  confidence  of  the  Sanhedrim,  and  he  appears 

*  1  Cor.  XV.  8.  +  Rom.  i.  1.  J  Acts  xxii.  3. 

§  Acts  xxii.  3.  II  Acts  xxvi.  5.  IT  Acts  vii.  58. 


C)0  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

to  have  been  a  memlier  of  that  influential  judicatory,  for 
he  tells  us  that  he  "shut  up  many  of  the  saints  in  prison," 
and  that,  when  they  were  put  to  death,  "he  gave  his  voice, 
or  his  vote/'  against  them" — a  statement  implying  that  he 
belonged  to  the  court  which  pronounced  the  sentence  of 
condemnation.  As  he  was  travelling  to  Damascus  armed 
with  authority  to  seize  any  of  the  disciples  whom  he  dis- 
covered in  that  city,  and  to  convey  them  bound  to  Jeru- 
salem,t  the  Lord  appeared  to  him  in  the  way,  and  he  was 
suddenly  converted.  J  After  reaching  the  end  of  his  journey, 
and  boldly  proclaiming  his  attachment  to  the  party  he  had 
been  so  recently  endeavouring  to  exterminate,  he  retired 
into  Arabia,§  where  he  appears  to  have  spent  three  years 
in  the  devout  study  of  the  Christian  theology.  He  then 
returned  to  Damascus,  and  entered,  about  a.d.  37,||  on  those 
missionary  labours  which  he  prosecuted  with  so  much  effi- 
ciency and  perseverance  for  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a 
century. 

Paul  declares  that  he  derived  a  knowledge  of  the  gospel 
immediately  from  Christ  ;1[  and  though,  for  many  years,  he 
had  very  little  intercourse  with  the  Twelve,  he  avers  that 
he  was   "not  a  whit  behind  the  very  chiefest  apostles.""^''^ 

*  Acts  xxvi.  10.  "'irrj^ov.  See  Alford  on  Acts  xxvi.  10,  and  Acts  viii.  1. 
See  also  "  The  Life  and  Epistles  of  St  Paul"  by  Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  85. 
Edit.,  London,  1852.  Paul  says  that  "all  the  Jews"  knew  his  manner  of  life 
from  his  youth — a  declaration  from  which  we  may  infer  that  he  was  a  person  of 
note.  See  Acts  xxvi.  4.  There  is  a  tradition  that  he  aspired  to  be  the  son-in- 
law  of  the  high  priest.     Epiphanius,  "  Ad  Haer.,"  1,  2,  §  16  and  §  25. 

t  Acts  ix.  2,  and  xxii.  5.  %  ^cts  ix.  3-21.  §  Gal.  i.  17,  18. 

II  This  date  may  be  established  thus  : — Stephen,  as  has  been  shewn,  was 
martyred  a.d.  34.  See  note,  p.  55  of  this  chajiter.  Paul  seems  to  have  been 
converted  in  the  same  year,  and  therefore,  if  he  returned  to  Damascus 
three  years  afterwards,  he  must  have  been  in  that  city  in  a.d.  37.  It  would 
appear,  from  another  source  of  evidence,  that  this  is  the  true  date.  The 
Emperor  Tiberius  died  a.d.  37,  and  Aretas  immediately  afterwards  seems  to 
have  obtained  possession  of  Damascus.  He  was  in  possession  of  it  when  Paul 
was  now  there.  See  2  Cor.  xi.  32,  33.  It  is  probable  that  he  remained  master 
of  the  place  only  a  very  short  time. 

IT  Gal.  i.  12.  **  2  Cor.  xi.  5. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  61 

Throughout  life  he  was  associated,  not  with  them,  but  with 
others  as  his  fellow-hibourers ;  and  he  obviously  occupied  a 
distinct  and  independent  position.  When  he  was  baptized, 
the  ordinance  was  administered  by  an  individual  who  is 
not  previously  mentioned  in  the  New  Testament,''^  and  when 
he  was  separated  to  the  work  to  which  the  Lord  had  called 
him,t  the  ordainers  were  "  prophets  and  teachers,"  respect- 
ing whose  own  call  to  the  ministry  the  inspired  historian 
supplies  us  with  no  information.  But  it  may  fairly  be  pre- 
smned  tliat  they  were  regularly  introduced  into  the  places 
which  they  are  represented  as  occupying;  they  are  all  de- 
scribed by  the  evangelist  as  receiving  the  same  special  in- 
structions from  heaven ;  and  the  tradition  that,  at  least  some 
of  them,  were  of  the  number  of  the  Seventy,  J  is  exceedingly 
probable.  And  if,  as  has  already  been  suggested,  the  mission 
of  the  Seventy  indicated  the  design  of  our  Saviour  to  dif- 
fuse the  gospel  all  over  the  world,  we  can  see  a  peculiar 
propriety  in  the  arrangement  that  Paul  was  ushered  into 
the  Church  under  the  auspices  of  these  ministers.§  It  was 
most  fitting  that  he  who  was  to  be,  by  way  of  eminence,  the 
apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  was  baptized  and  ordained  by  men 
whose  own  appointment  was  intended  to  symbolise  the 
catholic  spirit  of  Christianity. 

In  the  treatment  of  Paul  by  his  unbelieving  countrymen 
we  have  a  most  melancholy  illustration  of  the  recklessness 
of  religious  bigotry.  These  Jews  must  have  known  that, 
in  as  far  as  secular  considerations  were  concerned,  he  had 
everything  to  lose  by  turning  into  "the  way  which  they 

*  Acts  ix.  17,  18.  +  Acts  xiii.  1,  2. 

X  Simeon  or  Niger,  according  to  Epiphanius,  was  one  of  the  Seventy. 
"  Hseres,"  20,  sec.  4.  Luke,  the  writer  of  the  Book  of  the  Acts,  is  said  to  have 
been  one  of  the  Seventy,  and  some  have  asserted  that  he  is  the  same  as  Lucius 
of  Cyrene,  mentioned  Acts  xiii.  1. 

§  Ananias,  by  whom  he  was  baptized,  was,  according  to  the  Greek  martyro- 
logies,  one  of  the  Seventy.  See  Burton's  "  Lectures,"  i.  88,  note.  It  is  evident 
that  Ananias  waa  a  person  of  note  among  the  Chiistians  of  Damascus. 


62  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

called  heresy;'*  they  were  bound  to  acknowledge  that,  by 
connecting  himself  with  an  odious  sect,  he  at  least  demon- 
strated his  sincerity  and  self-denial;  but  they  were  so  exas- 
perated by  his  zeal  that  they  "  took  counsel  to  kill  him."^* 
When,  after  his  sojourn  in  Arabia,  he  returned  to  Damascus 
that  city  was  in  the  hands  of  Aretas,  the  king  of  Arabia 
Petrsea  ;t  who  seems  to  have  contrived  to  gain  possession  of 
it  during  the  confusion  which  immediately  followed  the 
death  of  the  Emperor  Tiberius.  This  petty  sovereign 
courted  the  favour  of  the  Jewish  portion  of  the  popvdation 
by  permitting  them  to  persecute  the  disciples; J  and  the 
apostle,  at  this  crisis,  would  have  fallen  a  victim  to  their 
malignity  had  not  his  friends  let  him  down  "  through  a 
window,  in  a  basket,  by  the  wall,"§  and  thus  enabled  him 
to  escape  a  premature  martyrdom.  He  now  repaired  to 
Jerusalem,  where  the  brethren  do  not  appear  to  have  heard 
of  his  conversion,  and  where  they  at  first  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge him  as  a  member  of  their  society  ;||  for  he  had  been 
obliged  to  leave  Damascus  with  so  much  precipitation  that 
he  had  brought  with  him  no  commendatory  letters;  but 
Barnabas,  who  is  said  to  have  been  his  school-fellow,1[  and 
who  had  in  some  way  obtained  information  respecting  his 
subsequent  career,  made  the  leaders  of  the  Mother  Church 
acquainted  with  the  wonderful  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  his  sentiments  and  character,  and  induced  them  to 
admit  him  to  fellowship.  During  this  visit  to  the  holy  city, 
while  he  prayed  in  the  temple,  he  was  more  fully  instructed 
respecting  his  future  destination.  In  a  trance,  he  saw  Jesus, 
who  said  to  him — "  Depart,  for  I  will  send  thee  far  hence 
unto  the  Gentiles.'"'"'  Even  had  he  not  received  this  intima- 

*  Acts  ix.  23.  t  See  Josepliiis'  "Antiquities,"  xviii.  5. 

X  See  Burton's  "Lectures,"  i.  116,  117. 
§  2  Cor.  xi.  32,  33.  ||  Acts  ix.  26,  27. 

IF  This  statement  rests  on  the  authority  of  a  monk  of  Cyprus,  named  Alex- 
ander, a  comparatively  late  writer.     See  Burton's  "  Lectures,"  i.  56,  note. 
**  Acts  xxii.  21. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHUHCH.  63 

tion,  the  murderous  hostility  of  the  Jews  would  have  obliged 
him  to  retire.  "  When  he  spake  boldly  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord  Jesus,  and  disputed  against  the  Grecians,  they  went 
about  to  slay  him — which,  when  the  brethren  knew,  they 
brought  him  down  to  Ccesarea,  and  sent  him  forth  to 
Tarsus."  '' 

The  apostle  now  labom^ed  for  some  years  as  a  missionary 
in  "  the  regions  of  Syria  and  Cilicia."  t  His  native  city 
and  its  neighbourhood  probably  enjoyed  a  large  share  of 
his  ministrations,  and  his  exertions  seem  to  have  been 
attended  with  much  success,  for,  soon  afterwards,  the  con- 
verts in  these  districts  attract  particidar  notice.  J  Mean- 
while the  gospel  was  making  rapid  progress  in  the  Syrian 
capital,  and  as  Saul  was  considered  eminently  qualified  for 
conducting  the  mission  in  that  place,  he  was  induced  to 
proceed  thither.  "  Then,"  says  the  sacred  historian,  "  Bar- 
nabas departed  to  Tarsus  to  seek  Saul,  and  when  he  had 
found  him  he  brought  him  unto  Antioch.  And  it  came  to 
pass  that  a  whole  year  they  assembled  themselves  with  the 
Church,  and  taught  mucli  people ;  and  the  disciples  were 
called  Christians  first  in  Antioch."  § 

The  establishment  of  a  Church  in  this  city  formed  a  new 
era  in  the  development  of  Christianity.  Antioch  was  a 
great  commercial  mart  with  a  large  Jewish,  as  well  as  Gen- 
tile, population;  it  was  virtually  the  cajDital  of  the  Roman 
Empire  in  the  East — being  the  residence  of  the  president, 
or  governor,  of  Syria ;  its  climate  was  delightful ;  and  its 
citizens,  enriched  by  trade,  were  noted  for  their  gaiety  and 
voluptuousness.  In  this  flourishing  metropolis  many  pro- 
selytes from  heathenism  were  to  be  found  in  the  synagogues 
of  the  Greek-speaking  Jews,  and  the  gosj)el  soon  made  rapid 
progress  among  these  Hellenists.  "  Some  of  them  (which 
were  scattered  abroad  upon  the  persecution  that  arose  about 

*  Acts  ix.  29,  30.  t  Gal.  i.  21. 

X  Acts  XV.  23,  41.  §  Acts  xi.  2-5,  2U. 


64  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

Stephen)  were  men  of  Cyprus  and  Cyrene,  which  when 
they  were  come  to  Antioch,  spake  unto  the  Grecians/'^ 
preaching  the  Lord  Jesus.  And  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was 
with  them,  and  a  great  number  l^elieved  and  turned  unto 
the  Lord."  t  The  followers  of  Jesus  at  this  time  received 
a  new  designation.  They  had  hitherto  called  themselves 
"brethren"  or  "disciples"  or  "believers,"  but  now  they 
"  were  called  Christians  "  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Syrian  capital.  As  the  unconverted  Jews  did  not  admit 
that  Jesus  was  the  Christ  they  were  obviously  not  the 
authors  of  this  appellation,  and,  in  contempt,  they  probably 
styled  the  party  Nazarenes  or  Galileans ;  but  it  is  easy  to 
understand  how  the  name  was  suggested  to  the  Pagans  as 
most  descriptive  and  appropriate.  No  one  could  be  long 
in  comj)any  with  the  new  religionists  without  perceiving 
that  Christ  was  "  the  end  of  their  conversation."  They 
delighted  to  tell  of  His  mighty  miracles,  of  His  holy  life,  of 
the  extraordinary  circumstances  which  accompanied  His 
death,  of  His  resurrection  and  ascension.  Out  of  the  ful- 
ness of  their  hearts  they  discoursed  of  His  condescension 
and  His  meekness,  of  His  wonderful  wisdom,  of  His  sublime 
theology,  and  of  His  unutterable  love  to  a  world  lying  in 
wickedness.  When  they  prayed,  they  prayed  to  Christ; 
when  they  sang,  they  sang  praise  to  Christ;  when  they 
preached,  they  preached  Christ.  Well  then  might  the 
heathen  multitude  agree  with  one  voice  to  call  them  Chris- 
tians. The  inventor  of  the  title  may  have  meant  it  as  a 
nickname,  but  if  so,  He  who  overruled  the  waywardness  of 

*  Griesbach,  Lachmann,  Alford,  and  other  critics  of  great  note,  here  pre- 
fer "EXXr/fas  to  'YXk-qviaras,  but  the  common  reading  is  better  sixjjported  by 
the  authority  of  manuscripts,  and  more  in  accordance  with  Acts  xiv.  27,  where 
Paul  and  Barnabas  are  represented,  long  afterwards,  as  declaring  to  the  Church 
of  Antioch  how  God  "  had  opened  the  door  of  faith  unto  the  Oentiles?''  See 
an  excellent  vindication  of  the  textus  receptus  in  the  Journal  of  Sacred  Lite- 
rature for  January  1857,  No.  VIIL,  p.  285,  by  the  Rev.  W.  Kay,  M.A.,  Prin- 
cipal of  Bishop's  College,  Calcutta.  f  Acts  xi.  20. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  65 

Pilate  so  that  lie  wrote  on  the  cross  a  faithful  inscription,* 
also  caused  this  mocker  of  His  servants  to  stumble  on  a 
most  truthful  and  complimentary  designation. 

From  his  first  appearance  in  Antioch  Paul  seems  to  have 
occupied  a  very  influential  position  among  his  brethren. 
In  that  refined  and  opulent  city  his  learning,  his  dialectic 
skill,  his  prudence,  and  his  pious  ardour  were  all  calculated 
to  make  his  ministry  most  effective.  About  a  year  after 
his  arrival  there,  he  was  dej^uted,  in  company  with  a  friend, 
to  visit  Palestine  on  an  errand  of  love.  "  In  those  days 
came  prophets  from  Jerusalem  unto  Antioch.  And  there 
stood  up  one  of  them,  named  Agabus,  and  signified  by  the 
Spirit  that  there  should  be  great  dearth  throughout  all  the 
world ;  which  came  to  pass  in  the  days  of  Claudius  Csesar. 
Then  the  disciples,  every  man  according  to  his  ability,  de- 
termined to  send  relief  to  the  brethren  which  dwelt  in 
Judea.  "Which  also  they  did,  and  sent  it  to  the  elders  by 
the  hands  of  Barnabas  and  Saul."  t 

This  narrative  attests  that  the  principle  of  a  community 
of  goods  was  not  recognised  in  the  Church  of  Antioch,  for 
the  aid  administered  was  supplied,  not  out  of  a  general 
fund,  but  by  "  every  man  according  to  his  ability."  There 
was  here  no  "  murmuring  of  the  Grecians  against  the 
Hebrews,"  as,  in  the  spirit  of  true  brotherhood,  the  wealthy 
Hellenists  of  Antioch  cheerfully  contributed  to  the  relief  of 
the  poor  Hebrews  of  their  fatherland.  It  does  not  appear 
that  "  the  elders  "  in  whose  hands  the  money  was  deposited, 
were  all  office-bearers  connected  with  the  Church  of  Jerusa- 
lem. These  would,  of  course,  receive  no  small  share  of  the 
donations,  but  as  the  assistance  was  designed  for  the  "  bre- 
thren which  dwelt  in  Judea,''  and  not  merely  for  the  dis- 
ciples in  the  holy  city,  we  may  infer  that  it  was  distributed 
among  the  elders  of  all  the  Churches  now  scattered  over  the 

*  John  xix.  19-22.  t  Acts  xi.  27-30. 


66  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

southern  part  of  Palestine/^  Neither  would  Barnabas  and 
Paul  require  to  make  a  tour  throughout  the  district  to  visit 
these  various  communities.  All  the  elders  of  Judea  still  con- 
tinued to  observe  the  Mosaic  law,  and  as  the  deputies  from 
Antioch  were  in  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the  Passover,!  they 
would  find  their  brethren  in  attendance  upon  the  festival. 

It  is  reported  by  several  ancient  writers  that  the  apostles 
were  instructed  to  remain  .at  Jerusalem  for  twelve  years 
after  the  crucifixion  of  our  Lord,J  and  if  the  tradition  is 
correct,  the  holy  city  continued  to  be  their  stated  residence 
until  shortly  before  the  period  of  the  arrival  of  these  depu- 
ties from  the  Syrian  capital.  The  time  of  this  visit  can  be 
pretty  accurately  ascertained,  and  there  is  perhaps  no  point 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  book  of  the  Acts  respect- 
ing which  there  is  such  a  close  approximation  to  unanimity 
amongst  chronologists ;  for,  as  Josephus  notices  §  both  the 
sudden  death  of  Herod  Agrippa,  grandson  of  Herod  the 
Great,  which  now  occurred,  ||  and  the  famine  against  which 
this  contribution  was  intended  to  provide,  it  is  apparent 
from  the  date  which  he  assigns  to  them,  that  Barnabas  and 
Saul  must  have  reached  Jerusalem  about  a.d.  44.11  At  this 
juncture  at  least  two  of  the  apostles,  James  the  brother  of 
John,  and  Peter,  were  in  the  Jewish  capital;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that  all  the  rest  had  not  yet  finally  taken  their  de- 
parture. The  Twelve,  it  would  seem,  did  not  set  out  on 
distant  missions  until  they  were  thoroughly  convinced  that 
they  had  ceased  to  make  progress  in  the  conversion  of  their 

*  It  is  obvious  from  Acts  ix.  31,  xxvi.  20,  and  Gal.  i.  22,  that  such  churches 
now  existed.  t  Acts  xii.  3,  24,  25. 

X  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vi.  p.  742,  note  ;  Edit.  Potter.     Eusebius,  v.  18. 

§  "  Antiquities,"  xix.  c.  8,  §  2,  xx.  c.  2,  §  5.  ||  Acts  xii.  20-23. 

IF  From  the  comparative  table  of  chronology  appended  to  Wieseler's  "  Chro- 
nologic des  apostolischen  Zeitalters,"  it  appears  that  the  date  given  in  the 
text  is  adopted  by  no  less  than  twenty  of  the  highest  chronological  authori- 
ties, including  Ussher,  Pearson,  Spanheim,  Tillemont,  Michaelis,  Hug,  and 
De  Wette.  It  is  also  adopted  by  Bui'ton.  Wieseler  himself,  apj)arently  on 
insufficient  grounds,  adopts  a.d.  45. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  67 

countrymen  in  the  land  of  their  fathers.  And  it  is  no  trivial 
evidence,  at  once  of  the  strength  of  their  convictions,  and 
of  the  truth  of  the  evangelical  history,  that  they  continued 
so  long  and  so  efficiently  to  proclaim  the  gospel  in  the  chief 
city  of  Palestine.  Had  they  not  acted  under  an  over- 
whelming sense  of  duty,  they  would  not  have  remained  in 
a  place  where  their  lives  were  in  perpetual  jeopardy;  and 
had  they  not  been  faithful  witnesses,  they  could  not  have 
induced  so  many,  of  all  classes  of  society,  to  believe  state- 
ments which,  if  unfounded,  could  have  been  easily  contra- 
dicted on  the  spot.  The  apostles  must  have  been  known 
to  many  in  Jerusalem  as  the  companions  of  our  Lord ;  for, 
during  His  public  ministry,  they  had  often  been  seen  with 
Him  in  the  city  and  the  temple;  and  it  was  to  be,  there- 
fore, expected,  that  peculiar  importance  would  be  attached 
to  their  testimony  respecting  His  doctrines  and  His  miracles. 
Their  preaching  in  the  head-quarters  of  Judaism  was  fitted 
to  exert  an  immense  influence,  as  that  metropolis  itself  con- 
tained a  vast  population,  and  as  it  was,  besides,  the  resort 
of  strangers  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  And  so  long  as 
the  apostles  ministered  in  Jerusalem  or  in  Palestine  only  to 
the  house  of  Israel,  it  was  expedient  that  their  number, 
which  was  an  index  of  the  Divine  regard  for  the  whole  of 
the  twelve  tribes,  should  be  maintained  in  its  integrity. 
But  when,  after  preaching  twelve  years  among  their  country- 
men at  home,  they  found  their  labours  becoming  compara- 
tively barren ;  and  when,  driven  by  persecution  from  Judea, 
they  proceeded  on  distant  missions,  their  position  was  quite 
altered.  Their  number  had  now  at  least  partially"^'  lost  its 
original  significance ;  and  hence,  when  an  apostle  died,  the 

*  Though  Peter  was  taught,  by  the  case  of  Cornelius,  that  "  God  also  to  the 
Gentiles  had  granted  repentance  unto  life  "  (Acts  xi.  18),  and  though  he  doubt- 
less felt  himself  a  debtor,  both  to  the  Greeks  and  to  the  Jews,  yet  still  he 
continued  to  cherish  the  conviction  that  his  mission  was,  primarily  to  his 
kinsmen  according  to  the  flesh.  James  and  John  had  the  same  impression. 
See  Gal.  ii.  9 ;  James  i.  1 ;  1  Pet.  i.  1. 


I 


68  THE  FIRST  THIRTEEN  YEARS 

survivors  no  longer  deemed  it  necessary  to  take  steps  for 
the  appointment  of  a  successor.  We  find  accordingly  that 
when  Herod  "killed  James,  the  brother  of  John,  with  the 
sword,"*  no  other  indi\ddual  was  selected  to  occupy  the 
vacant  apostleship. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  when  Paul  appeared  in 
Jerusalem  for  the  first  time  after  his  conversion,  he  received, 
when  prating  in  the  temple,  a  divine  communication  in- 
forming him  of  his  mission  to  the  heathen. t  It  would  seem 
that,  diu'ing  his  present  \dsit,  as  the  bearer  of  the  contribu- 
tions from  Antioch,  he  was  favoured  with  another  revela- 
tion. In  his  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  he  apparently 
refers  to  this  most  comfortable,  yet  mysterious,  manifesta- 
tion. "  I  know,"  J  says  he,  "  a  man  in  Christ  fourteen  years 
ago  §  (whether  in  the  body,  I  cannot  tell,  or  whether  out  of 
the  body,  I  cannot  teU;  God  knoweth)  such  an  one  caught 
up  to  the  third  heaven.  And  I  know  such  a  man  (whether 
in  the  body,  or  out  of  the  body,  I  cannot  tell ;  God  know- 
eth) that  he  was  caught  up  into  paradise,  and  heard  un- 
speakable words  which  it  is  not  la^\^id  for  man  to  utter."  || 
The  present  position  of  the  apostle  explains  the  design  of 
this  sublime  and  delightful  vision.  As  Moses  was  en- 
couraged to  undertake  the  deliverance  of  his  countrymen 
when  God  appeared  to  him  in  the  burning  bush, !!  and  as 
Isaiah  was  emboldened  to  go  forth,  as  the  messenger  of  the 
Lord  of  hosts,  when  he  saw  Jehovah  sitting  upon  His 
throne  attended  by  the  seraphim,**  so  Paul  was  stirred  up 
by  an  equally  impressive  revelation  to  gird  himself  for  the 

*  Acts  xii.  2.  t  Acts  xxii.  17-21. 

%  I  here  partially  adopt  the  translation  of  Conybeare  and  Howson.  Their 
work  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  contributions  to  sacred  Uterature  which  has 
appeared  in  the  present  centuiy. 

§  The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  was  written  about  fourteen  years 
after  this,  or  towards  the  close  of  a.d.  57.  See  Chap.  IX.  of  this  Section. 
The  Jews  often  reckoned  current  time  as  if  it  were  complete. 

II  2  Cor.  xii.  2-4.  IF  Exodus  iii.  2-10.  **  Isaiah  vi.  1,  2,  8,  9. 


OF  THE  CHRISTIAN  CHURCH.  69 

laboiu's  of  a  new  appointment.  He  was  about  to  commence 
a  more  extensive  missionary  career,  and  before  entering 
upon  so  great  and  so  perilous  an  undertaking,  the  King  of 
kings  condescended  to  encourage  kim  by  admitting  him  to 
a  gracious  audience,  and  by  permitting  him  to  enjoy  some 
glimpses  of  the  glory  of  those  reahns  of  light  where  "  they 
that  be  wise  shall  shine  as  the  brightness  of  the  firmament, 
and  they  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  as  the  stars  for 
ever  and  ever." 


CHAPTEE  V. 

THE  ORDINATION  OF  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS ;  THEIR  MISSIONARY 
TOUR  IN  ASIA  MINOR ;  AND  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

A.D.  44  TO  A.D.  51. 

Soon  after  returning  from  Jerusalem  to  Antioch,  Paul  was 
formally  invested  with  his  new  commission.  His  fellow- 
deputy,  Barnabas,  was  appointed,  as  his  coadjutor,  in  this 
important  service.  "  Now,"  says  the  evangelist,  "  there  were 
in  the  church  that  was  at  Antioch  -certain  prophets  and 
teachers,  as  Barnabas,  and  Simeon  that  was  called  Niger, 
and  Lucius  of  Cyrene,  and  Manaen,  which  had  been  brought 
up  with  Herod  the  tetrarch,  and  Saul.  As  they  ministered 
to  the  Lord  and  fasted,  the  Holy  Ghost  said — Separate  me 
Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the  work  whereunto  I  have  called 
them.  And  when  they  had  fasted,  and  prayed,  and  laid 
their  hands  on  them,  they  sent  them  away."  * 

Ten  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  conversion  of  Paul ; 
and  during  the  greater  part  of  this  period,  he  had  been 
busily  engaged  in  the  dissemination  of  the  gospel.  In  the 
days  of  his  Judaism  the  learned  Pharisee  had,  no  doubt, 
been  accustomed  to  act  as  a  teacher  in  the  synagogues,  and, 
when  he  became  obedient  to  the  faith,  he  was  permitted,  as 
a  matter  of  course,  to  expound  his  new  theology  in  the 
Christian  assemblies.  Barnabas,  his  companion,  was  a 
Levite ;  t  and  as  his  tribe  was  specially  charged  with  the 

*  Acts  xiii.  1-3.  f  Acts  iv.  36. 


ORDINATION  OF  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS.  7l 

duty  of  public  instruction,  *  lie  too  liad  probably  been  a 
preacher  before  liis  conversion.     Both  these  men  had  been 
called  of  God  to  labour  as  evangelists,  and  the  Head  of  the 
Church  had  already  abundantly  honoured  their  ministra- 
tions; but  hitherto  neither  of  them  seems  to  have  been 
clothed  wdth  pastoral  authority  by  any  regular  ordination. 
Their  constant  presence  in  Antioch  was  now  no  lono-er 
necessary,  so  that  they  were  thus  left  at  liberty  to  prosecute 
their  missionary  operations  in  the  great  field  of  heathendom ; 
and  at  this  juncture  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  designate 
them,  in  due  form,  to  their  "ministry  and  apostleship." 
"  The  Holy  Ghost  said — Separate  me  Barnabas  and  Said  for 
the  work  whereunto  I  have  called  them.''     When  we  con- 
sider the  present  circumstances  of  these  two  brethren,  we 
may  see,  not  only  why  these  instructions  were  given,  but 
also  why  their  observance  has  been  so  distinctly  registered. 
It  is  apparent  that  Barnal^as  and  Saul  were  now  called 
to  a  position  of  higher  responsibility  than  that  which  they 
had  previously  occupied.     They  had  heretofore  acted  simply 
as  preachers  of  the  Christian  doctrine.     Prompted  by  love 
to  their  common  Master,  and  by  a  sense  of  individual  obli- 
gation, they  had  endeavoured  to  difiiise  all  around  them  a 
knowledge  of  the  Eedeemer.     They  taught  in  the  name  of 
Jesus,  just  because  they  possessed  the  gifts  and  the  graces 
required   for  such  a  service ;    and,   as  their  labours  were 
acknowledged  of  God,  they  were  encouraged  to  persevere. 
But  they  were  now  to  go  forth  as  a  solemn  deputation, 
under  the  sanction  of  the  Church,  and  not  only  to  proclaim 
the  truth,  but  also  to  baptize  converts,  to  organise  Christian 
congregations,  and  to  ordain  Christian  ministers.     It  was, 
therefore,  proper,  that,   on  this  occasion,  they  shoidd  be 
regularly  invested  with  the  ecclesiastical  commission. 

On  other  grounds  it  was  desirable  that  the  mission  of 
Barnabas  and  Paul  should  be  thus  inaugurated.     Though 

*  Deut.  xsxiii.  10. 


72  ORDINATION  OF  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS. 

the  apostles  had  been  lately  driven  from  Jerusalem,  and 
though  the  Jews  were  exhibiting  increasing  aversion  to  the 
gospel,  the  Church  was,  notwithstanding,  about  to  expand 
with  extraordinary  vigour  by  the  ingathering  of  the 
Gentiles.  In  reference  to  these  new  members  Paul  and 
Barnabas  pursued  a  l^old  and  independent  course,  advocat- 
ing views  which  many  regarded  as  dangerous,  latitudinarian, 
and  profane;  for  they  maintained  that  the  ceremonial  law 
was  not  binding  on  the  converts  from  heathenism.  Their 
adoption  of  this  principle  exposed  them  to  much  suspicion 
and  obloquy ;  and  because  of  the  tenacity  with  which  they 
persisted  in  its  vindication,  not  a  few  were  disposed  to 
question  their  credentials  as  expositors  of  the  Christian 
faith.  It  was,  therefore,  expedient  that  their  right  to  per- 
form all  the  apostolic  functions  should  be  placed  above 
challenge.  In  some  way,  which  is  not  particularly  described, 
their  appointment  by  the  Spirit  of  God  was  accordingly 
made  known  to  the  Church  at  Antioch,  and  thus  aU  the 
remaining  prophets  and  teachers,  who  officiated  there,  were 
warranted  to  testify  that  these  two  brethren  had  received 
a  caU  from  heaven  to  engage  in  the  work  to  which  they 
were  now  designated.  Their  ordination,  in  obedience  to  this 
divine  communication,  was  a  decisive  recognition  of  their 
spiritual  authority.  The  Holy  Ghost  had  attested  their 
commission,  and  the  ministers  of  Antioch,  by  the  laying  on 
of  hands,  set  their  seal  to  the  truth  of  the  oracle.  Their 
title  to  act  as  founders  of  the  Church  was  thus  authenti- 
cated by  evidence  which  coidd  not  be  legitimately  disputed. 
Paul  himself  obviously  attached  considerable  importance  to 
this  transaction,  and  he  afterwards  refers  to  it  in  language 
of  marked  emphasis,  when,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Komans,  he  introduces  himself  as  "a  servant  of  Jesus 
Christ,  called  to  be  an  apostle,  separated  unto  the  gospel  of 
God:"' 

*  Bom.  i.  1. 


ORDINATION  OF  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS.  73 

In  the  circumstantial  record  of  this  proceeding,  to  be 
found  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  we  have  a  proof  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  Author  of  Kevelation.  He  foresaw  that  the 
rite  of  "the  laying  on  of  hands''  would  be  sadly  abused; 
that  it  would  be  represented  as  possessing  something  like  a 
magic  potency ;  and  that  it  would  be  at  length  converted, 
by  a  small  class  of  ministers,  into  an  ecclesiastical  monopoly. 
He  has,  therefore,  supplied  us  with  an  antidote  against 
delusion  by  permitting  us,  in  this  simple  narrative,  to  scan 
its  exact  import.  And  what  was  the  virtue  of  the  ordina- 
tion here  described'?  Did  it  furnish  Paul  and  Barnabas 
with  a  title  to  the  ministry^  Not  at  all.  God  himself  had 
already  called  them  to  the  work,  and  they  could  receive  no 
higher  authorisation.  Did  it  necessarily  add  anything  to 
the  eloquence,  or  the  prudence,  or  the  knowledge,  or  the 
piety,  of  the  missionaries '?  No  results  of  the  kind  could  be 
produced  by  any  such  ceremony.  What  then  was  its 
meaning'?  The  evangelist  himself  furnishes  an  answer. 
The  Holy  Ghost  required  that  Barnabas  and  Saul  should  be 
separated  to  the  work  to  which  the  Lord  had  called  them, 
and  the  laying  on  of  hands  was  the  mode,  ovform,  in  which 
they  were  set  apart,  or  designated,  to  the  office.  This  rite, 
to  an  Israelite,  suggested  grave  and  hallowed  associations. 
"When  a  Jewish  father  invoked  a  benediction  on  any  of  his 
family,  he  laid  his  hand  upon  the  head  of  the  child ; "'"  when 
a  Jewish  priest  devoted  an  animal  in  sacrifice,  he  laid  his 
hand  upon  the  head  of  the  victim  ;t  and  when  a  Jewish 
ruler  invested  another  with  office,  he  laid  his  hand  upon 
the  head  of  the  new  functionary.;]:  The  ordination  of  these 
brethren  possessed  all  this  significance.  By  the  laying  on 
of  hands  the  ministers  of  Antioch  implored  a  blessing  on 
Barnabas  and  Saul,  and  announced  their  separation,  or 
dedication,  to  the  work  of  the  gospel,  and  intimated  their 
investiture  with  ecclesiastical  authority. 

*  Gen.  xlviii.  13-15.  t  Lev.  viii.  18,  and  iv.  4.  X  ^"•^i^i-  ^=^^ii-  18. 


74  ORDINATION  OF  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  parties  who  acted  as  or- 
dainers  were  not  dignitaries,  planted  here  and  there  through- 
out the  Church,  and  selected  for  this  service  on  account  of 
their  official  pre-eminence.     They  were  all,  at  the  time,  con- 
nected with  the  Christian  community  assembling  in  the  city 
which  was  the  scene  of  the  inauguration.     It  does  not  ap- 
pear that  any  individual  amongst  them  claimed  the  prece- 
dence; all  engaged  on  equal  terms  in  the  performance  of 
this  interesting  ceremony.     We  cannot  mistake  the  official 
standing  of  these  brethren  if  we  only  mark  the  nature  of 
the  duties  in  which  they  were  ordinarily  occupied.     They 
were  "  prophets  and  teachers ;"  they  were  sound  scriptural 
expositors ;  some  of  them,  perhaps,  were  endowed  with  the 
gift  of  prophetic  interpretation ;  and  they  were  aU  employed 
in  imparting  theological  instruction.     Though  the  name  is 
/  not  here  expressly  given  to  them,  they  were,  at  least  vir- 
l  tuaUy,  "  the  elders  who  laboiu'ed  in  the  word  and  doctrine."'"" 
/  Paul,  therefore,  was  ordained  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands 
I   of  the  Presbytery  of  Antioch.t 

J  If  the  narrative  of  Luke  was  designed  to  illustrate  the 
question  of  ministerial  ordination,  it  jDlainly  suggests  that 
the  power  of  Church  rulers  is  very  circumscribed.  They 
have  no  right  to  refuse  the  laying  on  of  hands  to  those 
whom  God  has  called  to  the  work  of  the  gospel,  and  who, 
by  their  gifts  and  graces,  give  credible  evidences  of  their 
holy  vocation  ;  and  they  are  not  at  liberty  to  admit  the 
irreligious  or  incompetent  to  ecclesiastical  offices.  In  the 
sight  of  the  Most  High  the  ordination  to  the  pastorate  of 

*  1  Tim.  V.  17. 

t  This  portion  of  the  apostoHc  history  may  iUustrate  1  Tim.  iv.  14,  for  Paul 
had  official  authority  coufen-ed  on  him  "  by  jjrophecy,"  or  in  consequence  of 
a  revelation  made,  perhaps,  through  one  of  the  prophets  of  Antioch,  "  with  the 
laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  Presbytery."  Something  similar,  probably,  oc- 
curred in  the  case  of  Timothy.  But,  in  ordinary  circumstances,  the  rulers  of 
the  Church  must  judge  of  a  divine  call  to  the  ministry  from  the  gifts  and 
graces  of  the  candidate  for  ordination. 


PAUL  AND  BARNABAS  IN  ASIA  MINOR.  75 

an  indmdual  morally  and  mentally  disqualified  is  invalid 
and  impious. 

Immediately  after  their  ordination  Paul  and  Barnabas 
entered  on  their  apostolic  mission.  Leaving  Antioch  they 
quickly  reached  Seleucia'"'  —  a  city  distant  about  twelve 
miles — and  from  thence  passed  on  to  Cyprus,t  the  native 
country  of  Barnabas.J  They  probably  spent  a  considerable 
time  in  that  large  island.  It  contained  several  towns  of 
note ;  it  was  the  residence  of  great  numbers  of  Jews ;  and 
the  degraded  state  of  its  heathen  inhabitants  may  be  in- 
feiTcd  from  the  fact  that  Venus  was  their  tutelary  goddess. 
The  preaching  of  the  apostles  in  this  place  appears  to  have 
created  an  immense  sensation ;  their  fame  at  length  attracted 
the  attention  of  persons  of  the  highest  distinction ;  and  the 
heart  of  Paul  was  cheered  by  the  accession  of  no  less  illus- 
trious a  convert  than  Sergius  Paulus,§  the  Eoman  proconsul. 
Departing  from  Cj-prus,  Paul  and  Barnabas  now  set  sail  for 
Asia  Minor,  where  they  landed  at  Perga  in  Pamphylia. 
Here  John  Mark,  the  nephew  of  Barnabas,  by  whom  they 
had  been  hitherto  accompanied,  refused  to  proceed  further. 
He  seems  to  have  been  intimidated  by  the  prospect  of  ac- 
cumulating difficulties.  From  many,  on  religious  grounds, 
they  had  reason  to  anticipate  a  most  discouraging  reception ; 
and  the  land  journey  now  before  them  was  otherwise  beset 
with  dangers.  Whilst  engaged  in  it,  Paul  seems  to  have 
experienced  those  "perils  of  waters,"  or  of  " rivers," ||  and 
"  perils  of  robbers,"  which  he  afterwards  mentions ;  for  the 
hiohlands  of  Asia  IVIinor  were  infested  with  banditti,  and 
the  mountain  streams  often  rose  with  frightful  rapidity,  and 
swept  away  the  unwary  stranger.     John  Mark  now  returned 

*  Acts  xiii.  4.  t  Acts  xiii.  4.  X  Acts  iv.  36. 

§  Until  this  date  we  read  of  "  Barnabas  and  Saul,"  now  of  "  Paul  and  Bar- 
nabas." Paul  was  the  Roman,  and  Saul  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  gi-eat  apostle. 
His  superior  qualifications  had  now  full  scope  for  development,  and  accord- 
ingly, as  he  takes  the  lead,  he  is  henceforth  generally  named  before  Barnabas. 

11  2  Cor.  xi.  26, — norafiiov. 


76  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 

to  Jerusalem,  and,  at  a  subsequent  period,  we  find  Paul 
refusing,  in  consequence,  to  receive  him  as  a  travelling 
companion.'"'  But  though  Barnabas  was  then  dissatisfied 
because  the  apostle  continued  to  be  distrustful  of  his  relative, 
and  though  "  the  contention  was  so  sharp  "  between  these 
two  eminent  heralds  of  the  cross  that  "they  departed 
asunder  one  from  the  other,"t  the  return  of  this  young 
minister  from  Perga  appears  to  have  led  to  no  change  in  their 
present  arrangements.  Continuing  their  journey  into  the 
interior  of  the  country,  they  now  preached  in  Antioch  of 
Pisidia,  in  Iconium,  in  "  Lystra  and  Derbe,  cities  of  Lyca- 
onia,"  and  in  "  the  region  that  heth  round  about."j:  When 
they  had  proceeded  thus  far,  they  began  to  retrace  their  steps, 
and  again  visited  the  places  where  they  had  previously  suc- 
ceeded in  collecting  congregations.  They  now  supplied 
their  converts  with  a  settled  ministry.  When  they  had 
presided  in  every  church  at  an  appointment  of  elders,§  in 
which  the  choice  was  determined  by  popular  sufirage,||  and 
when  they  had  prayed  with  fasting,  they  laid  their  hands 
on  the  elected  ofiice-bearers,  and  in  this  form  "  commended 
them  to  the  Lord  on  whom  they  believed."  Having  thus 
planted  the  gospel  in  many  districts  which  had  never  be- 
fore been  trodden  by  the  feet  of  a  Christian  missionary,  they 
returned  to  Antioch  in  Syria  to  rehearse  "  all  that  God  had 
done  with  them,  and  how  he  had  opened  the  door  of  faith 
unto  the  Gentiles."1[ 

Paul  and  Barnabas  spent  about  six  years  in  this  first 
tour ;  ■^'''""  and,  occasionally,  when  their  ministrations  were 


*  Acts  XV.  38.  t  Acts  xv.  39.  +  Acts  xiv.  6.  §  Acts  xiv.  23. 

II  XfipoTovTjo-avTes  Se  avrols  Kar  eKKXrjcrlav  TrpeajBvTepovs. — The  interpretation 
given  in  the  text  is  sanctioned  by  the  highest  authorities.  See  Rothe's 
"  Anfange  cler  Christlichen  Kirche,"  p.  150  ;  Alford  on  Acts  xiv.  23  ;  Burton's 
"  Lectures,"  i.  150;  Baumgarten's  "Acts  of  the  Apostles,"  Acts  xiv.  23;  Litton's 
"  Church  of  Christ,"  p.  595.  IT  Acts  xiv.  27. 

**  They  set  out  on  the  mission  probably  in  a.d.  44,  and  returned  to  Antioch 
in  A.D.  50.     The  Council  of  Jerusalem  took  place  the  year  following.  ? 


^ 


PAUL  AND  BARNABAS  IN  ASIA  MINOR.  77 

likely  to  exert  a  wide  and  permanent  influence,  remained 
long  in  particular  localities.  The  accomit  of  their  designa- 
tion, and  of  their  labours  in  Cyprus,  Pamphylia,  Lycaonia, 
and  the  surrounding  regions,  occupies  two  whole  chapters 
of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  The  importance  of  their  mis- 
sion may  be  estimated  from  this  lengthened  notice.  Chris- 
tianity now  greatly  extended  its  base  of  operations,  and 
shook  paganism  in  some  of  its  strongholds.  In  every  place 
which  they  visited,  the  apostles  observed  a  uniform  plan  of 
procedure.  In  the  first  instance,  they  made  their  appeal  to 
the  seed  of  Abraham;  as  they  were  themselves  learned 
Israelites,  they  were  generally  permitted,  on  their  arrival  in 
a  town,  to  set  forth  the  claims  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  in  the 
synagogue;  and  it  was  not  until  the  Jews  had  exhibited  a 
spirit  of  unbelief,  that  they  turned  to  the  heathen  popula- 
tion. In  the  end,  by  far  the  majority  of  their  converts 
were  reclaimed  idolaters.  "  The  Gentiles  were  glad,  and 
glorified  the  word  of  the  Lord,  and  as  many  as  were  or- 
dained to  eternal  life,  believed."'"  Astonished  at  the 
mighty  miracles  exhibited  by  the  two  missionaries,  the 
pagans  imagined  that  "  the  gods  "  had  come  down  to  them 
"  in  the  likeness  of  men ;  "  and  at  Lystra  the  priest  of  Jupi- 
ter "  brought  oxen  and  garlands  unto  the  gates,  and  would 
have  done  sacrifice  with  the  people ; "  t  but  the  Jews  looked 
on  in  sullen  incredulity,  and  kept  alive  an  active  and  im- 
placable opposition.  At  Cyprus,  the  apostles  had  to  con- 
tend against  the  craft  of  a  Je^vish  conjuror;  if  at  Antioch, 
"  the  Jews  stirred  up  the  devout  and  honourable  women, 
and  the  chief  men  of  the  city,  and  raised  persecution " 
against  them,  "  and  expelled  them  out  of  their  coasts ; "  §  at 
Iconium,  the  Jews  again  "  stirred  up  the  Gentiles,  and  made 
their  minds  evil  affected  against  the  brethren ; "  ||  and  at 
Lystra,  the  same  parties  "  persuaded  the  people,  and  having 

*  Acts  xiii.  48.  t  Acts  xiv.  13.  X  Acts  xiii.  G-8. 

§  Acts  xiii.  50.  ||  Acts  xiv.  2. 


78  PAUL  AND  BARNABAS  IN  ASIA  MINOR. 

stoned  Paul,  drew  liim  out  of  the  city,  supposing  he  had 
been  dead."'"'  The  trials  through  which  he  now  2:>assed 
seem  to  have  made  an  indelible  impression  on  the  mind  of 
the  great  apostle,  and  in  the  last  of  his  epistles,  written 
many  years  afterwards,  he  refers  to  them  as  among  the 
most  formidable  he  encountered  in  his  perilous  career. 
Timothy,  who  at  this  time  must  have  been  a  mere  boy, 
appears  to  have  witnessed  some  of  these  ebullitions  of  Jew- 
ish malignity,  and  to  have  marked  with  admiration  the 
heroic  spirit  of  the  heralds  of  the  Cross.  Paul,  when  about 
to  be  decapitated  by  the  sword  of  Nero,  could,  therefore, 
appeal  to  the  evangelist,  and  could  fearlessly  declare  that, 
twenty  years  before,  when  his  life  was  often  at  stake,  he 
had  not  quailed  before  the  terrors  of  martyrdom.  "  Thou," 
says  he,  "  hast  fully  known  my  long-suffering,  charity, 
patience,  persecutions,  afHictions,  which  came  unto  me  at 
A^itiocli,  at  Iconium,  at  Lystra,  what  persecutions  I  en- 
dured, but,  out  of  them  all,  the  Lord  delivered  me."  t 

The  hostile  efforts  of  the  Jews  did  not  arrest  the  gospel 
in  its  triumphant  career.  The  truth  prevailed  mightily 
among  the  Gentiles,  and  the  great  influx  of  converts  began 
to  impart  an  entirely  new  aspect  to  the  Christian  com- 
munity. At  first  the  Church  consisted  exclusively  of  Israel- 
ites by  birth,  and  all  who  entered  it  still  continued  to 
observe  the  institutions  of  Moses.  But  it  was  now  evident 
that  the  number  of  its  Gentile  adherents  would  soon  very 
much  preponderate,  and  that,  ere  long,  the  keeping  of  the 
typical  law  would  become  the  peculiarity  of  a  small  minor- 
ity of  its  members.  Many  of  the  converted  Jews  were  by 
no  means  prepared  for  such  an  alternative.  They  prided 
themselves  upon  their  divinely-instituted  worship;  and, 
misled  by  the  fallacy  that  whatever  is  appointed  by  God 
can  never  become  obsolete,  they  conceived  that  the  spread 
of  Christianity  must  be  connected  with  the  extension  of 

*  Acts  xiv.  19.  t  2  Tim.  iii.  10,  11. 


THE  CIRCUMCISION  CONTROVERSY,  79 

their  national  ceremonies.  They  accordingly  asserted  that 
the  commandment  relative  to  the  initiatory  ordinance  of 
Judaism  was  binding  upon  all  admitted  to  Christian  fellow- 
ship. "  Certain  men  which  came  down  from  Judea "  to 
Antioch,  "  taught  the  brethren,  and  said,  Except  ye  be 
circumcised  after  the  manner  of  Moses,  ye  cannot  be 
saved."  '" 

Paul  was  eminently  qualified  to  deal  with  such  errorists. 
There  was  a  time  when  he  had  valued  himself  upon  his 
Pharisaic  strictness,  but  when  God  revealed  to  him  His 
glory  in  the  face  of  Jesus  Christ,  he  was  taught  to  distin- 
guish between  a  living  faith,  and  a  dead  formalism.  He 
still  maintained  his  social  status,  as  one  of  the  "  chosen 
people,"  by  the  keeping  of  the  law ;  but  he  knew  that  it 
merely  prefigui'ed  the  great  redemption,  and  that  its  types 
and  shadoAVS  must  quickly  disappear  before  the  light  of  the 
gospel.  He  saw,  too,  that  the  arguments  m'ged  for  circum- 
cision could  also  be  employed  in  behalf  of  all  the  Levitical 
arrangements,!  and  that  the  tendency  of  the  teaching  of 
these  "  men  which  came  down  from  Judea  "  was  to  encum- 
ber the  disciples  with  the  weight  of  a  superannuated  ritual. 
Nor  was  this  all.  The  apostle  was  well  aware  that  the 
spirit  which  animated  these  Judaising  zealots  was  a  spirit 
of  self-righteousness.  When  they  "  taught  the  brethren 
and  said,  Except  ye  be  circumcised  after  the  manner  of 
Moses,  ye  cannot  he  saved,"  they  subverted  the  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  alone. |  A  sinner  is  saved  as  soon  as 
he  believes  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,§  and  he  requires 
neither  circumcision,  nor  any  other  ordinance,  to  complete 
his  pardon.  Baptism  is,  indeed,  the  sign  by  which  beUevers 
solemnly  declare  their  acceptance  of  the  gospel,  and  the 
seal  by  which  God  is  graciously  pleased  to  recognise  them 

*  Acts  XV.  1. 

t  This  inference  was  indeed  admittetL     See  Acts  xv.  5,  24. 

X  Gal.  V.  2-4,  vi.  13,  14.  §  Acts  xvi.  31  ;  John  iii.  36. 


80  THE  CIRCUMCISION  CONTROVERSY, 

as  lieirs  of  tlie  righteousness  of  faith ;  and  yet  even  baptism 
is  not  essential  to  salvation,  for  the  penitent  thief,  though 
unbaptizecl,  was  admitted  into  paradise.""'  But  circumcision 
is  no  part  of  Christianity  at  all;  it  does  not  so  much  as 
indicate  that  the  individual  who  submits  to  it  is  a  believer 
in  Jesus.  Faith  in  the  Saviour  is  the  only  and  the  perfect 
way  of  justification.  "  Blessed  are  all  they  that  put  their 
trust  in  him,"  t  for  Christ  will,  without  fail,  conduct  to 
glory  all  who  commit  themselves  to  His  guidance  and  pro- 
tection. Those  who  trust  in  Him  cannot  but  love  Him, 
and  those  who  love  Him  cannot  but  delight  to  do  His  will ; 
and  as  faith  is  the  root  of  holiness  and  happiness,  so  unbe- 
lief is  the  fountain  of  sin  and  misery.  But  though  the 
way  of  salvation  by  faith  can  only  be  spiritually  discerned, 
many  seek  to  make  it  palpable  by  connecting  it  with  cer- 
tain visible  institutions.  Faith  looks  to  Jesus  as  the  only 
way  to  heaven;  superstition  looks  to  some  outward  obser- 
vance, such  as  baptism  or  circumcision,  (which  is  only  a 
finger-post  on  the  way,)  and  confounds  it  with  the  way 
itself.  Faith  is  satisfied  with  a  very  simple  ritual ;  super- 
stition wearies  itself  with  the  multij^licity  of  its  minute 
observances.  Faith  holds  communion  with  the  Saviour  in 
all  His  appointments,  and  rejoices  in  Him  with  joy  un- 
speakable; superstition  leans  on  forms  and  ceremonies,  and 
is  in  bondage  to  these  beggarly  elements.  No  wonder  then 
that  the  attempt  to  impose  on  the  converted  Gentiles  the 
rites  of  both  Christianity  and  Judaism  encountered  such 
resolute  opposition.  Paul  and  Barnabas  at  once  withstood 
its  abettors,  and  had  "  no  small  dissension  and  disputation 
with  them."  J  It  was  felt,  however,  that  a  matter  of  such 
grave  importance  merited  the  consideration  of  the  collective 
wisdom  of  the  Church,  and  it  was  accordingly  agreed  to 
send  these  two  brethren,  "  and  certain  other  of  them  "  "  to 

*  Luke  xxiii.  43.  +  Ps.  ii.  12.  J  Acts  xv.  ii. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM.  81 

Jerusalem  uuto  the  apostles  and  elders   about   tliis  ques- 
tion." * 

It  is  not  stated  that  the  Judaising  teachers  confined  their 
interference  to  Antioch,  and  the  subsequent  narrative  aj^pa- 
rently  indicates  that  the  deputation  to  Jerusalem  acted  on 
behalf  of  all  the  Churches  in  Syria  and  Cilicia.t  The  Chris- 
tian societies  scattered  throughout  Pamphylia,  Lycaonia, 
and  some  other  districts  of  Asia  Minor,  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  directly  concerned  in  sending  forward  the  commis- 
sioners; but  as  these  communities  had  been  collected  and 
organised  by  Paul  and  Barnabas,  they  doubtless  considered 
that  they  were  represented  by  their  founders,  and  they  at 
once  acceded  to  the  decision  of  the  assembly  which  met  in 
the  Jewish  metropolis.|  That  assembly  approached,  per- 
haps, more  closely  than  any  ecclesiastical  convention  that 
has  ever  since  been  held,  to  the  character  of  a  general  coun- 
cil. It  is  pretty  clear  that  its  deliberations  must  have 
taken  place  at  the  time  of  one  of  the  great  annual  festivals, 
for,  seven  or  eight  years  before,  the  apostles  had  commenced 
their  travels  as  missionaries,  and  except  about  the  season  of 
the  Passover  or  of  Pentecost,  the  Syrian  deputation  could 
have  scarcely  reckoned  on  finding  them  in  the  holy  city. 
It  is  not  said  that  the  officials  who  were  to  be  considted 
belonged  exclusively  to  Jerusalem. §  They,  not  improbably, 
included  the  elders  throughout  Palestine  who  usually  re- 
paired to  the  capital  to  celebrate  the  national  solemnities. 
This  meeting,  therefore,  seems  to  have  been  constructed  on 
a  broader  basis  than  what  a  superficial  reading  of  the  nar- 

•  Acts  XV.  2.  t  Acts  XV.  2.3,  24,  41.  X  Acts  xvi.  4. 

§  Paul  aud  Barnabas,  with  the  other  deputies,  were  sent  "  to  Jerusalem  unto 
the  apostles  and  elders  "  (Acts  xv.  2)  ;  "  when  they  were  come  to  Jerusalem, 
they  were  received  of  the  church,  and  of  the  apostles  and  elders "  (Acts  xv. 
4) ;  aud  the  decrees  are  said  to  have  been  ordained  "  of  the  apostles  and  elders 
which  were  at  Jerusalem "  (Acts  xvi.  4) ;  but  not  one  of  these  statements 
necessarily  implies  that  these  rulers  were  exclusively  elders  of  the  Church  of 
Jeruscdem. 

F 


82  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

rative  might  suggest.  Amongst  its  members  were  tlie  older 
apostles,  as  well  as  Barnabas  and  Paul,  so  that  it  contained 
the  principal  founders  of  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  Churches : 
there  were  also  present  the  elders  of  Jerusalem,  and  depu- 
ties from  Antioch,  that  is,  the  representatives  of  the  two 
most  extensive  and  influential  Christian  societies  in  exist- 
ence :  whilst  commissioners  from  the  Churches  of  Syria  and 
Cilicia,  and  elders  from  various  districts  of  the  holy  land, 
were,  perhaps,  likewise  in  attendance.  The  Universal 
Church  was  thus  fairly  represented  in  this  memorable 
Synod. 

The  meeting  was  held  a.d,  51,  and  Paul,  exactly  fourteen 
years  before,*  had  visited  Jerusalem  for  the  first  time  after 
his  conversion.!  So  little  was  then  known  of  his  remark- 
able history,  even  in  the  chief  city  of  Judea,  that  when  he 
"assayed  to  join  himself  to  the  disciples,,  they  were  all  afraid 
of  him,  and  believed  not  that  he  was  a  disciple;" J  but  now 
his  position  was  completely  changed,  and  he  was  felt  to  be 
one  of  the  most  influential  personages  who  took  part  in 
the  proceedings  of  this  important  convention.  Some  have 
maintained  that  the  whole  multitude  of  believers  in  the 
Jewish  capital  deliberated  and  voted  on  the  question  in  dis- 
pute, but  there  is  certainly  nothing  in  the  statement  of  the 
evangelist  to  warrant  such  an  inference.  It  is  very  evident 
that  the  disciples  in  the  holy  city  were  not  prepared  to 


*  It  has  been  argued  by  Burton  ("  Lectures,"  vol.  i.  p.  122),  that  the  first  visit 
of  Paul  to  Jerusalem  after  his  conversion  took  place  about  the  time  of  one  of 
the  great  festivals,  as  he  is  said,  on  the  occasion,  to  have  "  disputed  against 
the  Grecians"  (Acts  ix.  29),  who  were  likely  then  to  have  been  very  numerous 
in  the  city.  If  he  arrived  now  at  the  time  of  the  same  festival,  the  interval 
must  have  been  precisely  fourteen  years. 

t  Gal.  ii.  1.  Some  make  these  fourteen  years  to  include  the  three  years 
mentioned  Gal.  i.  18,  but  this  interpretation  does  violence  to  the  language  of 
the  apostle.  The  system  of  chronology  here  adojjted  requires  no  such  forced 
expositions.  Paul  came  to  Jerusalem  three  years  after  his  conversion,  that  is, 
in  A.D.  37;  and  fourteen  years  after,  that  is,  in  a.d.  .51,  he  was  at  this  Synod. 

X  Acts  ix.  26. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM.  83 

approve  unanimously  of  the  decision  which  was  actually 
adopted,  for  we  are  told  that,  long  afterwards,  they  were 
"  all  zealous  of  the  law,"  ^'^  and  that  they  looked  with  ex- 
treme suspicion  on  Paul  himself,  because  of  tlie  lax  prin- 
ciples, in  reference  to  its  obligation,  which  he  was  under- 
stood to  patronise. t  When  he  arrived  in  Jerusalem  on  this 
mission  he  found  there  a  party  determined  to  insist  on  the 
circumcision  of  the  converts  from  heathenism ;  |  he  com- 
plains of  the  opposition  he  now  encountered  from  these 
"false  brethren  unawares  brought  in;"§  and,  when  he  re- 
turned to  Antioch,  he  was  followed  by  emissaries  from  the 
same  bigoted  and  persevering  faction.  ||  It  is  quite  clear, 
then,  that  the  finding  of  the  meeting,  mentioned  in  the 
fifteenth  chapter  of  the  Acts,  did  not  "please  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  the  metropolis.  The  apostle  says 
expressly  that  he  communicated  "privately"  on  the  subject 
with  "  them  which  were  of  reputation,"  II  and  in  the  present 
state  of  feeling,  especially  in  the  head-quarters  of  Judaism, 
Paul  would  have  recoiled  from  the  discussion  of  a  question 
of  such  delicacy  before  a  promiscuous  congregation.  The 
resolution  now  agreed  upon,  when  subsequently  mentioned, 
is  set  forth  as  the  act,  not  of  the  whole  body  of  the  disciples, 
but  of  "the  apostles  and  elders,"**  and  as  they  were  the 
arbiters  to  whom  the  appeal  was  made,  they  were  obviously 
the  only  parties  competent  to  pronounce  a  deliverance. 

Two  or  three  expressions  of  doubtful  import,  which  occur 
in  connexion  with  the  history  of  the  meeting,  have  induced 
some  to  infer  that  aU  the  members  of  the  Church  of  Jeru- 
salem were  consulted  on  this  occasion.     It  is  said  that  "  all 

*  Acts  xxi.  20.  t  Acts  xxi.  21.  %  Acts  xv.  5. 

§  Gal.  ii.  4.  It  is  here  taken  for  granted  that  the  visit  to  Jerusalem,  men- 
tioned in  the  second  chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians,  is  the  same  as 
that  described  in  the  fifteenth  of  Acts.  Paul  says  that  he  went  up  "  by  reve- 
lation "  (Gal.  ii.  2), — a  statement  from  which  it  appears  that  he  was  divinely 
instructed  to  adopt  this  method  of  settling  the  question. 

II  GaL  ii.  12.  IT  Gal.  ii.  2.  **  Acts  xvi.  4,  xxi.  25. 


84  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

the  multitude  kept  silence  and  gave  audience  to  Barnabas 
and  Paul;'"'  that  it  "pleased  the  apostles  and  elders  with 
the  whole  church  to  send  chosen  men  of  their  own  company 
to  Antioch : "  t  and,  according  to  our  current  text,  that  the 
epistle,  intrusted  to  the  care  of  these  commissioners,  pro- 
ceeded from  "the  apostles  and  elders  and  brethren."^  But 
"  the  whole  church,"  and  "  all  the  multitude,"  merely  sig- 
nify the  whole  assembly  present,  and  do  not  necessarily  imply 
even  a  very  numerous  congregation.  §  Some,  at  least,  of  the 
"  certain  other"  deputies ||  sent  with  Paul  and  Barnabas 
to  Jerusalem,  were,  in  all  likelihood,  disposed  to  doubt 
or  dispute  their  views;  as  it  is  not  probable  that  a  dis- 
tracted constituency  would  have  consented  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  commissioners,  all  of  whom  were  already  committed 
to  the  same  sentiments.  AVhen,  therefore,  the  evangelist 
reports  that  the  proposal  made  by  James  "pleased  the 
apostles  and  elders  with  the  whole  Church,"  he  thus  designs 
to  intimate  that  it  met  the  universal  approval  of  the  meet- 
ing, including  the  deputies  on  both  sides.  There  were 
prophets,  and  others  possessed  of  extraordinary  endowments, 
in  the  early  Church,1[  and,  as  some  of  these  were,  no  doubt, 
at  this  time  in  Jerusalem,**  we  can  scarcely  suppose  that 
they  were  not  permitted  to  be  present  in  this  deliberative 
assembly.  If  we  adoj)t  the  received  reading  of  the  super- 
scription of  the  circular  letter,f  t  the  "  brethren,"  who  are 
there  distinguished  from  "  the  apostles  and  elders,"  were, 
in  all  likelihood,  these  gifted  members.Q     But,  according  to 

*  Acts  XV.  12.  t  Acts  XV.  22.  J  Acts  xv.  23. 

§  The  expression  here  used — "the  multitude"  (to  ttX^^os) — is  repeatedly 
applied  in  the  New  Testament  to  the  Sanhedrim,  a  court  consisting  of  not 
more  than  seventy-two  members.  See  Luke  xxiii.  1 ;  Acts  xxiii.  7.  There 
were  probably  more  individuals  present  at  this  meeting. 

II  Acts  XV.  2.  IT  1  Cor.  xii.  28 ;  Eph.  iv.  11. 

**  In  Acts  xi.  27,  we  read  of  "  prophets"  who  came  "  from  Jerusalem  unto 
Antioch." 

tt  Acts  XV.  23.     "  The  apostles,  and  elders,  and  brethren." 

XX  The  context  may  appear  to  be  favourable  to  this  interpretation,  for  the 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM.  85 

the  testimony  of  the  l)est  and  most  ancient  manuscripts, 
the  true  reading  of  the  commencement  of  this  encyclical 
e23istle  is,  "The  apostles  and  elders  hretliren."^^  As  the 
Syrian  deputies  Avere  commissioned  to  consult,  not  the 
general  body  of  Christians  at  Jerusalem,  but  the  apostles 
and  elders,  this  reading,  now  recognised  as  genuine  by  the 
highest  critical  authorities,  is  sustained  by  the  whole  tenor 
of  the  narrative.  The  same  parties  who  "  came  together 
to  consider  of  this  matter"  also  framed  the  decree.  The 
apostles  and  elders  brethren  were  the  only  individuals  offi- 
cially concerned  in  this  important  transaction,  t 

In  this  council  the  apostles  acted,  not  as  men  oracularly 
pronouncing  the  will  of  the  Eternal,  but,  as  ordinary  church 
rulers,  proceeding,  after  careful  inquiry,  to  adopt  the  sug- 
gestions of  an  enlightened  judgment.  One  passage  of  the 
S}Tiodical  epistle  has  been  supposed  to  countenance  a  dif- 
ferent conclusion,  for  those  assembled  "  to  consider  of  this 
matter"  are  represented  as  saying  to  the  Syrian  and  Cili- 
cian  Churches — "  It  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us 
to  lay  upon  you  no  greater  burden"^  than  the  restrictions 
which  are  presently  enumerated.     But  it  is  to  be  observed 

two  deputies  now  cliosen — "  Judas  surnamed  Barsabas,  and  Silas " — who  are 
said  to  have  been  "  chief  men  among  the  brethren "  (ver.  22),  ai'e  Hkewise 
described  as  "  prophets  also  themselves"  (ver.  32).  In  Acts  xviii.  27,  "  the 
brethren"  appear  to  be  distinguished  from  "the  disciples." 

*  This  reading,  which  is  adopted  by  Mill  in  the  Prolegomena  to  his  New 
Testament,  as  well  as  by  Lachmann,  Neander,  Alford,  and  Tregelles,  is  sup- 
ported by  the  authority  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus,  the  Codex  Alexandrinus,  the 
Codex  Ephrsemi,  and  the  Codex  Bezse.  It  is  likewise  to  be  found  in  by  far 
the  most  valuable  cm-sive  MS.  yet  known.  It  is  confirmed  also  by  the  early 
testimony  of  Irenseus,  and  by  the  Latin  of  the  Codex  Beza),  a  version  more 
ancient  than  the  Vulgate,  as  well  as  by  the  Vulgate  itself.  The  reading  in  the 
textus  receptus  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  growth  of  the  doctrine  of  aposto- 
lical succession ;  as,  when  the  hierarchy  was  in  its  glory,  transcribers  could  not 
vmderstand  how  the  apostles  and  elders  could  be  fellow  presbyters. 

t  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Peter,  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  afterwards, 
speaks  in  the  style  here  indicated.  Thus  he  says — "  The  elders  which  are 
among  you,  I  exhort,  who  am  also  an  elder'''*  (a-vfiTrpfo-^vTepos). — (1  Pet.  v.  L) 

X  Acts  XV.  28. 


86  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

that  this  is  the  lanejuasfe  of  "  the  elders  brethren,"  as  well 
as  of  the  apostles,  so  that  it  must  have  been  used  by  many 
who  made  no  pretensions  to  inspiration ;  and  it  is  apparent 
from  the  context  that  the  council  here  merely  reproduces 
an  argument  against  the  Judaizers  which  had  been  always 
felt  to  be  irresistible.  The  Gentiles  had  received  the  Spirit 
"  by  the  hearing  of  faith," '"  and  not  by  the  ordinance  of 
circumcision;  and  hence  it  was  contended  that  the  Holy 
Ghost  himself  had  decided  the  question.  Peter,  therefore, 
says  to  the  meeting  held  at  Jerusalem — "God,  which 
knoweth  the  hearts,  bare  them  witness,  giving  them  the  Holy 
Ghost,  even  as  he  did  unto  us;  and  put  no  difference  be- 
tween us  and  them,  j)urifying  their  hearts  by  faith.  Now, 
therefore,  why  tempt  ye  God,  to  put  a  yoke  upon  the  neck 
of  the  disciples,  which  neither  our  fathers,  nor  we,  were  able 
to  bear  T't  He  had  employed  the  same  reasoning  long  be- 
fore, in  defence  of  the  baptism  of  Cornelius  and  his  friends. 

*'  The  Holy  Ghost,"  said  he,  "  fell  on  them Forasmucli, 

then,  as  God  gave  them  the  like  gift  as  he  did  unto  us,  who 
believed  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, — ivhat  ivas  I  that  I  could 
withstand  Godf'\  When,  then,  the  members  of  the  council 
here  declared,  "  It  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to 
us,"§  they  thus  simply  intimated  that  they  were  shut  up  to 
the  arrangement  which  they  now  announced — that  God 
himself,  by  imparting  His  Spirit  to  those  who  had  not  re- 
ceived the  rite  of  circumcision,  had  already  settled  the  con- 
troversy— and  that,  as  it  had  seemed  good  to  the  Holy 
Ghost  not  to  impose  the  ceremonial  law  upon  the  Gentiles, 
so  it  also  seemed  good  to  "  the  apostles  and  elders 
brethren." 

But  whilst  the  abundant  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  on  the 
Gentiles  demonstrated  that  they  could  be  sanctified  and 

*  Gal.  iii.  2.  t  Acts  xv.  8-10.  :|:  Acts  xi.  15,  17. 

§  This  style  of  speaking  was  used  by  councils  in  after-ages,  and  often  in 
cases  when  it  was  singularly  inappropriate. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM.  87 

saved  without  circumcisiou,  and  whilst  the  Most  High  had 
thus  proclaimed  their  freedom  from  the  yoke  of  the  Jewish 
ritual,  it  is  plain  that,  in  regard  to  this  point,  as  well  as 
other  matters  noticed  in  the  letter,  the  writers  sjDeak  as  the 
accredited  interpreter's  of  the  will  of  Jehovah.  They  state 
that  it  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  them  to  re- 
quire the  converts  from  paganism  "  to  abstain  from  meats 
offered  to  idols,  and  from  blood,  and  from  things  strangled, 
and  from  fornication."''  And  yet,  without  any  special 
revelation,  they  might  have  felt  themselves  warranted  to 
give  such  instructions  in  such  language,  for  surely  they  M^ere 
at  liberty  to  say  that  the  Holy  Ghost  had  interdicted  forni- 
cation ;  and,  as  the  expounders  of  the  doctrine  of  Christian 
expediency,!  their  views  may  have  been  so  clear  that  they 
could  speak  with  equal  confidence  as  to  the  duty  of  the 
disciples  imder  present  circumstances  to  abstain  from  blood, 
and  from  things  strangled,  and  from  meats  offered  to  idols. 
If  they  possessed  "  the  full  assurance  of  understanding  "  as 
to  the  course  to  be  pursued,  they  doubtless  deemed  it  right 
to  signify  to  their  correspondents  that  the  decision  which 
they  now  promulgated  was,  not  any  arbitrary  or  hasty  de- 
liverance, but  the  very  "  mind  of  the  Spirit"  either  expressly 
communicated  in  the  "Word,  or  deduced  from  it  by  good 
and  necessary  inference.  In  this  way  they  aimed  to  reach 
the  conscience,  and  they  knew  that  they  thus  furnished  the 
most  potential  argument  for  submission. 

It  may  at  first  sight  appear  strange  that  whilst  the 
apostles,  and  those  who  acted  with  them  at  this  meeting, 
condemned  the  doctrine  of  the  Judaizers,  and  affirmed  that 
circumcision  was  not  obligatory  on  the  Gentiles,  they,  at  the 
same  time,  required  the  converts  from  paganism  to  observe 
a  part  of  the  Hebrew  ritual ;  and  it  may  seem  quite  as  ex- 
traordinary that,  in  a  letter  which  was  the  fruit  of  so  much 
deliberation,  they  placed  an  immoral  act,  and  a  number  of 

*  Acts  XV.  29.  t  See  1  Cor.  x.  23,  31,  32. 


88  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

merely  ceremonial  usages,  in  the  same  catalogue.  But,  on 
mature  reflection,  we  may  recognise  their  tact  and  Christian 
prudence  in  these  features  of  their  communication.  Forni- 
cation was  one  of  the  crjdng  sins  of  Gentilism,  and,  except 
when  it  interfered  with  social  arrangements,  the  heathen 
did  not  even  acknowledge  its  criminality.  When,  therefore, 
the  new  converts  were  furnished  with  the  welcome  intelli- 
gence that  they  were  not  obliged  to  submit  to  the  painful 
rite  of  circumcision,  it  was  well,  at  the  same  time,  to  remind 
them  that  there  were  lusts  of  the  flesh  which  they  were 
bound  to  mortify;  and  it  was  expedient  that,  whilst  a  vice 
so  prevalent  as  fornication  should  be  specified,  they  should 
be  distinctly  warned  to  beware  of  its  pollutions.  For 
another  reason  they  were  directed  to  abstain  from  "  meats 
offered  to  idols."  It  often  happened  that  what  had  been 
presented  at  the  shrine  of  a  false  god  was  afterwards  ex- 
posed for  sale,  and  the  council  cautioned  the  disciples  against 
partaking  of  such  food,  as  they  might  thus  appear  to  give 
a  species  of  sanction  to  idolatry,  as  well  as  tempt  weak 
brethren  to  go  a  step  further,  and  directly  countenance  the 
superstitions  of  the  heathen  worship.''"  The  meeting  also 
instructed  the  faithful  in  Syria  and  Cilicia  to  abstain  from 
"  blood  and  from  things  strangled,"  because  the  Jewish  con- 
verts had  been  accustomed  from  infancy  to  regard  aliment 
of  this  description  with  abhorrence,  and  they  could  scarcely 
be  expected  to  sit  at  meat  with  parties  who  partook  of  such 
dishes.  Though  the  use  of  them  was  lawful,  it  was,  at  least 
for  the  present,  not  expedient ;  and  on  the  same  principle 
that,  whether  we  eat,  or  drink,  or  whatever  we  do,  we 
should  do  all  to  the  glory  of  God,  the  Gentile  converts 
were  admonished  to  remove  them  from  their  tables,  that  no 


*  "  Since  the  eating  of  such  food,  as  Paul  expressly  teaches  (1  Cor.  x.  19,  33), 
was  not  sinful  in  itself,  and  yet  to  be  avoided  out  of  tenderness  to  those  who 
thought  it  so,  the  abstinence  here  recommended  must  be  understood  in  the 
same  manner." — Alexander  on  the  Acts,  ii.  84. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM.  89 

barrier  might  be  raised  up  in  the  way  of  social  or  ecclesias- 
tical communion  with  their  brethren  of  the  seed  of  Abraham. 
It  was  high  time  for  the  authoritative  settlement  of  a 
question  at  once  so  perplexing  and  so  delicate.  It  already- 
threatened  to  create  a  schism  in  the  Chiu'ch;  and  the 
amtation,  which  had  commenced  before  the  meetino;  of  the 
council,  was  not  immediately  quieted.  When  Peter  visited 
Antioch  shortly  afterwards,  he  at  first  triumphed  so  far 
over  his  prejudices  as  to  sit  at  meat  with  the  converts  from 
paganism;  but  when  certain  sticklers  for  the  law  arrived 
from  Jerusalem,  "  he  withdrew,  and  separated  himself,  fear- 
ing them  which  were  of  the  circumcision."  *  The  "  decree  " 
of  the  apostles  and  elders  undoubtedly  implied  the  lawful- 
ness of  eating  with  the  Gentiles,  but  it  contained  no  express 
injunction  on  the  subject,  and  Peter,  who  was  now  about 
to  "  go  unto  the  circumcision,"  t  and  who  was,  therefore, 
most  anxious  to  conciliate  the  Jews,  may  have  pleaded  this 
technical  objection  in  defence  of  his  inconsistency.  It  is 
said  that  others,  from  whom  better  things  might  have  been 
expected,  followed  his  example,  "  insomuch  that  Barnabas 
also  was  carried  away  with  their  dissimulation."  \  But,  on 
this  critical  occasion,  Paul  stood  firm;  and  his  bold  and 
energetic  remonstrances  appear  to  have  had  the  effect  of 
preventing  a  division  which  must  have  been  most  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  infant  Christianity. 

*  Gal.  ii.  12.  t  Gal.  ii.  9.  X  Gal.  ii.  13. 


CHAPTER  VL 

THE  INTRODUCTION  OF  THE  GOSPEL    INTO  EUROPE,    AND    THE 
MINISTRY  OF  PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI. 

A.D.  52. 

After  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  the  gospel  continued  its 
prosperous  career.  When  Paul  had  remained  for  some  time 
at  Antioch,  where  he  returned  with  the  deputation,  he  set 
out  to  visit  the  Churches  of  Syria  and  Cilicia;  and  then 
travelled  through  Lycaonia,  Galatia,  and  some  other  por- 
tions of  Asia  Minor.  He  was  now  directed,  by  a  vision,"^'^ 
to  pass  over  into  Greece ;  and  about  the  spring  of  a.d.  52, 
or  twenty-one  years  after  the  crucifixion,  Europe  was 
entered,  for  the  first  time,  by  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles. 
Paul  commenced  his  ministry  in  this  new  sphere  of  labour 
by  announcing  the  great  salvation  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Philippi,  a  city  of  Macedonia,  and  a  Eoman  colony.t 

Nearly  a  century  before,  two  powerful  factions,  contend- 
ing for  the  government  of  the  Roman  world,  had  converted 
the  district  now  visited  into  a  theatre  of  war;  immense 
armies  had  been  here  drawn  out  in  hostile  array;  and  two 
famous  battles,  which  issued  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
Republic,  had  been  fought  in  this  very  neighbourhood. 
The  victor  had  rewarded  some  of  his  veterans  by  gi'^ang 
them  possessions  at  Philippi.  The  Christian  missionary 
entered,  as  it  were,  the  suburbs  of  the  great  metropolis  of 

*  Acts  xvi.  9.  t  Acts  xvi.  12. 


PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI.  91 

the  West,  when  lie  made  his  appearance  in  this  military 
colony;  for,  it  had  the  same  privileges  as  the  towais  of 
Italy,'"  and  its  inhabitants  enjoyed  the  status  of  Eoman 
citizens.  Here  he  now  originated  a  spiritual  revolution 
which  eventually  changed  the  face  of  Europe.  The  Jews 
had  no  synagogue  in  Philippi;  but,  in  places  such  as  this, 
where  their  numbers  were  few,  they  were  wont,  on  the 
Sabbath,  to  meet  for  worship  by  the  side  of  some  river 
in  which  they  could  conveniently  perform  their  ablutions; 
and  Paul  accordingly  repaired  to  the  banks  of  the  Gangi- 
tas,t  where  he  expected  to  find  them  assembled  for  devo- 
tional exercises.  A  small  oratory,  or  house  of  prayer,  seems 
to  have  been  erected  on  the  spot;  but  the  little  society 
connected  with  it  must  have  been  particularly  apathetic, 
as  the  apostle  found  only  a  few  females  in  attendance. 
One  of  these  was,  however,  the  first-fruits  of  his  mission  to 
the  Western  continent.  Lydia,  a  native  of  Thyatira,  and  a 
seller  of  purple, — a  species  of  dye  for  which  her  birthplace 
had  acquired  celebrity, — was  the  name  of  the  convert ;  and 
though  the  gospel  may  already  have  made  some  progress 
in  Eome,  it  must  be  admitted  that,  in  as  far  as  direct 
historical  testimony  is  concerned,  this  woman  has  the  best 
claim  to  be  recognised  as  the  mother  of  Euroj^ean  Christi- 
anity. It  is  said  that  she  "worshi23ped  God,"|  that  is, 
though  a  Gentile,  she  had  been  proselyted  to  the  Jewish 
faith ;  and  the  history  of  her  conversion  is  given  by  the 
evangelist  with  remarkable  clearness  and  simplicity.  "  The 
Lord  (ypened  her  heart  that  she  attended  unto  the  things 
that  were  spoken  of  PauL"§  When  she  and  her  family 
were  baptized,  she  entreated  the  missionaries  to  "come 
into  her  house  and  abide  there"  during  their  sojourn  in 

*  "  The  Jus  Italicum  raised  provincial  land  to  the  same  state  of  immunity 
from  taxation  which  belonged  to  land  in  Italy." — Conyheare  and  Jlowson,  i. 
*^  302,  note. 

t  Not  the  Strymon.     See  Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  316. 

X  Acts  xvi.  14.  §  Acts  xvi.  14. 


92  PAUL  AT  PHILirPI. 

the  place;  and,  after  some  hesitation,  they  accepted  the 
proffered  hospitality. 

Another  female  acts  a  conspicuous  part  in  connexion  with 
this  apostolic  visit.  "  It  came  to  pass,"  says  Luke,  "  as  we 
went  to  prayer,  a  certain  damsel  possessed  with  a  spirit  of 
divination  met  us,  which  brought  her  masters  much  gain 
by  soothsaying :  the  same  followed  Paul  and  us,  and  cried, 
saying,  These  men  are  the  servants  of  the  Most  High  God, 
which  shew  unto  us  the  way  of  salvation.  And  this  did 
she  many  days." '""  It  is  quite  j)ossible  that  even  daemons 
have  the  power  of  discerning  certain  classes  of  future  events 
with  the  quickness  of  intuition ;  t  and  if,  as  the  Scriptures 
testify,  they  have  sometimes  entered  into  human  bodies,  we 
can  well  understand  how  the  individuals  thus  possessed 
have  obtained  credit  for  divination.  In  this  way  the  dam- 
sel mentioned  by  the  evangelist  may  have  acquired  her 
celebrity.  We  cannot  explain  how  disembodied  spirits 
maintain  intercourse;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  possess 
means  of  mutual  recognition,  and  that  they  can  be  im- 
pressed by  the  presence  of  higher  and  holier  intelligences. 
And  as  the  approach  of  a  mighty  conqueror  spreads  dismay 
throughout  the  territory  he  invades,  so  when  the  Son  of 
God  appeared  on  earth,  the  devils  were  troubled  at  His  pre- 
sence, and,  in  the  agony  of  their  terror,  proclaimed  His 
dignity.J  It  would  appear  that  some  influence  of  an  ana- 
logous character  operated  on  this  Pythoness.  The  arrival 
of  the  missionaries  in  Philippi  alarmed  the  powers  of  dark- 
ness, and  the  damsel,  under  the  pressure  of  an  impulse 
which  she  found  it  impossible  to  resist,  told  their  commis- 
sion.    But  neither  the  apostles,  nor  our  Lord,  cared  for 

*  Acts  xvi.  16-18. 

f  They  may  have  perceptive  powers  of  which  we  can  form  no  conception, 
and  may  thus  discern  the  approach  of  particular  events  as  distinctly  as  we 
can  now  calculate  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tides,  or  the  eclipses  of  the  sun  and 
moon. 

X  Matt.  viii.  28,  29  ;  Mark  i.  24,  25  ;  Luke  iv.  34,  35. 


PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI.  93 

credentials  of  siich  equivocal  value.  As  this  female  fol- 
lowed the  strangers  through  the  streets,  and  in  a  loud  voice 
announced  their  errand  to  the  city,  "  Paul,  being  grieved, 
turned  and  said  to  the  spirit,  I  command  thee,  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ,  to  come  out  of  her,  and  he  came  out  the 
same  hour." '' 

The  unbelieving  Jews  had  hitherto  been  the  great  perse- 
cutors of  the  Church;  but  now,  for  the  first  time,  the 
apostles  encountered  opposition  from  another  quarter;  and 
the  expulsion  of  the  spirit  from  the  damsel  evoked  the  hos- 
tility of  this  new  adversary.  When  the  masters  of  the 
Pythoness  "  saw  that  the  hope  of  their  gains  was  gone,  they 
caught  Paul  and  Silas,  and  drew  them  into  the  market- 
place unto  the  rulers."  t  We  here  discover  one  great  cause 
of  the  sufferings  afterwards  endured  by  the  disciples  of  our 
Lord  under  the  government  of  the  pagan  emperors.  The 
Jews  were  prompted  by  mere  bigotry  to  display  hatred  to 
the  gospel,  but  the  Gentiles  were  generally  guided  by  the 
still  more  ignoble  principle  of  selfishness.  Many  of  the 
heathen  multitude  cared  little  for  their  idolatrous  worship ; 
but  all  who  depended  for  subsistence  on  the  prevalence  of 
superstition,  such  as  the  image-makers,  the  jugglers,  the 
fortune-tellers,  and  a  considerable  number  of  the  priests,^ 
were  dismayed  and  driven  to  desperation  by  the  progress 
of  Christianity.  They  saw  that,  with  its  success,  "  the  hope 
of  their  gains  was  gone ; "  and,  under  pretence  of  zeal  for 
the  public  interest,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the  "  law- 
ful "  ceremonies,  they  laboured  to  intimidate  and  oppress 
the  adherents  of  the  new  doctrine. 

The  appearance  of  the  missionaries  at  Philippi  must  have 
created  a  profound  sensation,  as  otherwise  it  is  impossible 

*  Acts  xvi.  18.  t  Acts  xvi.  19. 

X  In  some  parts  of  the  Empire  magistrates  and  men  of  rank  acted  gratui- 
tously, but  a  large  portion  of  the  priests  subsisted  on  the  emohunents  of 
office. 


94  PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI. 

to  account  for  the  tumult  which  now  occurred.  The  "  mas- 
ters "  of  the  damsel  possessed  of  the  "  spirit  of  divination/' 
no  doubt,  took  the  initiatory  step  in  the  movement;  but 
had  not  the  public  mind  been  in  some  degree  prepared  for 
their  appeals,  they  could  not  have  induced  all  classes  of 
their  fellow-citizens  so  soon  to  join  in  the  persecution. 
"  The  multitude  rose  up  together"  at  their  call;  the  duum-  , 
viri,  or  magistrates,  rent  off  the  clothes  of  the  apostles  with 
their  own  hands,  and  commanded  them  to  be  scourged ;  the 
lictors  "  laid  many  stripes  upon  them ;  "  they  were  ordered 
to  be  kept  in  close  confinement;  and  the  jailer  exceeded 
the  exact  letter  of  his  instructions  by  thrusting  them  "  into 
the  inner  prison,"  and  by  making  "  their  feet  fast  in  the 
stocks."*  The  power  of  Imperial  Rome  arrayed  itself 
against  the  preachers  of  the  gospel,  and  now  distinctly 
gave  note  of  warning  of  the  approach  of  that  long  night  of 
affliction  throughout  which  the  Church  was  yet  to  struggle. 
If  the  proceedings  of  the  missionaries,  before  their  com- 
mittal to  prison,  produced  such  a  ferment,  it  is  clear  that 
the  cii'cumstances  attending  their  incarceration  were  not 
calculated  to  abate  the  excitement.  It  soon  appeared  that 
they  had  sources  of  enjoyment  w^hich  no  human  authority 
could  either  destroy  or  disturb;  for  as  they  lay  in  the 
pitchy  darkness  of  their  dungeon  with  their  feet  compressed 
in  the  stocks,  their  hearts  overflowed  Avith  divine  comfort. 
"  At  midnight  Paul  and  Silas  prayed,  and  sang  iircdses  unto 
God:  and  the  prisoners  heard  them."t  What  must  have  been 
the  wonder  of  the  other  inmates  of  the  jail,  as  these  sounds 
fell  upon  their  ears !  Instead  of  a  cry  of  distress  issuing 
from  "  the  inner  prison,"  there  was  the  cheerful  voice  of 
thanksgiving  !  The  apostles  rejoiced  that  they  were  counted 
worthy  to  suffer  in  the  service  of  Christ.  The  King  of  the 
Church  sympathised  with  His  oppressed  saints,  and  speedily 
vouchsafed  to  them  most  wonderful  tokens  of  encourage- 

*  Acts  xvi.  24.  t  Acts  xvi.  25. 


PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI.  95 

ment.  Scarcely  had  they  finished  their  song  of  praise 
when  it  was  answered  by  a  very  significant  response,  pro- 
claiming that  they  were  supported  by  a  power  which  could 
crush  the  might  of  Kome.  "  Suddenly  there  was  a  great 
earthquake,  so  that  the  foundations  of  the  prison  were 
shaken,  and  immediately  all  the  doors  were  opened,  and 
every  one's  bands  were  loosed."  '' 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  mind  of  the  jailer  had 
already  been  ill  at  ease.  He  must  have  heard  of  the  ex- 
traordinary history  of  the  damsel  with  the  spirit  of  divina- 
tion who  announced  that  his  prisoners  were  the  servants  of 
the  Most  High  God,  and  that  they  shewed  unto  men  the 
way  of  salvation.  Eumour  had,  perhaps,  supplied  him  with 
some  information  in  reference  to  their  doctrines ;  and  dm^ing 
even  his  short  intercourse  with  Paul  and  Silas  in  the  jail, 
he  may  have  been  impressed  by  much  that  he  noticed  in 
their  spirit  and  deportment.  But  he  had  meanwhile  gone 
to  rest,  and  he  remained  asleep  until  roused  by  the  noise 
and  tremor  of  the  earthquake.  When  he  awoke  and  saw 
"  the  prison  doors  open,"  he  was  in  a  paroxysm  of  alarm ; 
and  concluding  that  the  prisoners  had  escaped,  and  that  he 
might  expect  to  be  punished,  perhaps  capitally,  for  neglect 
of  duty,  he  resolved  to  anticipate  such  a  fate,  and  snatched 
his  sword  to  commit  suicide.  At  this  moment,  a  voice 
issuing  from  the  dungeon  where  the  missionaries  were  con- 
fined, at  once  dispelled  his  fears  as  to  the  prisoners,  and 
arrested  him  almost  in  the  very  act  of  self-murder.  "  Paul 
cried  with  a  loud  voice,  saying — Do  thyself  no  harm,  for  we 
are  all  here."t  These  words  operated  on  the  unhappy  man 
like  a  shock  of  electricity.     They  instantaneously  directed 

*  Acts  xvi.  26. 

t  Acts  xvi.  28.  "  By  a  singular  historical  coincidence,  this  very  city  of 
Philippi,  or  its  neighbourhood,  had  been  signalised  within  a  hundred  years, 
not  only  by  the  gi-eat  defeat  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  but  by  the  suicide  of  both, 
and  by  a  sort  of  wholesale  self-destruction  on  the  part  of  their  adherents." — 
Alexander  on  the  Acts,  ii.  122,  123. 


96  PAUL  AT  PHILIPPL 

his  tlioiiglits  into  another  channel,  and  imparted  intensity 
to  feelings  which  had  hitherto  been  comparatively  dormant. 
The  conviction  flashed  upon  his  conscience  that  the  men 
whom  he  had  so  recently  thrust  into  the  inner  prison  were 
no  imj^ostors;  that  they  had,  as  they  alleged,  authority  to 
treat  of  matters  infinitely  more  important  than  any  of  the 
passing  interests  of  time;  that  they  had,  verily,  a  commis- 
sion from  heaven  to  teach  the  way  of  eternal  salvation; 
and  that  he  and  others,  who  had  taken  part  in  their  impri- 
sonment, had  acted  most  iniquitously.  For  what  now  could 
be  more  evident  than  that  the  aj)Ostles  were  the  servants  of 
the  Most  High  God'?  When  everything  around  them  was 
enveloped  in  the  gloom  of  midnight,  they  seemed  able  to 
tell  what  was  passing  all  over  the  prison.  How  strange 
that,  when  the  jailer  was  about  to  kill  himself,  a  voice 
should  issue  from  a  diff'erent  apartment  saying — Do  thyself 
no  harm !  How  strange  that  the  very  man  whose  feet,  a 
few  hours  before,  had  been  made  fast  in  the  stocks,  should 
now  be  the  giver  of  this  friendly  counsel !  How  remark- 
able that,  when  all  the  doors  were  opened,  no  one  attempted 
to  escape !  And  how  extraordinary  that,  during  the  very 
night  on  which  the  apostles  were  imprisoned,  the  bands  of 
all  the  inmates  Avere  loosed,  and  that  the  building  was  made 
to  rock  to  its  foundations !  Did  not  the  earthquake  indi- 
cate that  He,  whom  the  apostles  served,  was  able  to  save 
and  to  destroy  *?  Did  it  not  proclaim,  trumpet-tongued, 
that  He  would  surely  punish  their  persecutors  ?  When  the 
jailer  thought  on  these  things,  well  might  he  be  paralysed 
with  fear,  and  believing  that  the  apostles  alone  could  tell 
him  how  he  was  to  obtain  relief  from  the  anxiety  which 
oppressed  his  spirit,  it  is  not  strange  that  "  he  called  for  a 
light,  and  sprang  in,  and  came  trembling,  and  fell  down 
before  Paul  and  Silas,  and  brought  them  out,  and  said — Sirs, 
what  must  1  do  to  be  saved  1 " ''' 

*  Acts  xvi.  29,  30. 


PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI.  97 

The  missioDaries  were  prepared  with  a  decisive  reply  to 
this  earnest  inquiry,  and  it  is  probable  that  their  answer 
took  the  jailer  by  surprise.  He  expected,  perhaps,  to  be 
called  upon  to  do  something,  either  to  propitiate  the  apostles 
themselves,  or  to  turn  away  the  wrath  of  the  God  of  the 
apostles.  It  is  obvious,  from  the  spirit  which  he  manifested, 
that,  to  obtain  peace  of  conscience,  he  was  ready  to  go  very 
far  in  the  way  of  self-sacrifice.  He  may  have  been  willing 
to  part  with  his  property,  or  to  imperil  his  life,  or  to  give 
"  the  fruit  of  his  body  for  the  sin  of  his  soul."  What,  then, 
must  have  been  his  astonishment  when  he  found  that  the 
divine  mercy  so  far  transcended  anything  he  could  have 
possibly  anticipated !  With  what  satisfaction  must  he  have 
listened  to  the  assiu^ance  that  an  atonement  had  already 
been  made,  and  that  the  sinner  is  safe  as  soon  as  he  lays  the 
hand  of  faith  on  the  head  of  the  great  Sacrifice!  What 
delight  must  he  have  experienced  when  informed  that 
imbelief  alone  could  shut  him  out  from  heaven ;  that  the 
Son  of  God  had  died  the  just  for  the  unjust;  and  that  this 
almighty  Saviour  now  waited  to  be  gracious  to — himself! 
How  must  the  words  of  the  apostles  have  thrilled  through 
his  soul,  as  he  heard  them  repeating  the  invitation — "  Be- 
lieve on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  thou  shalt  be  saved, 
and  thy  house."'" 

The  jailer  joyfully  accepted  the  j^rofiered  Deliverer;  and 
felt  that,  resting  on  this  Rock  of  Salvation,  he  was  at  peace. 
Though  well  aware  that,  by  openly  embracing  the  gospel, 
lie  exposed  himself  to  considerable  danger,  he  did  not  shrink 
from  the  j)osition  of  a  confessor.  The  love  of  Christ  had 
obtained  full  possession  of  his  soul,  and  he  was  quite  pre- 
pared to  suff"er  in  the  service  of  his  Divine  Master.  He 
took  Paid,  and  Silas  "  the  same  hour  of  the  night,  and  washed 
their  stripes,  and  was  baptized,  he  and  all  his,  straightway ; 
and  when  he  had  brought  them  into  his  house,  he  set  meat 

*  Acts  xvi.  31. 
G 


98  PAUL  AT  PHILIPPI. 

before  them,  and  rejoiced,  believing  in  God  with  all  his 
house." '"' 

It  is  highly  probable  that  the  shock  of  the  earthquake 
was  felt  beyond  the  precincts  of  the  jail,  and  that  the  events 
which  had  occurred  there  had  soon  been  communicated  to 
the  city  authorities.  We  can  thus  best  account  for  the  fact 
that  "when  it  was  day,  the  magistrates  sent  the  Serjeants 
saying,  Let  those  men  go."  t  As  it  is  not  stated  that  the 
apostles  had  previously  entered  into  any  vindication  of 
their  conduct,  it  has  been  thought  singular  that  they  now 
declined  to  leave  the  prison  without  receiving  an  apology 
for  the  violation  of  their  privileges  as  Eoman  citizens.  But 
this  matter  presents  no  real  difficulty.  The  magistrates  had 
yielded  to  the  clamour  of  an  infuriated  mob;  and,  instead 
of  giving  Paul  and  Silas  a  fair  opportunity  of  defence  or 
explanation,  had  summarily  consigned  them  to  the  custody 
of  the  jailer.  These  functionaries  now  seemed  prepared  to 
listen  to  remonstrance ;  and  Paul  deemed  it  due  to  himself, 
and  to  the  interests  of  the  Christian  Church,  to  complain  of 
the  illegal  character  of  the  proceedings  from  which  he  had 
suffered.  He  had  been  punished,  without  a  trial;  and 
fjcourged,  though  a  Pom  an  citizen.;|:  Hence,  when  informed 
that  the  duumviri  had  given  orders  for  the  liberation  of 
himself  and  his  companion,  the  apostle  exclaimed — "  They 
have  beaten  us  openly  uncondemned,  being  Romans,  and 
have  cast  us  into  prison,  and  now  do  they  thrust  us  out 
privily  1  Nay,  verily,  but  let  them  come  themselves,  and 
fetch  us  out."§  These  words,  which  were  immediately 
reported  by  the  Serjeants,  or  lictors,  inspired  the  magistrates 
with  apprehension,  and  suggested  to  them  the  expediency 
of  conciliation.     "And  they  came"  to  the  prison  to  the 

*  Acts  xvi.  33,  34.  t  Acts  xvi.  35. 

:  X  Paul  says  that  he  was  "  free  bom "  (Acts  xxii.  28).  It  was  unlawful  to 
scourge  a  Roman  citizen,  or  even,  except  in  extraordinary  cases,  to  imprison 
him  without  trial.     He  had  also  the  privilege  of  appeal  to  the  Em2)eror. 

§  Acts  xvi.  37. 


PAUL  AT  PHILIPPl.  99 

apostles,  "  and  besought  them,  and  brought  them  out,  and 
desired  them  to  depart  out  of  the  city."  '''  The  missionaries 
did  not,  however,  leave  Philippi  until  they  had  another  oppor- 
tunity of  meeting  with  their  converts.  "  They  went  out  of 
the  prison,  and  entered  into  the  house  of  Lydia,  and  when 
they  had  seen  the  brethren,  they  comforted  them  and 
departed."  t 

On  the  whole  Paul  and  Silas  had  reason  to  thank  God 
and  take  courage,  when  they  reviewed  their  progress  in  the 
first  European  city  which  they  visited.  Though  they  had 
met  with  much  opposition,  their  ministry  had  been  greatly 
blessed;  and,  in  the  end,  the  magistrates,  who  had  treated 
them  with  such  severity,  had  felt  it  necessary  to  apologise. 
The  extraordinary  circumstances  accompanying  their  im- 
prisonment must  have  made  their  case  known  to  the  whole 
body  of  the  citizens,  and  thus  secured  a  degree  of  attention 
to  their  preaching  which  could  not  have  been  otherwise 
expected.  The  Church,  now  established  at  Philippi,  con- 
tained a  number  of  most  generous  members,  and  Paul 
afterwards  gratefully  acknowledged  the  assistance  he  re- 
ceived from  them.  "  Ye  have  well  done,"  said  he,  "  that  ye 
did  communicate  with  my  affliction.  Now,  ye  Philippians, 
know  also,  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  gospel,  when  I 
departed  from  Macedonia,  no  church  communicated  with 
me,  as  concerning  giving  and  receiving,  but  ye  only.  For, 
even  in  Thessalonica,  ye  sent  once  and  again  unto  my 
necessity."  \ 

*  Acts  xvi.  39.  t  Acts  xvi.  40.  J  Phil.  iv.  14-16. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    MINISTRY   OF    PAUL  IN   THESSALONICA,   BEREA,  ATHENS, 
AND  CORINTH. 

A.D.  52  TO  A.D.  54. 

After  leaving  Philippi,  and  passing  through  AmphipoHs 
andApoUonia,  Paul  made  his  way  to  Thessalonica.  In  this 
city  there  was  a  Jewish  synagogue  where  he  was  permitted, 
for  three  successive  Sabbaths,  to  address  the  congregation. 
His  discourses  produced  a  powerful  impression ;  as  some  of 
the  seed  of  Abraham  believed,  "  and,  of  the  devout  Greeks, 
a  great  multitude,  and  of  the  chief  women,  not  a  few."  ""'■ 
The  unbelieving  Jews  attempted  to  create  annoyance  by 
representing  the  missionaries  as  acting  "contrary  to  the 
decrees  of  Csesar,  saying — that  there  is  another  king,  one 
Jesus ;"t  but  though  they  contrived  to  trouble  "the  rulers "| 
and  to  "set  all  the  city  in  an  uproar,"  they  could  not 
succeed  in  preventing  the  formation  of  a  flourishing  Chris-, 

*  Acts  xvii.  4.  f  Acts  xvii.  7. 

J  Acts  xvii.  8.  irdpa^av — tovs  TroXirapxas.  It  has  been  remarked  that  the 
name  here  given  to  the  magistrates  (politarchs),  does  not  occur  in  ancient 
literature  ;  l)ut  it  is  a  curious  and  important  fact  that  a  Greek  inscription,  on 
an  arch  still  to  be  seen  at  this  place,  demonstrates  the  accuracy  of  the  sacred 
historian.  This  arch  supplies  evidence  that  it  was  erected  about  the  time 
when  the  Republic  was  passing  into  the  Empire,  and  that  it  was  in  existence 
when  Paul  now  preached  there.  It  appears  from  it  that  the  magistrates  of 
Thessalonica  were  called  politarchs,  and  that  they  were  seven  in  number. 
What  is  almost  equally  striking  is  that  three  of  the  names  in  the  inscription 
are  Sopater,  Gains,  and  Secundus,  the  same  as  those  of  three  of  Paul's  friends 
in  this  district.     Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  360. 


PAUL  AT  ATHENS.  101 

tian  commimity.  Paul  appeared  next  in  Berea,  and,  wlien 
reporting  liis  success  here,  the  sacred  historian  bears  a 
remarkable  testimony  to  the  right  of  the  laity  to  judge  for 
themselves  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  Book  of  Inspiration; 
for  he  states  that  the  Jews  of  this  place  "  were  more  noble 
than  those  in  Thessalonica,  in  that  they  received  the  word 
mth  aU  readiness  of  mind,  and  searched  the  scriptures 
daily  "'^  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  apostolic  doctrine. 
Paul  now  j)roceeded  "to  go  as  it  were  to  the  sea,"  and 
soon  afterwards  arrived  at  Athens. 

The  ancient  caj^ital  of  Attica  had  long  been  the  literary 
metropolis  of  heathendom.  Its  citizens  could  boast  that 
they  were  sprung  from  a  race  of  heroes,  as  their  forefathers 
had  nobly  struggled  for  freedom  on  many  a  bloody  battle- 
field, and,  by  prodigies  of  valour,  had  maintained  their 
independence  against  aU  the  might  of  Persia.  Minerva, 
the  goddess  of  wisdom,  was  their  tutelary  deity.  The 
Athenians,  from  time  immemorial,  had  been  noted  for  their 
intellectual  elevation;  and  a  briUiant  array  of  poets,  legis- 
lators, historians,  philosophers,  and  orators,  had  crowned 
their  community  with  immortal  fame.  Every  spot  con- 
nected with  their  city  was  classic  ground.  Here  it  was 
that  Socrates  had  discoursed  so  sagely ;  and  that  Plato  had 
illustrated,  with  so  much  felicity  and  genius,  the  precepts 
of  his  great  master ;  and  that  Demosthenes,  by  addresses  of 
unrivalled  eloquence,  had  roused  and  agitated  the  assemblies 
of  his  countrymen.  As  the  stranger  passed  through  Athens, 
artistic  productions  of  sujDcrior  excellence  everywhere  met 
his  eye.  Its  statues,  its  public  monuments,  and  its  temj)les, 
were  models  alike  of  tasteful  design  and  of  beautiful 
workmanship.  But  there  may  be  much  intellectual  cultiu-e 
where  there  is  no  spiritual  enlightenment,  and  Athens, 
though  so  far  advanced  in  civilisation  and  refinement,  was 
one  of  the  high  places  of  pagan  superstition.     Amidst  the 

*  Acta  xvii.  11. 


102  PAUL  AT  ATHENS. 

splendour  of  its  architectural  decorations,  as  well  as  sur- 
rounded with  proofs  of  its  scientific  and  literary  eminence, 
the  apostle  mourned  over  its  religious  destitution,  and  "  his 
spirit  was  stirred  in  him,  when  he  saw  the  city  wholly 
given  to  idolatry."* 

On  this  new  scene  Paul  exhibited  his  usual  activity  and 
earnestness.  "  He  disputed  in  the  synagogue  with  the  Jews, 
and  with  the  devout  persons,  and  in  the  market  daily  with 
them  that  met  with  him."t  The  Christian  preacher,  doubt- 
less, soon  became  an  object  of  no  little  curiosity.  He  was 
of  diminutive  stature ;  J  he  seems  to  have  laboured  under 
the  disadvantages  of  imperfect  vision ;  §  and  his  Palestinian 
Grsek  must  have  sounded  harshly  in  the  ears  of  those  who 
were  accustomed  to  speak  their  mother  tongue  in  its  Attic 
purity.  But,  though  his  "bodily  presence  was  weak,"||  he 
speedily  convinced  those  who  came  in  contact  with  him, 
that  the  frail  earthly  tabernacle  was  the  habitation  of  a 
master  mind;  and  though  mere  connoisseurs  in  idioms  and 
pronunciation  might  designate  "his  speech  contemptible," IF 
he  riveted  the  attention  of  his  hearers  by  the  force  and 
impressiveness  of  his  oratory.  The  presence  of  this  extra- 
ordinary stranger  could  not  remain  long  unknown  to  the 
Athenian  literati ;  but,  when  they  entered  into  conversation 
with  him,  some  of  them  were  disposed  to  ridicule  him  as 
an  idle  talker,  whilst  others  seemed  inclined  to  denounce 
him  as  a  dangerous  innovator.  "  Certain  philosophers  of 
the  Epicureans  and  of  the  Stoics  encountered  him;  and 
some  said— What  will  this  babbler  say'?  other  some — He 
seemeth  to  be  a  setter  forth  of  strange  gods,  because  he 
preached  unto  them  Jesus  and  the  resurrection."  **  Upwards 
of  four  hundred  years  before,  Socrates  had  been  condemned 

*  Acts  xvii.  16.  t  Acts  xvii.  17. 

%  See  Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  241. 
§  See  Alforcl  on  Acts  xiii.  9,  and  xxiii.  1. 
II  2  Cor.  X.  10.  IT  2  Cor.  x.  10. 

**  Acts  xvii.  18. 


PAUL  AT  ATHENS.  103' 

to  death  by  the  Athenians  as  "a  setter  forth  of  strange  gods,"'"" 
and  it  may  be  that  some  of  these  philosophers  hoped  to 
intimidate  the  apostle  by  hinting  that  he  was  now  open  to 
the  same  indictment.  But  it  is  very  improbable  that  they 
seriously  contemplated  a  prosecution;  as  they  had  them- 
selves no  faith  in  the  pagan  mythology.  They  were  quite 
ready  to  employ  their  wit  to  turn  the  heathen  worship  intO' 
scorn;  and  yet  they  could  point  out  no  "more  excellent 
way"  of  religious  service.  In  Athens,  philosophy  had 
demonstrated  its  utter  impotence  to  do  anything  effective 
for  the  reformation  of  the  popular  theology ;  and  its  pro- 
fessors had  settled  down  into  the  conviction  that,  as  the 
current  superstition  exercised  an  immense  influence  over  the 
minds  of  the  multitude,  it  was  inexpedient  for  wise  men  to 
^^thhold  from  it  the  tribute  of  outward  reverence.  The 
discourses  of  Paul  were  very  far  from  complimentary  to 
parties  who  valued  themselves  so  highly  on  their  intellec- 
tual advancement ;  for  he  quietly  ignored  all  their  specula- 
tions as  so  much  folly;  and,  whilst  he  propounded  his  own 
system  with  the  utmost  confidence,  he,  at  the  same  time, 
supported  it  by  arguments  which  they  were  determined  to 
reject,  but  unable  to  overturn.  It  is  pretty  clear  that  they^ 
were  to  some  extent  under  the  influence  of  pique  and  irrita- 
tion when  they  noticed  his  deviations  from  the  established 
faith,  and  applied  to  him  the  epithet  of  "babbler;"  but 
Paul  was  not  the  man  to  be  put  down  either  by  irony  or 
insult ;  and  at  length  it  was  found  necessary  to  allow  him  a 
fair  opportunity  of  explaining  his  principles.  It  is  accord- 
ingly stated  that  "  they  took  him  and  brought  him  unto 
Mars  Hill  saying — May  we  know  what  this  new  doctrine, 
whereof  thou  speakest,  is,  for  thou  bringest  certain  strange 
things  to  our  ears — we  would  know,  therefore,  what  these 
things  mean."  t 

*  'ASi/cet  2a)KpaTT]s erepa  8e  kolvo.  haijiovia  dacfyepav. — Aen.  Mem.  i.  1. 

+  Acts  xvii.  19,  20.     It  is  very  evident  that  he  was  not  arraigned  l^efore  the 
court  of  Areopagus  as  our  English  translation  seems  to  indicate. 


104  PAUL  AT  ATHENS. 

The  speech  delivered  hj  Paul  on  this  memorable  occasion 
has  been  often  admired  for  its  tact,  vigour,  depth,  and 
fidelity.  Whilst  giving  the  Athenians  full  credit  for  their 
devotional  feeling,  and  avoiding  any  pointed  and  sarcastic 
attack  on  the  absurdities  of  their  religious  ritual,  he  con- 
trives to  present  such  an  outline  of  the  prominent  features 
of  the  Christian  revelation,  as  might  have  convinced  any 
candid  and  intelligent  auditor  of  its  incomparable  supe- 
riority, as  well  to  the  doctrines  of  the  philosophers,  as  to 
the  fables  of  heathenism.  In  the  very  commencement  of 
his  observations  he  displays  no  little  address.  "  Ye  men  of 
Athens,"  said  he,  "  I  perceive  that,  in  every  point  of  view, 
ye  are  carrying  your  religious  reverence  very  far;  for,  as  I 
passed  by,  and  observed  the  objects  of  your  worship,  I 
found  an  altar  with  this  incription — To  the  unknown  God 
— whom,  therefore,  ye  worship,  though  ye  know  him  not, 
him  declare  I  unto  you." '""  The  existence  in  this  city  of 
inscriptions,  such  as  that  here  given,  is  attested  by  several 
other  ancient  witnesses  t  as  well  as  Paul,  and  the  altars 
thus  distinguished  appear  to  have  been  erected  when  the 
place  was  afflicted  by  certain  strange  and  unprecedented 
calamities  which  the  deities,  already  recognised,  were  sup- 
posed to  be  unable  to  remove.  The  auditors  of  the  apostle 
could  not  well  be  dissatisfied  with  the  statement  that  they 
carried  their  "  religious  reverence  very  far ; "  and  yet,  per- 
haps, they  were  scarcely  prepared  for  the  reference  to  this 
altar  by  which  the  observation  was  illustrated;  for  the 
inscription  which  he  quoted  contained  a  most  humiliating 
confession  of  their  ignorance,  and  furnished  him  with  an 

*  Acts  xvii.  22,  23.  This  translation  obviously  conveys  the  meaning  of  the 
original  more  distinctly  than  our  English  version.  See  Alford,  ii.  178;  and 
Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  406. 

t  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  impostor  ApoUonius  of  Tyana,  who  was  the 
contemporary  of  the  apostle,  speaks  of  Athens  as  a  place  "  where  altars  are 
raised  to  the  iinknown  Gods."  "  Life,"  by  Philostratus,  book  vi.  c.  3.  See  also 
Pausanias,  Attic,  i.  4. 


PAUL  AT  ATHENS.  105 

excellent  apology  for  proposing  to  act  as  their  theological 
instructor. 

His  discourse,  which  treats  of  the  Being  and  Attributes 
of  God,  must  have  been  heard  with  no  ordinary  interest  by 
the  polite  and  intelligent  Athenians.  Its  reasoning  is  plain, 
pertinent,  and  powerful;  and  whilst  adopting  a  didactic 
tone,  and  avoiding  the  language  and  spirit  of  controversy, 
the  apostle,  in  every  sentence,  comes  into  direct  collision, 
either  with  the  errors  of  polytheism,  or  the  dogmas  of  the 
Grecian  philosophy.  The  Stoics  were  Pantheists,  and 
held  the  doctrine  of  the  eternity  of  matter;'"'  whilst  the 
Epicureans  maintained  that  the  universe  arose  out  of  a 
fortuitous  concurrence  of  atoms  ;t  and  therefore  Paul  an- 
nounced his  opposition  to  both  these  sects  when  he  declared 
that  "  God  made  the  world  and  all  things  therein."  |  The 
Athenians  boasted  that  they  were  of  nobler  descent  than 
the  rest  of  their  countrymen  ;§  and  the  heathen  generally 
believed  that  each  nation  belonged  to  a  distinct  stock  and 
Avas  under  the  guardianship  of  its  own  peculiar  deities ;  but 
the  apostle  affirmed  that  "  God  hath  made  of  one  hlood  all 
nations  of  men  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  earth."  ||  The 
Epicureans  asserted  that  the  gods  did  not  interfere  in  the 
concerns  of  the  human  family,  and  that  they  were  destitute 
of  foreknowledge;  but  Paul  here  assured  them  that  the 
great  Creator  "  giveth  to  all  life  and  breath  and  aU  things," 
and  "  hath  determined  the  times  before  appointed,  and  the 
bounds  of  their  habitation."  IF  The  heathen  imagined  that 
the  gods  inhabited  their  images ;  but  whilst  Paul  was 
ready  to  acknowledge  the  excellence,  as  works  of  art,  of 
the  statues  which  he  saw  all  around  him,  he  at  the  same 

*  See  Cudwortli's  "  Intellectual  System,  with  Notes  by  Mosheim,"  i.  513, 
111.     Edition,  London,  1845. 

t  See  Mosheim's  "  Commentaries  on  the  Affairs  of  the  Christians  before 
Constantine,"  by  Vidal,  i.  42. 

X  Acts  xvii.  24.  §  See  Alford  on  Acts  xvii.  2G. 

II  Acts  xvii.  26.  %  Acts  xvii.  25,  26. 


106  PAUL  AT  ATHENS. 

time  distinctly  intimated  that  these  dead  pieces  of  material 
mechanism  conld  never  even  faintly  represent  the  glory  of 
the  invisible  First  Cause,  and  that  they  were  unworthy  the 
homage  of  living  and  intellectual  beings.  "  As  we  are  the 
offspring  of  God,"  said  he,  "  we  ought  not  to  think  that  the 
Godhead  is  like  unto  gold,  or  silver,  or  stone,  graven  by  art 
and  man's  device."  *  After  having  thus  borne  testimony 
to  the  spirituality  of  the  I  am  that  I  am,  and  asserted 
His  authority  as  the  Maker  and  Preserver  of  the  world, 
Paul  proceeded  to  point  out  His  claims  as  its  righteous 
Governor.  "  He  hath  appointed  a  day,  in  the  which  he 
will  judge  the  world  in  righteousness  by  that  man  whom 
he  hath  ordained,  whereof  he  hath  given  assurance  unto  all 
men  in  that  he  hath  raised  him  from  the  dead."  t 

The  pleasure-loving  Epicureans  refused  to  believe  in  a 
future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments;  and  concurred 
with  the  Stoics  in  denying  the  immortality  of  the  soul.J; 
Both  these  parties  were,  of  course,  prepared  to  reject  the 
doctrine  of  a  general  judgment.  The  idea  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  body  was  quite  novel  to  almost  all  classes  of  the 
Gentiles;  and,  when  at  first  propounded  to  the  Athenians, 
was  received,  by  many,  with  doubt,  and  by  some,  with 
ridicule.  "  When  they  heard  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  some  mocked,  and  others  said.  We  will  hear  thee 
again  of  this  matter.  So  Paul  departed  from  among 
them."  § 

The  frivolous  spirit  cherished  by  the  citizens  of  the 
ancient  capital  of  Attica  was  exceedingly  unfavourable  to 
the  progress  of  the  earnest  faith  of  Christianity.  "  All 
the  Athenians,  and  strangers  which  were  there,  spent  their 
time  in  nothing  else  but  either  to  tell  or  to  hear  some  new 
thing."  II     Though  they  had  acquii-ed  a  world-wide  reputa- 

*  Acts  xvii.  29.  t  Acts  xvii.  31. 

X  Cudworth,  with  Notes  byMosheim,  ii.  120,  and  Mosheim's  "Commen- 
taries," by  Vidal,  i.  42.  §  Acts  xvii.  32.  ||  Acts  xvii.  21. 


PAUL  AT  CORINTH.  107 

tion  for  literary  culture,  it  is  an  instructive  fact  that  tlieir 
city  continued  for  several  centuries  afterwards  to  be  one  of 
the  strongholds  of  Gentile  superstition.  But  the  labours  of 
Paul  at  this  time  were  not  entirely  unproductive.  "  Cer- 
tain men  clave  unto  him  and  believed,  among  the  which 
was  Dionysius,  the  Areopagite,  and  a  w^oman,  named  Da- 
maris,  and  others  with  them."  *  The  court  of  Areopagus, 
long  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the  place,  had  not 
even  yet  entirely  lost  its  celebrity;  and  the  circumstance 
that  Dionysius  was  connected  with  it,  is  a  proof  that  this 
Christian  convert  must  have  been  a  respectable  and  influen- 
tial citizen.  He  appears  to  have  occupied  a  very  high  place 
among  the  primitive  disciples ;  and  the  number  of  spurious 
writings  ascribed  to  him  t  shew  that  his  name  was  deemed 

o 

a  tower  of  strength  to  the  cause  with  which  it  was  asso- 
ciated.  He  seems  to  have  been  long  at  the  head  of  the 
Athenian  presbytery ;  and  to  have  survived  his  conversion 
alDout  forty  years,  or  until  the  time  of  the  Domitian 
persecution.}: 

From  Athens  Paul  directed  his  steps  to  Corinth,  w^here  he 
appears  to  have  arrived  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  52.  Nearly 
two  hundred  years  before,  this  city  had  been  completely 
destroyed ;  but,  after  a  century  of  desolation,  it  had  been 
rebuilt;  and  having  since  rapidly  increased,  it  was  now 
flourishing  and  populous.  As  a  place  of  trade,  its  position, 
near  an  isthmus  of  the  same  name,  gave  it  immense  advan- 
tao-es ;  for  it  had  a  harbour  on  each  side,  so  that  it  was  the 
central  depot  of  the  commerce  of  the  East  and  West.  Its 
inhabitants  valued  themselves  much  upon  their  attainments 
in  philosophy  and  general  literature ;  but,  whilst,  by  trafiic, 
they  had  succeeded  in  acquiring  wealth,  they  had  given 

*  Acts  xvii.  34. 

t  These  writings,  which  made  their  appearance  not  earher  than  the  fourth 
or  fifth  century,  were  held  in  great  reputation,  particularly  by  the  Mystics,  in 
the  Middle  Ages.  X  Burton's  "  Lectures,"  i.  183. 


108  PAUL  AT  CORINTH. 

way  to  the  temptations  of  luxury  and  licentiousness.  Co- 
rinth was,  in  fact,  at  this  time  one  of  the  most  dissohite 
cities  of  the  Empire.  It  was  the  capital  of  the  large  pro- 
vince of  Achaia,  and  the  residence  of  the  Roman  pro- 
consul. 

When  Paul  was  at  Athens  he  was  led  to  adapt  his  style  of 
instruction  to  the  character  of  his  auditors,  and  he  was  thus 
obliged  to  occupy  much  of  his  time  in  discussing  the  prin- 
ciples of  natural  religion.  He  endeavoured  to  gain  over  the 
citizens  by  shewing  them  that  their  views  of  the  Godhead 
could  not  stand  the  test  of  a  vigorous  and  discriminating 
logic,  and  that  Christianity  alone  rested  on  a  sound  philo- 
sophical foundation.  But  the  exposition  of  a  pure  system  of 
theism  had  comparatively  little  influence  on  the  hearts  and 
consciences  of  these  system-builders.  Considering  the  time 
and  skill  devoted  to  its  culture,  Athens  had  yielded  perhaps 
less  spiritual  fruit  than  any  field  of  labour  on  which  he  had 
yet  operated.  AVhen  he  arrived  in  Corinth  he  resolved, 
therefore,  to  avoid,  as  much  as  possible,  mere  metaphysical 
argumentation,  and  he  sought  rather  to  stir  up  sinners  to 
flee  from  the  Avrath  to  come  by  pressing  home  upon  them 
earnestly  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  revelation.  In  the  first 
epistle,  addressed  subsequently  to  the  Church  now  esta- 
blished in  this  place,  he  thus  describes  the  spirit  in  which 
he  conducted  his  apostolical  ministrations.  "And  I, 
bretliren,"  says  he,  "  when  I  came  to  you,  came  not  with 
excellency  of  speech  or  of  wisdom,  declaring  unto  you  the 
testimony  of  God — for  I  determined  not  to  know  any  tiling 
among  you  save  Jesus  Christ  and  Him  crucified ;  and  my 
speech  and  my  preaching  was,  not  with  enticing  words  of 
man's  wisdom,  but  in  demonstration  of  the  Spirit  and  of 
power — that  your  faith  should  not  stand  in  the  wisdom  of 
men,  but  in  the  power  of  God."'"' 

The  result  demonstrated  that  the  apostle  thus  pursued 

*  1  Cor.  ii.  1,  2,  4,  5. 


PAUL  AT  CORINTH.  109 

the  most  effective  mode  of  advancing  tlie  Christian  cause. 
It  might,  indeed,  have  been  thought  that  Corinth  was  a 
very  ungenial  soil  for  the  gospel,  as  Venus  was  the  favourite 
deity  of  the  place;  and  a  thousand  priestesses,  or,  in  other 
words,  a  thousand  prostitutes,  were  employed  in  the  cele- 
bration of  her.  orgies/"'  The  inhabitants  generally  were 
sunk  in  the  very  depths  of  moral  pollution.  But  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Cross  produced  a  powerful  impression  even  in 
this  hotbed  of  iniquity.  Notwithstanding  the  enmity  of  the 
Jews,  who  "  opposed  themselves  and  blasphemed,"t  Paul 
succeeded  in  collecting  here  a  large  and  prosperous  congre- 
gation. "  Many  of  the  Corinthians  hearing,  believed,  and 
were  baptized."|  Most  of  the  converts  were  in  very  humble 
circumstances,  and  hence  the  apostle  says  to  them  in  his 
first  epistle — "  Ye  see .  your  calling,  brethren,  how  that  not 
many  wise  men  after  the  flesh,  not  many  mighty,  not  many 
noble  are  called  ;"§  but  still  a  few  persons  of  distinction 
united  themselves  to  the  despised  community.  Thus,  it 
appears  1 1  that  Erastus,  the  chamberlain,  or  treasurer,  of  the 
city,  was  among  the  disciples.  It  may  be  that  this  civic 
functionary  joined  the  Church  at  a  somewhat  later  date; 
but,  even  now,  Paul  was  encouraged  by  the  accession  of 
some  remarkable  converts.  Of  these,  perhaps,  the  most 
conspicuous  was  Crispus,  "  the  chief  ruler  of  the  synagogue," 
who,  "  with  all  his  house,"  submitted  to  baptism.lF  About 
the  same  time  Gains,  who  seems  to  have  been  an  opulent 
citizen,  and  who  rendered  good  service  to  the  common 
cause  by  his  Christian  hosj^itality,"^''^^  openly  embraced  the 
gospel.  Two  other  converts,  who  are  often  honourably 
mentioned  in  the  New  Testament,  were  now  likewise  added 
to  the  infant  Church.     These  were  Aquila  and  Priscilla.tt 

*  Strabo,  lib.  viii.  vol.  i.,  p.  549  ;  Edit.  Oxon.  1807.  t  Acts  xviii.  6. 

t  Acts  xviii.  8.  §  1  Cor.  i.  26. 

II  Rom.  xvi.  2.3.     This  epistle  was  written  from  Corinth. 
^  Acts  xviii.  8.  **  1  Cor.  i.  14 ;  Rom.  xvi.  23. 

+t  Acts  xviii.  2,  26;  Rom.  xvi.  3;  1  Cor.  xvi.  19;  2  Tim.  iv.  19. 


110  PAUL  AT  CORINTH. 

Some  have,  indeed,  supposed  that  this  couple  had  been 
akeady  bajDtized;  but,  on  the  arrival  of  Paul  in  Corinth, 
Aquila  is  represented  as  a  Jeiv'' — a  designation  which  would 
not  have  been  descriptive  of  his  position  had  he  been  pre- 
viously a  believer — and  we  must  therefore  infer  that  the 
conversion  of  himself  and  his  excellent  partner  occurred  at 
this  period. 

In  this  city,  as  well  as  in  many  other  places,  the  apostle 
supported  himself  by  the  labour  of  his  own  hands.  It  was 
now  customary,  even  for  Israelites  in  easy  circumstances,  to 
train  up  their  children  to  some  mechanical  employment, 
so  that  should  they  sink  into  penury,  they  could  still,  by 
manual  industry,  procure  a  livelihood. t  Paul  had  been 
taught  the  trade  of  a  tent-maker,  or  manufacturer  of  aAvnings 
of  hair-cloth — articles  much  used  in  the  East  as  a  protec- 
tion against  the  rays  of  the  sun,  by  travellers  and  mariners. 
It  was  in  connexion  with  this  occupation  that  he  became 
acquainted  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla.  "  Because  he  was  of 
the  same  craft,  he  abode  with  them,  and  wrought."^  The 
Jew  and  his  wife  had  probably  a  large  manufactory,  and 
thus  they  could  furnish  the  apostle  with  remunerative  em- 
ployment. Whilst  under  their  roof,  he  did  not  neglect  the 
opportunities  he  enjoyed  of  presenting  the  gospel  to  their 
attention,  and  both  soon  became  his  ardent  and  energetic 
coadjutors  in  missionary  service. 

The  conduct  of  Paul  in  working  with  his  own  hands, 
whilst  engaged  in  the  dissemination  of  the  gospel,  is  a  noble 
example  of  Christian  self-denial.  He  could,  it  appears, 
expect  little  assistance  from  the  mother  church  of  Antioch ; 
and  had  he,  in  the  first  instance,  demanded  support  from 
those  to  whom  he  now  ministered,  he  would  have  exposed 

*  Acts  xviii.  2. 

t  "  Rabbi  Judah  saith, '  He  that  teaclieth  not  his  sou  a  trade,  doth  the  same 
as  if  he  taught  him  to  be  a  thief ;'  aud  Eabbau  Gamahel  saith,  '  He  that  hath  a 
trade  in  his  hand,  to  what  is  he  hke?  He  is  hke  a  vineyard  that  is  fenced.'" 
— See  Al ford  on  Acts,  xviii.  3.  %  Acts  xviii.  3. 


PAUL  AT  CORINTH.  Ill 

himself  aud  his  cause  to  the  utmost  suspicion.  In  a  com- 
mercial city,  such  as  Corinth,  he  would  have  been  regarded 
by  many  as  a  mere  adventurer  who  had  resorted  to  a  new 
species  of  speculation  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  mainte- 
nance. His  disinterested  behaviour  placed  him  at  once 
beyond  the  reach  of  this  imputation ;  and  his  intense  love  to 
Christ  prepared  him  to  make  the  sacrifice,  which  the  course 
he  thus  adopted,  required.  And  what  a  proof  of  the  humi- 
lity of  Paul  that  he  cheerfully  laboured  for  his  daily  bread 
at  the  trade  of  a  tent-maker  !  The  Rabbi  who  was  once 
admired  for  his  genius  and  his  learning  by  the  most  distin- 
guished of  his  countrymen — who  had  once  sat  among  the 
members  of  the  great  Sanhedrim — and  who  might  have 
legitimately  aspired  to  be  the  son-in-law  of  the  High  Priest 
of  Israel""' — was  now  content  to  toil  "  night  and  day  "  at  a 
menial  occupation  sitting  among  the  workmen  of  Aquila 
and  Priscilla  !  How  like  to  Him,  who,  though  He  was  rich, 
yet,  for  our  sakes,  became  poor,  that  we,  through  His 
poverty,  might  be  rich  ! 

Paul  was  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  Corinth  as  a 
centre  of  missionary  influence.  Strangers  from  the  East 
passed  through  it  on  their  way  to  Rome,  and  travellers  from 
the  Western  metropolis  stopped  here  on  their  way  to  Asia 
Minor,  Palestine,  or  Syria,  so  that  it  was  one  of  the  greatest 
thoroughfares  in  the  Empire;  and,  as  a  commercial  mart, 
it  was  second  to  very  few  cities  in  the  world.  The  apostle 
therefore  saw  that  if  a  Church  could  be  firmly  planted  in 
this  busy  capital,  it  could  scatter  the  seeds  of  truth  to  all 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  We  may  thus  understand  why  he 
remained  in  Corinth  so  much  longer  than  in  any  other  place 
he  had  yet  visited  since  his  departure  from  Antioch.  "  He 
continued  there  a  year  and  six  months  teaching  the  Word  of 
God  among  them."t  He  was,  too,  encouraged  by  a  special 
communication  from  Heaven  to  prosecute  his  labours  with 

*  Epiphaiiius,  "  Ilaer.,"  xxx.  IG.  +  Acts  xviii.  1 1. 


112  TAUL  AT  CORINTH. 

zeal  and  diligence.  "  The  Lord  spake  to  Paul  in  the  night 
by  a  vision — Be  not  afraid,  but  speak,  and  hold  not  thy 
peace — for  I  am  with  thee,  and  no  man  shall  set  on  thee  to 
hurt  thee,  for  I  have  much  people  in  this  city." '"' 

Though  the  ministry  of  the  aj)Ostle  was  now  attended 
with  such  remarkable  success,  his  converts  did  not  all 
continue  to  walk  worthy  of  their  profession.  But  if  in  the 
Church  of  this  flourishing  mercantile  metropolis  there  were 
greater  disorders  than  in  perhaps  any  other  of  the  early 
Christian  communities,t  the  explanation  is  obvious.  Even 
in  a  degenerate  age  Corinth  was  notorious  for  its  profligacy  ; 
and  it  would  have  been  indeed  marvellous  if  excesses  had 
not  been  occasionally  committed  by  some  of  the  members 
of  a  religious  society  composed,  to  a  considerable  extent, 
of  reclaimed  libertines.  J 

The  success  of  the  gospel  in  Corinth  roused  the  unbe- 
lieving Jews  to  opposition;  and  here,  as  elsewhere,  they 
endeavoured  to  avail  themselves  of  the  aid  of  the  civil 
power;  but,  in  this  instance,  their  appeal  to  the  Eoman 
magistrate  was  signally  unsuccessful.  Gallio,  brother  of  the 
celebrated  Seneca  the  philosopher,  was  now  "  the  deputy  of 
Achaia;"§  and  when  the  bigoted  and  incensed  Israelites 
"made  insurrection  with  one  accord  against  Paul,  and 
brought  him  to  the  judgment-seat,  saying — This  feUow 
persuadeth  men  to  worship  God  contrary  to  the  law" ||  the 
proconsul  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  accusation.  When  the 
apostle  was  about  to  enter  on  his  defence,  Gallio  intimated 
that  such  a  proceeding  was  quite  unnecessary,  as  the  afi"air 
did  not  come  within  the  range  of  his  jurisdiction.  "  If," 
said  he,  "  it  were  a  matter  of  wrong,  or  wicked  lewdness, 
0  ye  Jews,  reason  would  that  1  should  bear  with  you;  but 
if  it  be  a  question  of  words  and  names  and  of  your  laiv, 

*  Acts  xviii.  9,  10. 

t  See  1  Cor.  i.  11,  and  xi.  20,  21 ;  and  2  Cor.  xii.  21,  and  xiii.  2. 

X  See  1  Cor.  vi.  9-11.  §  Acts  xviii.  12.  ||  Acts  xviii.  13. 


PAUL  AT  CORINTH.  113 

look  ye  to  it,  for  I  will  be  no  judge  of  sncli  matters.     And 
he  drave  them  from  the  judgment-seat."*     On  this  occasion,  \ 
for  the  first  time  since  the  arrival  of  Paul  and  his  brethren  \ 
in  Europe,  the  mob  was  on  the  side  of  the  missionaries,  and   I 
under  the  very  eye  of  the  proconsul,  and  without  any  effort  / 
on  his  part  to  interfere  and  arrest  their  violence,  the  most  / 
prominent  of  the  plaintiffs  was  somewhat  roughly  handled.' 
"  Then  all  the  Greeks  took  Sosthenes,  the  chief  ruler  of  the 
synagogue,  and  beat  him  before  the  judgment-seat.     And 
Gallio  cared  for  none  of  these  things."  t 

When  Paul  was  at  Corinth,  and  probably  in  a.d.  53,  he 
A\'rote  his  two  earliest  letters,  that  is,  the  First  and  Second 
Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians.  These  communications  must, 
therefore,  have  been  drawn  up  about  twelve  months  after 
the  original  formation  of  the  religious  community  to  which 
they  are  addressed.  The  Thessalonian  Church  was  already 
fully  organised,  as  the  apostle  here  points  out  to  the 
disciples  their  duties  to  those  who  laboured  among  them 
and  who  were  over  them  in  the  Lord.  J  In  the  meantime 
several  errors  had  gained  currency ;  and  a  letter,  announcing 
that  the  day  of  Christ  was  at  hand,  and  purporting  to  have 
been  penned  by  Paul  himself,  had  thrown  the  brethren  into 
great  consternation.  §  The  apostle  accordingly  deemed  it 
necessary  to  interpose,  and  to  point  out  the  dangerous 
character  of  the  doctrines  which  had  been  so  industriously 
promulgated.  He  now,  too,  delivered  his  famous  prophecy 
announcing  the  revelation  of  the  "  Man  of  Sin  "  before  the 
second  coming  of  the  Eedeemer.||  Almost  all  the  members 
of  the  Thessalonian  Church  were  probably  converted  Gen- 
tiles, H  who  must  still  have  been  but  little  acquainted  with 
the  Jewish  Scriptures;  and  this  is  perhaps  the  reason  why 
there  is  no  quotation  from  the  Old  Testament  in  either  of  / 
these  letters.     Even  the  Gospels  do  not  seem  to  have  been 

*  Acts  xviii.  14-16.  t  Acts  xviii.  17.  i  1  Thess.  v.  12,  13. 

§  2  Thess.  ii.  2.  |1  2  Thess.  ii.  3-12.  D  1  Thess.  i.  9. 

H 


114  PAUL  AT  CORINTH. 

yet  written,  and  hence  Paul  exhorts  the  brethren  "  to  hold 
fast  the  traditions,"  or  rather  "ordinances,""""  which  they 
had  been  taught,  "  whether  by  word  or  his  epistle."  t 

*  Tay  TrapaBoaeis. 

t  2  Thess.  ii.  15.  Paul  is  here  speaking,  not  of  what  had  been  handed 
down  from  preceding  generations,  but  of  what  had  been  estabhshed  by  his 
own  apostolic  authority,  so  that  the  rendering  "traditions"  in  our  English 
version  is  a  peculiarly  unhappy  translation. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    CONVERSION    OF    APOLLOS,    HIS    CHARACTER,    AND    THE 
MINISTRY  OF  PAUL  IN  EPHESUS. 

A.D.  54  TO  A.D.  57. 

The  Apostle  "  took  liis  leave  "  "^^  of  the  Corinthian  brethren 
in  the  spring  of  A.D.  54,  and  embarking  at  the  port  of 
Cenchrea,  about  eight  or  nine  miles  distant,  set  sail  for 
Ephesus.  The  navigation  among  the  islands  of  the  Greek 
Archipelago  was  somewhat  intricate ;  and  the  voyage 
appears  to  have  not  unfrequently  occupied  from  ten  to 
fifteen  days.t  At  Ephesus  Paul  "entered  into  the  syna- 
gogue, and  reasoned  with  the  Jews."  J  His  statements 
produced  a  favourable  impression,  and  he  was  solicited  to 
prolong  his  visit ;  but  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem, 
where  he  was  anxious  to  be  present  at  the  approaching 
feast  of  Pentecost,  he  could  only  assure  them  of  his  inten- 
tion to  return,  and  then  bid  them  farewell.  He  left  behind 
him,  however,  in  this  great  city  his  two  Corinthian  converts, 
Aquila  and  Priscilla,  who  carried  on  w^ith  industry  and 
success  the  work  which  he  had  commenced  so  auspiciously. 
Among  the  first  fruits  of  their  pious  care  for  the  spread  of 
Christianity  was  the  famous  Apollos,  an  Alexandrian  Jew, 
who  now  arrived  in  the  metropolis  of  the  Proconsular  Asia. 
The  seed  of  Abraham  in  the  birthplace  of  Aj^ollos  spoke 

*  Acts  xviii.  18.  t  See  Conybeare  and  Howson,  i.  4.54. 

t  Acts  xviii.  19. 


116  APOLLOS. 

the  Greek  language,  and  were  in  somewhat  peculiar  circum- 
stances. They  were  free  from  some  of  the  prejudices  of 
the  Jews  in  Palestine ;  and,  though  living  in  the  midst  of 
a  heathen  population,  had  advantages  which  were  enjoyed 
by  very  few  of  their  brethren  scattered  elsewhere  among 
the  Gentiles.  At  Alexandria  their  sumptuous  synagogues 
were  unequivocal  evidences  of  their  wealth;  they  consti- 
tuted a  large  and  influential  section  of  the  inhabitants; 
they  had  much  political  power;  and,  whilst  their  study  of 
the  Greek  philosophy  had  modified  their  habits  of  thought, 
they  had  acquired  a  taste  for  the  cultivation  of  eloquence 
and  literature.  ApoUos,  the  Jew  "born  at  Alexandria,"'"" 
who  now  became  acquainted  with  Aquila  and  Priscilla,  was 
an  educated  and  accomplished  man.  It  is  said  that  "he 
was  instructed  in  the  way  of  the  Lord,  and  being  fervent 
in  the  spirit,  he  spake  and  taught  diligently  the  things  of 
the  Lord,  knoiving  only  the  baptism  of  John."  t  The  influ- 
ence of  the  preaching  of  the  Baptist  may  be  estimated  from 
this  incidental  notice;  for  though  the  forerunner  of  our 
Saviour  had  now  finished  his  career  about  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  the  Alexandrian  Jew  was  only  one  of  many  still 
living  witnesses  to  testify  that  he  had  not  ministered  in 
vain.  In  this  case  John  had  indeed  "  prej)ared  the  way  " 
of  his  Master,  as,  under  the  tuition  of  Aquila  and  Priscilla, 
ApoUos  was  led  without  difiiculty  to  embrace  the  Christian 
doctrine.  It  is  said  of  this  pious  couple  that  "  they  took 
him  unto  them,  and  expounded  unto  him  the  way  of  God 
more  perfectly."  \  Priscilla  was  no  less  distinguished  than 
her  husband  §  for  intelligence  and  zeal;  and  though  she 
was  prevented,  as  much,  perhaps,  by  her  native  modesty, 
as  by  the  constitution  of  the  Church, ||  from  officiating  as  a 

*  Acts  xviii.  24.  +  Acts  xviii.  25.  J  Acts  xviii.  26. 

§  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  she  is  named  before  Aquila  in  Acts  xviii.  18 ; 
Eom.  xvi.  3  ;  and  2  Tim.  iv.  19. 
II  1  Cor.  xiv.  34,  35  ;  1  Tim.  ii.  12. 


APOLLOS.  117 

public  instructor,  she  was,  no  doubt,  "  apt  to  teacli ; "  and 
tliere  must  liave  been  something  most  interesting  and 
impressive  in  her  private  conversation.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  one  of  the  ablest  preachers  of  the  apostolic  age 
was  largely  indebted  to  a  female  for  his  acquaintance  with 
Christian  theology. 

The  accession,  at  this  juncture,  of  such  a  convert  as 
ApoUos  was  of  great  importance  to  the  evangelical  cause. 
The  Church  of  Corinth,  in  the  absence  of  Paul,  much 
required  the  services  of  a  minister  of  superior  ability ;  and 
the  learned  Alexandrian  was  eminently  qualified  to  promote 
its  edification.  He  was  "  an  eloquent  man,  and  mighty  in 
the  Scriptures."  "'  After  sojourning  some  time  at  Ephesus, 
it  seems  to  have  occurred  to  him  that  he  would  have  a 
more  extensive  sphere  of  usefulness  at  Corinth ;  and  "  when 
he  was  disposed  to  pass  into  Achaia,  the  brethren  wrote 
exhorting  the  disciples  to  receive  him."  t  It  soon  appeared 
that  his  friends  in  Asia  had  formed  no  exaggerated  idea  of 
his  gifts  and  acquirements.  When  he  reached  the  Greek 
capital,  he  "  helped  them  much  which  had  believed  through 
grace;  for  he  mightily  convinced  the  Jews,  and  that  pub- 
licly, shewing  by  the  Scriptures  that  Jesus  was  Christ."J: 
His  surpassing  rhetorical  ability  soon  proved  a  snare  to 
some  of  the  hypercritical  Corinthians,  and  tempted  them 
to  institute  invidious  comparisons  between  him  and  their 
great  apostle.  Hence  in  the  first  epistle  addressed  to  them, 
the  writer  finds  it  necessary  to  rebuke  them  for  their  folly 
and  fastidiousness.  "  While  one  saith,  I  am  of  Paul,  and 
another,  I  am  of  Apollos,  are  ye,"  says  he,  "  not  carnal? 
Who  then  is  Paul,  and  who  is  Apollos,  but  ministers  by 
whom  ye  believed,  even  as  the  Lord  gave  to  every  man? 
I  have  planted,  ApoUos  watered,  but  God  gave  the  in- 
crease." § 

*  Acts  xviii.  24.  t  Acts  xviii.  27. 

X  Acta  xviii.  27,  28.  §  1  Cor.  iii.  4-0. 


118  PAUL  AT  EPHESUS. 

When  Aquila  and  Priscilla  were  at  Ephesus  expounding 
"  the  way  of  God  more  perfectly  "  to  the  Jew  of  Alexan- 
dria, Paul  was  travelling  to  Jerusalem.  Three  years  before, 
he  had  been  there  to  confer  with  the  apostles  and  elders 
concerning  the  circumcision  of  the  Gentiles;  and  he  had 
not  since  visited  the  holy  city.  His  present  stay  seems  to 
have  been  short — apparently  not  extending  beyond  a  few 
days  at  the  time  of  the  feast  of  Pentecost, — and  giving 
him  a  very  brief  opportunity  of  intercourse  with  his  bre- 
thren of  the  Jewish  capital.  He  then  "  went  down  to 
Antioch  "  '* — a  place  with  which  from  the  commencement 
of  his  missionary  career  he  had  been  more  intimately  asso- 
ciated. "After  he  had  spent  some  time  there,  he  departed 
and  went  over  all  the  country  of  Galatia  and  Phrygia  in 
order,  strengthening  all  the  disciples."  t  On  a  former  occa- 
sion, after  he  had  passed  through  the  same  districts,  he  had 
been  "  forbidden  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  preach  the  word  in 
(the  Proconsular)  Asia ;  "  J  but,  at  this  time,  the  restriction 
was  removed,  and  in  accordance  with  the  promise  made  to 
the  Jews  at  Ephesus  in  the  preceding  spring,  he  now  re- 
sumed his  evangelical  labours  in  that  far-famed  metropolis. 
There  must  have  been  a  strong  disposition  on  the  part  of 
many  of  the  seed  of  Abraham  in  the  place  to  attend  to  his 
instructions,  as  he  was  permitted  "  for  the  space  of  three 
months  "  to  occupy  the  synagogue,  "  disj^uting  and  persuad- 
ing the  things  concerning  the  kingdom  of  God."  §  At 
length,  however,  he  began  to  meet  with  so  much  opposition 
that  he  found  it  expedient  to  discontinue  his  addresses  in 
the  Jewish  meeting-house.  "  AVhen  divers  were  hardened 
and  believed  not,  but  spake  evil  of  that  way  before  the 
multitude,  he  departed  from  them,  and  separated  the  dis- 
ciples, disputing  daily  in  the  school  of  one  Tyrannus."  || 
This  Tyrannus  was,  in  all  probability,  a  Gentile  convert, 

*  Acts  xviii.  22.  f  Acts  xviii.  23.  %  Acts  xvi.  6. 

5  Acts  xix.  8.  II  Acts  xix.  9. 


PAUL  AT  EPHESUS.  119 

and  a  teaclier  of  rhetoric — a  department  of  education  very 
mucli  cultivated  at  that  period  by  all  youths  anxious  to 
attain  social  distinction.  What  is  here  called  his  "  school," 
appears  to  have  been  a  spacious  lecture-room  sufficient  to 
accommodate  a  numerous  auditory. 

About  this  time  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  was,  in  all 
likelihood,  written.  The  Galatians,  as  their  name  indicated, 
were  the  descendants  of  a  colony  of  Gauls  settled  in  Asia 
Minor  several  centuries  before ;  and,  like  the  French  of  the 
present  day,  seem  to  have  been  distinguished  by  their  lively 
and  mercurial  temperament.  Paul  had  recently  visited 
their  country  for  the  second  time,*  and  had  been  received 
by  them  with  the  warmest  demonstrations  of  regard;  but 
meanwhile  Judaizing  zealots  had  appeared  among  them, 
and  had  been  only  too  successful  in  their  efiforts  to  induce 
them  to  observe  the  Mosaic  ceremonies.  The  apostle,  at 
Antioch,  and  at  the  synod  of  Jerusalem,  had  already  pro- 
tested against  these  attempts;  and  subsequent  reflection 
had  only  more  thoroughly  convinced  him  of  their  danger. 
Hence  he  here  addresses  the  Galatians  in  terms  of  unusual 
severity.  "  I  marvel,''  he  exclaims,  "  that  ye  are  so  soon 
removed  from  him  that  called  you  into  the  grace  of  Christ 
unto  another  gospel " — "  0  foolish  Galatians,  who  hath  be- 
witched you  that  ye  should  not  obey  the  truth,  before 
whose  eyes  Jesus  Christ  hath  been  evidently  set  forth,  cru- 
cified among  you?"t  At  the  same  time  he  proves  that 
the  sinner  is  saved  by  faith  alone ;  that  the  Mosaic  institu- 
tions were  designed  merely  for  the  childhood  of  the  Church ; 
and  that  the  disciples  of  Jesus  should  refuse  to  be  "  en- 


*  That  this  epistle  was  written  after  the  second  visit  appears  from  Gal.  iv. 
13.  Mr  EUicott  asserts  that  "  the  first  time"  is  here  the  preferable  ti'ausla- 
tion  of  TO  TTpoTfpop,  and  yet,  rather  inconsistently,  adds,  that  "  no  historical 
conclusions  can  safely  be  di'awu  from  this  expression  alone."  See  his  "  Criti- 
cal and  Grammatical  Commentary  on  Galatians,"  iv.  13. 

t  Gal.  i.  6,  iii.  1. 


120  PAUL  AT  EPHESUS. 

tangled  "  witli  any  such  "  yoke  of  bondage."  *  His  epistle 
throughout  is  a  most  emphatic  testimony  to  the  doctrine  of 
a  free  justification. 

Some  time  after  Paul  reached  Ephesus,  on  his  return 
from  Jerusalem,  he  appears  to  have  made  a  short  visit  to 
Corinth.t  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  encountered  a  variety 
of  dangers  of  which  no  record  is  to  be  found  in  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles ;  J  and  it  is  most  prol^able  that  many  of  these 
disasters  were  experienced  about  this  period.  Thus,  not 
long  after  this  date,  he  says — "  Thrice  I  suffered  shipwreck, 
a  night  and  a  day  I  have  been  in  the  deep."  §  There  are 
good  grounds  for  believing  that  he  now  visited  Crete,  as 
well  as  Corinth;  and  it  would  seem  that  these  voyages 
exposed  him  to  the  "  perils  in  the  sea  "  which  he  enume- 
rates among  his  trials.  ||  On  his  departure  from  Crete  he 
left  Titus  behind  him  to  "  set  in  order  the  things  that 
were  wanting,  and  to  ordain  elders  in  every  city;"  H  and  in 
the  spring  of  a.d.  57  he  wrote  to  the  evangelist  that  Ijrief 
epistle  in  which  he  points  out,  with  so  much  fidelity  and 
wisdom,  the  duties  of  the  pastoral  office.**  The  silence  of 
Luke  respecting  this  visit  to  Crete  is  the  less  remarkable,  as 
the  name  of  Titus  does  not  once  occur  in  the  book  of  the 
Acts,  though  there  is  distinct  evidence  that  he  was  deeply 
interested  in  some  of  the  most  important  transactions  which 
are  there  narrated. ft 

Paul,  about  two  years  before,  had  been  prevented,  as  has 

*  Gal.  ii.  16,  iv.  1-4,  v.  1.  t  1  Cor.  xvi.  7  ;  2  Cor.  xii.  14,  xiii.  1. 

J  The  Acts  take  no  notice  of  various  parts  of  his  early  career  as  a  preacher. 
Compare  Acts  ix.  20-26  with  Gal.  i.  17. 

§  2  Cor.  xi.  25.  ||  2  Cor.  xi.  26.  1  Titus  i.  5. 

**  See  Titus  i.  6-11,  ii.  1,  7,  8,  15,  iii.  8-11.  The  reasons  assigned  in  sui> 
port  of  a  later  date  for  the  writing  of  this  epistle  do  not  appear  at  all  satisfac- 
tory. Paul  directs  the  evangelist  (Titus  iii.  12)  to  come  to  him  to  Nicopolis, 
for  he  had  "  determined  there  to  winter."  This  Nicopolis  was  in  Greece,  in 
the  province  of  Achaia,  and  we  know  that  Paul  wintered  there  in  a.d.  57-58 
Acts  XX.  2,  3.     See  Schaff's  "  Apostolic  Church,"  i.  390. 

tt  2  Cor.  ii.  13,  vii.  6,  13,  viii.  6,  16,  23,  xii.  18 ;  Gal.  ii.  1,  3. 


PAUL  AT  EPHESUS.  121 

been  stated,  by  a  divine  intimation,  from  preaching  in  the 
district  called  Asia;  but  when  he  now  commenced  his 
ministrations  in  Ephesns,  its  capital,  he  continued  in  that 
city  and  its  neighbourhood  longer  than  in  any  other  place 
he  had  yet  visited.  After  withdrawing  from  the  synagogue 
and  resuming  his  labours  in  the  school  of  Tyrannus,  he  re- 
mained there  "  by  the  space  of  tivo  years;  so  that  all  they 
which  dwelt  in  Asia  heard  the  word  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  botli 
Jew^s  and  Greeks."*  Meanwhile  the  churches  of  Laodicea, 
Colosse,  and  Hierapolis  appear  to  have  been  founded.t  The 
importance  of  Ephesus  gave  it  a  special  claim  to  the  atten- 
tion Avliich  it  now  received.  It  was  the  metroj)olis  of  the 
district,  and  the  greatest  commercial  city  in  the  whole  of 
Asia  Minor.  Whilst  it  was  connected  by  convenient  roads 
with  all  parts  of  the  interior,  it  was  visited  by  trading  ves- 
sels from  the  various  harbours  of  the  Mediterranean.  But, 
in  another  point  of  view,  it  was  a  peculiarly  interesting 
field  of  missionary  labour;  for  it  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
celebrated  of  all  the  high  places  of  Eastern  superstition. 
Its  temple  of  Artemis,  or  Diana,  was  one  of  the  wonders  of 
the  world.  This  gorgeous  structure,  covering  an  area  of 
upwards  of  two  acres,J  was  ornamented  with  columns  one 
hundred  and  twenty-seven  in  number,  each  sixty  feet  high, 
and  each  the  gift  of  a  king.§  It  was  nearly  all  open  to  the 
sky,  but  that  part  of  it  which  was  covered,  was  roofed  with 
cedar.  The  image  of  the  goddess  occupied  a  comparatively 
small  apartment  within  the  magnificent  enclosure.  This 
image,  which  was  said  to  have  fallen  down  from  Jupiter,  || 
was  not  like  one  of  those  pieces  of  beautiful  sculpture  which 

Acts  xix.  10. 

t  See  Col.  iv.  13,  15,  16.  These  churches  were  not,  however,  fouudecl  by 
Paul.     See  Col.  ii.  1. 

X  "  This  was  the  largest  of  the  Greek  temples.  The  area  of  the  Parthenon 
at  Athens  was  not  one  fourth  of  that  of  the  temple  of  Ephesus." — Smith's 
Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography,  Art.  Ephesus. 

§  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  72.  ||  Acts  xix.  35. 


122  PAUL  AT  EPHESUS. 

adorned  tlie  Acropolis  of  Athens,  but  rather  resembled  an 
Indian  idol,  being  an  unsightly  female  form  with  many 
breasts,  made  of  wood,  and  terminating  below  in  a  shape- 
less block,'''  On  several  parts  of  it  were  engraved  myste- 
rious symbols,  called  "  Ephesian  letters."!  These  letters, 
when  'pronounced,  were  believed  to  operate  as  charms,  and, 
when  written,  were  carried  about  as  amulets.  To  those  who 
sought  an  acquaintance  with  the  Ephesian  magic,  they  con- 
stituted an  elaborate  study,  and  many  books  were  composed 
to  expound  their  significance,  and  point  out  their  appli- 
cation. 

About  this  time  the  famous  ApoUonius  of  TyanaJ  was 
attracting  uncommon  attention  by  his  tricks  as  a  conjuror; 
and  it  has  been  thought  not  improbable  that  he  now  met 
Paul  in  Ephesus.  If  so,  we  can  assign  at  least  one  reason 
why  the  apostle  was  prevented, from  making  his  appearance 
at  an  earlier  date  in  the  Asiatic  metropolis.  Men  had  thus 
an  opportunity  of  comparing  the  wonders  of  the  greatest  of 
magicians  with  the  miracles  of  the  gospel ;  and  of  marking 
the  contrast  between  the  vainglory  of  an  impostor,  and  the 
humility  of  a  servant  of  Jesus.  The  attentive  reader  of 
Scripture  may  observe  that  some  of  the  most  extraordinary 
of  the  mighty  works  recorded  in  the  New  Testament  were 
performed  at  this  period;  and  it  is  not  unreasonable  to 
conclude  that,  in  a  city  so  much  given  to  jugglery  and 
superstition,  these  genuine  displays  of  the  power  of  Omni- 
potence were  exhibited  for  the  express  purpose  of  demon- 
strating the  incomparable  superiority  of  the  Author  of 
Christianity.  It  is  said  that  "  God  wrought  special  miracles 
by  the  hands  of  Paul,  so  that  from  his  body  were  brought  unto 
the  sick  handkerchiefs  or  aprons,  and  the  diseases  departed 

*  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  73.  Minucius  Felix  in  his  Octavius  speaks  of 
Diana  as  represented  "  at  Ephesus  with  many  distended  breasts  ranged  in 
tiers."  t  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  13. 

X  His  Life,  written  by  Philostratus  about  a.d.  210,  is  full  of  lying  wonders. 
His  biographer  mentions  his  visit  to  Ephesus,  book  iv.  1. 


PAUL  AT  EPHESUS.  123 

from  them,  and  the  evil  spirits  went  out  of  them."*  The 
disastrous  consequences  of  an  attempt,  on  the  part  of  the 
sons  of  a  Jemsli  priest,  to  heal  the  afflicted  by  using  the 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  as  a  charm,  alarmed  the  entire 
tribe  of  exorcists  and  magicians.  "  The  man,  in  Avhom  the 
evil  spirit  was,  leaped  on  them,  and  overcame  them,  and 
prevailed  against  them,  so  that  they  fled  out  of  that  house 
naked  and  wounded.  And  this  was  known  to  all  the  Jews 
and  Greeks  also  dwelling  at  Ephesus,  and  fear  fell  on  them 
all,  and  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  was  magnified." t  The 
visit  of  Paul  told  upon  the  whole  population,  and  tended 
greatly  to  discourage  the  study  of  the  "  Epliesian  letters." 
"  Many  of  them  also  which  used  curious  arts  brought  their 
books  together  and  burned  them  before  all  men;  and  they 
counted  the  price  of  them,  and  found  it  fifty  thousand 
pieces  of  silver. J  So  mightily  grew  the  word  of  God  and 
prevailed."  § 

Some  time  before  the  departure  of  Paul  from  Ephesus,  he 
wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians.  The  letter  con- 
tains internal  evidence  that  it  w^as  dictated  in  the  spring 
of  A.D.  57.JI  The  circumstances  of  the  Corinthian  disciples 
at  this  juncture  imperatively  required  the  interference  of 
the  apostle.  Divisions  had  sprung  up  in  their  community  ;1[ 
the  flao-rant  conduct  of  one  member  had  brought  dishonour 
on  the  whole  Christian  name;'"'""'  and  various  forms  of  error 
had  been  making  their  appearance.tt     Paul  therefore  felt  it 

*  Acts  xix.  11,  12.  t  Acts  xix.  16,  17. 

X  The  piece  of  silver  here  mentioned  was  worth  about  tenpence,  so  that 
the  estimated  value  of  the  books  burned  was  about  ,£2()00. 

§  Acts  xix.  19,  20. 

II  It  was  wTitten  not  long  before  Paul  left  Ephesus,  and  probably  about  the 
time  of  the  Passover.     1  Cor.  v.  7,  xvi.  5-8. 

ir  1  Cor.i.  11.  **  1  Cor.  V.  1. 

tt  1  Cor.  XV.  12.  This  passage  supplies  e^^dence  that  errorists  very  soon 
made  their  appearance  in  the  Christian  Church,  and  furnishes  an  answer  to 
those  chronologists  who  date  all  the  Pastoral  Epistles  after  Paul's  release 
from  his  first  imprisonment,  on  the  ground  that  the  Gnostics  had  no  exist- 
ence at  an  earlier  period. 


124  PAUL  AT  EPHESUS. 

right  to  address  to  them  a  lengthened  and  energetic  remon- 
strance. This  letter  is  more  diversified  in  its  contents  than 
any  of  his  other  epistles ;  and  presents  us  with  a  most  inte- 
resting view  of  the  daily  life  of  the  primitive  Christians  in 
a  great  commercial  city.  It  furnishes  conclusive  evidence 
that  the  Apostolic  Church  of  Corinth  was  not  the  paragon 
of  excellence  which  the  ardent  and  unreflecting  have  often 
pictured  in  their  imaginations,  but  a  community  compassed 
with  infirmities,  and  certainly  not  elevated,  in  point  of 
spiritual  worth,  above  some  of  the  more  healthy  Christian 
congregations  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Shortly  after  this  letter  was  transmitted  to  its  destina- 
tion, Ephesus  was  thrown  into  a  ferment  by  the  riotous 
proceedings  of  certain  parties  who  had  an  interest  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  pagan  superstition.  Among  those  who 
derived  a  subsistence  from  the  idolatry  of  its  celebrated 
temple  were  a  class  of  workmen  who  "  made  silver  shrines 
for  Diana," '"'  that  is,  who  manufactured  little  models  of  the 
sanctuary  and  of  the  image  which  it  contained.  These  models 
were  carried  about  by  the  devotees  of  the  goddess  in  proces- 
sions, and  set  up,  in  private  dwellings,  as  household  deities.t 
The  impression  produced  by  the  Christian  missionaries  in  the 
Asiatic  metropolis  had  aff"ected  the  trafiic  in  such  articles,  and 
those  who  were  engaged  in  it  began  to  apprehend  that  their 
trade  would  be  ultimately  ruined.  An  individual,  named 
Demetrius,  who  appears  to  have  been  a  master-manufac- 
turer, did  not  find  it  difiicult,  under  these  circumstances,  to 
collect  a  mob,  and  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  city.  Calling 
together  the  operatives  of  his  own  establishment,  "  with  the 
workmen  of  like  occupation,"  J  he  said  to  them — "  Sirs,  ye 
know,  that  by  this  craft  we  have  our  wealth.  Moreover,  ye 
see  and  know,  that  not  alone  at  Ephesus,  but  almost  through- 
out aU  Asia,  this  Paid  hath  persuaded  and  turned  away 

*  Acts  xix.  24  t  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  74. 

X  Acts  xix.  25. 


PAUL  AT  EPHESUS.  125 

mucli  people,  saying  that  tliey  be  no  gods  which  are  made 
with  hands — so  that  not  only  this  our  craft  is  in  danger  to 
be  set  at  nought,  but  also  that  the  temple  of  the  great  god- 
dess Diana  should  be  despised,  and  her  magnificence  should 
be  destroyed,  whom  all  Asia  and  the  world  worshippeth."  '''■ 
This  address  did  not  fail  to  produce  the  effect  contem- 
plated. A  strong  current  of  indignation  was  turned  against 
the  missionaries;  and  the  craftsmen  were  convinced  that 
they  were  bound  to  support  the  credit  of  their  tutelary 
guardian.  They  were  "  full  of  wrath,  and  cried  out  saying 
— Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians."  t  This  proceeding 
seems  to  have  taken  place  in  the  month  of  May,  and  at  a 
time  when  pu1)lic  games  were  celebrated  in  honour  of  the 
Ephesian  goddess, J  so  that  a  large  concourse  of  strangers 
now  thronged  the  metropolis.  An  immense  crowd  rapidly 
collected ;  the  whole  city  was  filled  with  confusion ;  and  it 
soon  appeared  that  the  lives  of  the  Christian  preachers  were 
in  danger;  for  the  mob  caught  "  Gains  and  Aristarchus, 
men  of  Macedonia,  Paul's  companions  in  travel,"  and 
"  rushed  with  one  accord  into  the  theatre."  §  This  edifice, 
the  largest  of  the  kind  in  Asia  Minor,  is  said  to  have  been 
capable  of  containing  thirty  thousand  persons.  ||  As  it  was 
sufficiently  capacious  to  accommodate  the  multitudinous 
assemblage,  and  as  it  was  also  the  building  in  which  public 
meetings  of  the  citizens  were  usually  convened,  it  was  now 
quickly  occupied.  Paul  was  at  first  prompted  to  enter  it, 
and  to  plead  his  cause  before  the  excited  throng;  but  some 
of  the  magistrates,  or,  as  they  are  called  by  the  evangelist, 
"  certain  of  the  chief  of  Asia,  which  were  his  friends,  sent 
unto  him,  desiring  him  that  he  would  not  adventure  him- 
self" into  so  perilous  a  position.il     These  AsiarcJis  were 

*  Acts  xix.  25-27.  -f-  Acts  xix.  28. 

X  See  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  79-81.  §  Acts  xix.  29. 

II  See  Hackett's  "  Commentary  on  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,"  p.  273. 
IT  Acts  xix.  31. 


126  PAUL  AT  EPHESUS. 

persons  of  exalted  rank  who  presided  at  the  celebration 
of  the  public  spectacles.  The  apostle  was  now  in  very 
humble  circumstances,  for  even  in  Ephesus  he  continued 
to  work  at  the  occupation  of  a  tent-maker ;  *  and  it  is  no 
mean  testimony  to  his  worth  that  he  had  secured  the 
esteem  of  such  high  functionaries.  It  was  quickly  manifest 
that  any  attempt  to  appease  the  crowd  would  have  been 
utterly  in  vain.  A  Jew,  named  Alexander,  who  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  the  craftsmen,  and  who  was,  perhaps,  the 
same  who  is  elsewhere  distinguished  as  "  the  coppersmith,"  t 
made  an  effort  to  address  them,  probably  with  the  view  of 
shewino;  that  his  co-relioionists  were  not  identified  with 
Paul ;  but  when  the  mob  perceived  that  he  was  one  of  the 
seed  of  Abraham,  they  took  it  for  granted  that  he  was  no 
friend  to  the  manufacture  of  their  silver  shrines;  and  his 
appearance  was  the  signal  for  increased  uproar.  "  When 
they  knew  that  he  was  a  Jew,  all  with  one  voice,  about  the 
space  of  tivo  lioui^s,  cried  out — Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephe- 
sians."  J  At  length  the  town-clerk,  or  recorder,  of  Ephesus, 
contrived  to  obtain  a  hearing;  and,  by  his  prudence  and 
address,  succeeded  in  putting  an  end  to  this  scene  of  confu- 
sion. He  told  his  fellow-townsmen  that,  if  Paul  and  his 
companions  had  transgressed  the  law,  they  could  be  made 
amenable  to  punishment;  but  that,  as  their  own  attach- 
ment to  the  worship  of  Diana  could  not  be  disputed,  their 
present  tumultuary  proceedings  could  only  injure  their 
reputation   as    orderly  and   loyal   citizens.     "  We  are   in 

*  Acts  XX.  34.  The  Asiarchs  "  derived  their  title  from  the  name  of  the 
province,  as  the  corresponding  officers  in  Cyprus,  Syria,  and  Lydia,  were  called 
Cypriarchs,  Syi-iarchs,  Lydiarchs.  Those  of  Asia  are  said  to  have  been  teri 
in  number As  the  games  and  sacrifices  over  which  these  Asiarchs  pre- 
sided, were  provided  at  their  own  expense,  they  were  always  chosen  from  the 
richest  class,  and  may  be  said  to  represent  the  highest  rank  of  the  community. 
— Alexander  on  the  Acts,  ii.  210.  f  2  Tim.  iv.  14. 

%  Acts  xix.  34.  It  has  been  observed  that,  according  to  the  ideas  of  the 
heathen,  this  unintermitted  cry  was,  in  itself,  an  act  of  worship  ;  and  hence 
we  may  understand  why  it  was  so  long  continued,  but  it  is  surely  a  notable 
example  of  "  vain  repetitions."     See  Hackett,  p.  275. 


PAUL  AT  EPHESUS.  127 

danger,"  said  lie,  "  to  be  called  in  question  for  tliis  day's 
uproar,  there  being  no  cause  whereby  we  may  give  an  ac- 
count of  this  concoiu'se."  *  The  authority  of  the  speaker 
imparted  additional  weight  to  his  suggestions,  the  multi- 
tude quietly  dispersed,  and  the  missionaries  escaped  un- 
scathed. 

Even  this  tumult  supplies  evidence  that  the  Christian 
preachers  had  already  produced  an  immense  impression  in 
this  great  metropolis.  No  more  decisive  test  of  their  suc- 
cess could  be  adduced  than  that  here  furnished  by  Deme- 
trius and  his  craftsmen;  for  a  lucrative  trade  connected 
with  the  established  superstition  was  beginning  to  languish. 
The  silversmiths,  and  the  other  operatives  whose  interests 
were  concerned,  were  obviously  the  instigators  of  all  the 
uproar ;  and  it  does  not  appear  that  they  could  reckon  upon 
the  undivided  sympathy  even  of  the  crowd  they  had  con- 
gregated. "  Some  cried  one  thing,  and  some  another,  for 
the  assembly  was  confused,  and  the  7nore  ijcirt  knew  not 
wherefore  they  were  come  together."  t  A  number  of  the 
Asiarchs  were  decidedly  favourable  to  the  apostle  and  his 
brethren;  and  when  the  town-clerk  referred  to  their  pro- 
ceedings his  tone  was  apologetic  and  exculpatory.  "  Ye 
have,"  said  he,  "  brought  hither  these  men  Avho  are  neither 
profaners  of  temples,J  nor  yet  blasphemers  of  your  god- 
dess." §  But  here  we  see  the  real  cause  of  much  of  that 
bitter  persecution  which  the  Christians  endured  for  the 
greater  part  of  three  centuries.  The  craft  of  the  image- 
makers  was  in  danger;  the  income  of  the  pagan  priests 
was  at  stake;  the  secular  interests  of  many  other  parties 
were  more  or  less  affected;  and  hence  the  new  religion 
encountered  such  a  cruel  and  obstinate  opposition. 

*  Acts  xix.  40.  t  Acts  xix.  32. 

X  Our  English  version  "  robbers  of  churches  "  is  obviously  incorrect. 

§  Acts  xix.  37.  It  is  plain  from  this  passage  that  the  apostle,  when  refer- 
ring to  the  Gentile  worship,  avoided  the  use  of  language  calculated  to  give 
unnecessary  offence. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Paul's  epistles;  his  collection  for  the  poor  saints  at 
jerusalem ;  his  imprisonment  there,  and  at 

C^SAREA  and  ROME. 
A.D.  57  TO  A.D.  63. 

Paul  had  already  determined  to  leave  Epliesas  at  Pente- 
cost,'"' and  as  the  secular  games,  at  which  the  Asiarchs 
presided,  took  place  during  the  month  of  May,  the  dis- 
orderly proceedings  of  Demetrius  and  the  craftsmen,  which 
occurred  at  the  same  period,  do  not  seem  to  have  greatly 
accelerated  his  removal.  Soon  afterwards,  however,  he 
"called  unto  him  the  disciples,  and  embraced  them,  and 
departed  to  go  into  Macedonia."  t  When  he  reached  that 
district,  he  was  induced  to  enter  on  new  scenes  of  missionary 
enterprise;  and  now,  "round  about  unto  lUyricum,"  he 
"fully  preached  the  gospel  of  Christ." J  Shortly  before, 
Timothy  had  returned  from  Greece  to  Ephesus,§  and  when 
the  apostle  took  leave  of  his  friends  in  that  metropolis,  he 
left  the  evangelist  behind  him  to  ]3rotect  the  infant  Church 
against  the  seductions  of  false  teachers.  ||  He  now  addressed 
the  first  epistle  to  his  "  own  son  in  the  faith,"  H  and  thus 
also  supphed  to  the  ministers  of  all  succeeding  generations 
the  most  precious  instructions  on  the  subject  of  pastoral 

*  1  Cor.  xvi.  8.  t  Acts  xx.  1.  %  Rom.  xv.  19. 

S  See  Acts  xix.  22.  ||  1  Tim.  i.  3.  IT  1  Tim.  i.  2. 


PAUL  S  EPISTLES.  1 29 

theology."'  Soon  afterwards  lie  wrote  the  Second  Epistle 
to  the  Corinthians.  This  letter  throws  much  light  on  the 
private  character  of  Paul,  and  enables  us  to  understand  how 
he  contrived  to  maintain  such  a  firm  hold  on  the  affections  of 
those  among  whom  he  ministered.  Though  he  uniformly- 
acted  with  great  decision,  he  was  singularly  amiable  and 
gentle,  as  well  as  generous  and  warm-hearted.  No  one 
could  doubt  his  sincerity;  no  one  could  question  his  dis- 
interestedness; no  one  could  fairly  complain  that  he  was 
harsh  or  unkind.  In  his  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
he  had  been  obliged  to  employ  strong  language  when 
rebuking  them  for  their  irregularities ;  but  now  they 
exhibited  evidences  of  repentance,  and  he  is  obviously  most 
willing  to  forget  and  forgive.  In  his  Second  Epistle  to 
them  he  enters  into  many  details  of  his  personal  history 

*  According  to  the  chronology  adopted  in  our  Enghsh  Bihle,  all  the  Pas- 
toral Epistles  were  written  after  Paul's  release  from  his  first  imprisonment, 
and  this  theory  has  recently  been  strenuously  advocated  by  Conybeare  and 
Howson,  Alford,  and  Ellicott ;  but  their  reasonings  are  exceedingly  unsatisfac- 
tory. For,  I.  The  statement  of  Conybeare  and  Howson  that  "  the  three 
epistles  were  nearly  contemporaneous  with  each  other "  is  a  mere  assertion 
resting  on  no  solid  foundation ;  as  resemblance  in  style,  especially  when  all  the 
letters  were  dictated  by  the  same  individual,  can  be  no  evidence  as  to  date. 
II.  There  is  direct  evidence  that  heresies,  such  as  those  described  in  these' 
epistles,  existed  in  the  Church  long  before  Paul's  first  imprisonment.  See 
1  Cor.  iii.  18,  19,  xv.  12;  2  Cor.  xi.  4,  13,  14,  15,  22,  compared  with  1  Tim. 
i.  3,  7.  III.  The  early  Churches  were  very  soon  organised,  as  appears  from 
Acts  xiv.  23 ;  1  Thess.  v.  12,  13  ;  so  that  the  state  of  ecclesiastical  organisation 
described  in  the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy  and  the  Epistle  to  Titus  is  no  proof 
of  the  late  date  of  these  letters.  IV.  But  the  grand  argument  in  support  of 
the  early  date,  and  one  with  which  the  advocates  of  the  later  chi'onology  have 
never  fairly  grappled,  is  derived  from  the  fact  that  Paul  never  was  in  Ephesus 
after  the  time  mentioned  in  Acts  xx.  When  he  wrote  to  Timothy  he  intended 
shortly  to  return  thither.  See  1  Tim.  i.  3,  iii.  14,  15.  It  is  evident  that  when 
the  apostle  addressed  the  elders  of  Ephesus  (Acts  xx.  25)  and  told  them  they 
should  "  see  his  face  no  more,"  he  considered  himself  as  speaking  propheti- 
cally. It  is  clear,  too,  that  his  words  were  so  understood  by  his  auditors 
(Acts  XX.  38),  and  that  the  evangelist,  who  wrote  them  down  several  years 
afterwards,  was  still  under  the  same  impression.  I  agree,  therefore,  with 
Wieseler,  and  others,  in  assigning  an  early  date  to  the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy 
and  the  Epi.stle  to  Titus. 


130  Paul's  epistles. 

unnoticed  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,'"'  and  through- 
out displays  a  most  loving  and  conciliatory  spirit.  He 
states  that,  when  he  dictated  his  former  letter,  it  was  far 
from  his  intention  to  wound  their  feelings,  and  that  it  was 
with  the  utmost  pain  he  had  sent  them  such  a  communica- 
tion. "  Out  of  much  affliction,  and  anguish  of  lieai^t,"  said 
he,  "  I  wrote  unto  you  ivitli  many  tears,  not  that  ye  should 
be  grieved,  but  that  ye  might  know  the  love  which  I  have 
more  abundantly  unto  you."  t  The  Corinthians  could  not 
have  well  resented  an  advice  from  such  a  correspondent. 

When  Paul  had  itinerated  throughout  Macedonia  and 
lUyricum  "he  came  into  Greece, J  and  there  abode  three 
months."  §  He  now  visited  Corinth  for  the  third  time ;  and, 
during  his  stay  in  that  city,  dictated  the  Epistle  to  the 
Eomans.ll  At  this  date,  a  Church  "spoken  of  throughout 
the  whole  world  "  H  had  been  formed  in  the  great  metropo- 
lis ;  some  of  its  members  were  the  relatives  of  the  apostle ; ''"'' 
and  others,  such  as  Priscilla  and  Aquila,tt  had  been  con- 
verted under  his  ministry.  As  he  himself  contemplated  an 
early  visit  to  the  far-famed  city,|J  he  sent  this  letter  before 
him,  to  announce  his  intentions,  and  to  supply  the  place  of 
his  personal  instructions.  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans  is  a 
precious  epitome  of  Christian  theology.  It  is  more  syste- 
matic in  its  structure  than,  perhaps,  any  other  of  the 
writings  of  Paul ;  and  being  a  very  lucid  exposition  of  the 
leading  truths  taught  by  the  inspired  heralds  of  the  gospel, 
it  remains  an  emphatic  testimony  to  the  doctrinal  defec- 
tions of  the  religious. community  now  bearing  the  name  of 
the  Church  to  which  it  was  originally  addressed. 

The  apostle  had  been  recently  making  arrangements  for 
another  visit  to  Jerusalem ;  and  he  accordingly  left  Greece 

*  2  Cor.  xi.  9,  24-28,  32,  33,  sii.  2,  7-9.     The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Cor- 
inthians was  written  late  in  a.d.  57.  f  2  Cor.  ii.  4. 
%  eis  TTjv  'EXXdBa,  i.  e.,  Achaia.  §  Acts  xx.  2,  3. 
II  Eom.  xvi.  1,  2,  23.                    IF  Rom.  i.  8.                      **  Rom.  xvi.  7,  11. 
t+  Rom.  xvi.  3.                              tX  Acts  xix.  21  ;  Rom.  i.  10,  11,  xv.  23,  24. 


Paul's  joueney  to  Jerusalem.  131 

in  the  spring  o±  a.d.  58 ;  but  the  malignity  of  his  enemies 
appears  to  have  obliged  him  to  change  his  plan  of  travelling. 
"  When  the  Jews  laid  wait  for  him  as  he  was  about  to  sail" 
from  Cenchrea,  the  port  of  Corinth,  "  into  Syria,"  he  found 
it  expedient  "to  return  through  Macedonia."*  Proceeding, 
therefore,  to  Philippi,t  the  city  in  which  he  had  commenced 
his  European  ministry,  he  passed  over  to  Troas ;  J  and  then 
continued  his  journey  along  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  On 
his  arrival  at  Miletus  "  he  sent  to  Ephesus,  and  called  the 
elders  of  the  Chm-ch ;  and,  when  they  were  come  to  him," 
he  delivered  to  them  a  very  pathetic  pastoral  address,  and 
bade  them  farewell. §  At  the  conclusion,  "  he  kneeled  down 
and  prayed  with  them  all,  and  they  all  wept  sore,  and  fell 
on  Paul's  neck,  and  kissed  him,  sorrowing  most  of  all  for 
the  words  which  he  spake  that  they  should  see  his  face  no 
more :  and  they  accompanied  him  unto  the  ship."  ||  He  now 
pursued  his  course  to  Jerusalem,  and  after  various  delays, 
arrived  at  Csesarea.  There,  says  Luke,  "  we  entered  into 
the  house  of  Philip,  the  evangelist,  which  was  one  of  the 
seven,  and  abode  with  him."1I  In  Csesarea,  as  in  other 
cities  through  which  he  had  already  passed,  he  was  told  that 
bonds  and  afflictions  awaited  him  in  the  place  of  his  desti- 
nation;** but  he  was  not  thus  deterred  from  pursuing  his 
journey.  "  When  he  would  not  be  persuaded,"  says  the 
sacred  historian,  "  we  ceased,  saying.  The  will  of  the  Lord  be 
done,  and  after  those  days,  having  packed  up,tt  we  went  up 
to  Jerusalem."  ||  The  apostle  and  his  companions  reached 
the  holy  city  about  the  time  of  the  fe^st  of  Pentecost. 

♦  Acts  XX.  3.  t  Acts  XX.  6.  J  Acts  xx.  6. 

§  Acts  XX.  17-35.  II  Acts  xx.  36-38.  1  Acts  xxi.  8. 

**  Acts  XX.  23,  xxi.  10,  11. 

tt  fnia-Kevaa-dfifvoi — the  reading  adopted  by  Lachmann  and  others.  The 
word  "  carriages  "  used  in  the  authorised  version  for  baggage,  or  luggage,  is 
now  unintelligible  to  the  English  reader.  The  word  "  carriage  "  is  also  used 
in  our  translation  in  Judges  xviii.  21,  and  1  Sam.  xvii.  22,  for  something  to  be 
carried.  Xt  Acts  xxi.  15. 


132  THE  COLLECTION  FOR  THE  POOR  SAINTS. 

Paul  was  well  aware  that  there  were  not  a  few,  even 
among  the  Christians  of  Palestine,  by  whom  he  was  re- 
garded with  jealousy  or  dislike;  and  he  had  reason  to 
believe  that  the  agitation  for  the  observance  of  the  ceremo- 
nial law,  which  had  disturbed  the  Churches  of  Galatia,  had 
been  promoted  by  the  zealots  of  the  Hebrew  metropolis. 
But  he  had  a  strong  attachment  to  the  land  of  his  fathers ; 
and  he  felt  deeply  interested  in  the  well-being  of  his 
brethren  in  Judea.  They  were  generally  in  indigent  cir- 
cumstances; for,  after  the  crucifixion,  when  the  Spirit  was 
poured  out  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  those  of  them  who  had 
property  "  sold  their  possessions  and  goods,  and  parted 
them  to  all  men,  as  every  man  had  need;''"""  and,  ever 
since,  they  had  been  harassed  and  persecuted  by  their  unbe- 
lieving countrymen.  "  The  poor  saints "  that  were  in 
Jerusalem!  had,  therefore,  peculiar  claims  on  the  kind  con- 
sideration of  the  disciples  in  other  lands;  and  Paul  had 
been  making  collections  for  their  benefit  among  their 
richer  co-religionists  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor.  A  consi- 
derable sum  had  been  thus  provided ;  and  that  there  might 
be  no  misgivings  as  to  its  right  appropriation,  individuals 
chosen  by  the  contributors  had  been  appointed  to  travel 
with  the  apostle,  and  to  convey  it  to  Jerusalem.]:  The 
number  of  the  deputies  appears  to  have  been  seven,  namely, 
"  Sopater  of  Berea;  and  of  the  Thessalonians,  Aristarchus 
and  Secundus;  and  Gains  of  Derbe,  and  Timotheus;  and 
of  Asia,  Tychicus  and  Trophimus."  §  The  apostle  knew 
that  he  had  enemies  waiting  for  his  halting;  and  as  they 
would  willingly  have  seized  upon  any  apology  for  accusing 
him  of  tampering  with  this  collection,  he,  no  doubt,  deemed 
it  prudent  to  put  it  into  other  hands,  and  thus  place  him- 
self above  challenge.  But  he  appears  to  have  had  a  farther 
reason  for  suggesting  the  appointment  of  these  commis- 

*  Acts  ii.  45.  t  Rom.  xv.  26. 

t  1  Cor.  xvi.  3 ;  2  Cor.  viii.  19.  §  Acts  xx.  4. 


PAUL  AT  JERUSALEM.  133 

sioners.  He  was,  in  all  likelihood,  desirous  that  his 
brethren  in  Judea  should  have  a  favourable  specimen  of  the 
men  who  constituted  "  the  first  fruits  of  the  Gentiles ;"  and 
as  all  the  deputies  selected  to  accompany  him  to  Jerusalem 
seem  to  have  been  persons  of  an  excellent  spirit,  he  pro- 
bably reckoned  that  their  wise  and  winning  behaviour 
would  do  much  to  disarm  the  hostility  of  those  who  had 
hitherto  contended  so  strenuously  for  the  observance  of  the 
Mosaic  ceremonies.  Solomon  has  said  that  "  a  man's  gift 
maketh  room  for  him  ;"^''  and  if  Gentile  converts  could  ever 
expect  a  welcome  reception  from  those  who  were  zealous 
for  the  law,  it  was  surely  when  they  appeared  as  the 
bearers  of  the  liberality  of  the  Gentile  Churches. 

When  the  apostle  and  his  companions  reached  the  Jewish 
capital,  "  the  brethren  received  them  gladly."  t  Paul  was, 
however,  given  to  understand  that,  as  he  was  charged  with 
encouraging  the  neglect  of  the  Mosaic  ceremonies,  he  must 
be  prepared  to  meet  a  large  amount  of  prejudice;  and  he 
was  accordingly  recommended  to  endeavour  to  pacify  the 
multitude  by  giving  some  public  proof  that  he  himself 
"walked  orderly  and  kept  the  law." J  Acting  on  this 
advice,  he  joined  with  four  men  who  had  on  them  a 
Nazaritic  vow ;  §  and,  "  purifying  himself  with  them,  entered 
into  the  temple."  ||     When  there,  he  was  observed  by  certain 

*  Prov.  xviii.  16.  f  Acts  xxi.  17.  J  Acts  xxi.  24. 

§  "  It  was  customary  among  the  Jews  for  those  who  had  received  deliver- 
auce  from  any  great  peril,  or  who  from  other  causes  desired  publicly  to  testify 

their  dedication  to  God,  to  take  upon  themselves  the  vow  of  a  Nazarite 

No  rule  is  laid  down  (Numb,  vi.)  as  to  the  time  during  which  this  life  of 
ascetic  rigour  was  to  continue ;  but  we  learn  from  the  Talmud  and  Josejjhus 
that  thirty  days  was  at  least  a  customary  period.  During  this  time  the 
Nazarite  was  bound  to  abstain  from  wine,  and  to  suffer  his  hair  to  grow 
uncut.  At  the  termination  of  the  period,  he  was  bound  to  i^resent  himself  in 
the  temple,  with  certain  offerings,  and  his  hair  was  then  cut  off  and  burnt 
upon  the  altar.  The  offerings  required  were  beyond  the  means  of  the  very 
poor,  and  consequently  it  was  thought  an  act  of  piety  for  a  rich  man  to  pay 
the  necessary  expenses,  and  thus  enable  his  poorer  countrymen  to  complete 
their  vow." — Conyhcare  and  Howsoii,  ii.  2jO,  2-51.  ||  Acts  xxi.  26. 


134  PAUL  AT  JERUSALEM. 

Jews  from  Asia  Minor,  who  had  probably  become  acquainted 
with  his  personal  appearance  during  his  residence  in  Ephe- 
sus;  and  as  they  had  before  seen  him  in  the  city  with 
Trophimus,  one  of  the  seven  deputies  and  a  convert  from 
paganism,  whom  they  seem  also  to  have  known,'"'  they 
immediately  concluded  that  he  had  now  some  Gentile 
companions  along  with  him,  and  that  he  was  encouraging 
the  uncircumcised  to  pollute  with  their  presence  the  sacred 
court  of  the  Israelites.  A  tumult  forthwith  ensued;  the 
report  of  the  defilement  of  the  holy  place  quickly  circulated 
through  the  crowd;  "all  the  city  was  moved;"  t  the  people 
ran  together;  and  Paul  was  seized  and  dragged  out  of  the 
temple.  J  The  apostle  would  have  fallen  a  victim  to  popular 
fury  had  it  not  been  for  the  prompt  interference  of  the 
officer  who  had  the  command  of  the  Eoman  garrison  in  the 
tower  of  Antonia.  This  stronghold  overlooked  the  courts 
of  the  sanctuary;  and,  no  doubt,  some  of  the  sentinels  on 
duty  immediately  gave  notice  of  the  commotion.  The 
chief  captain,  whose  name  was  Claudius  Lysias,§  at  once 
"took  soldiers  and  centurions,"  and  running  down  to  the 
rioters,  arrived  in  time  to  prevent  a  fatal  termination  of  the 
affray;  for,  as  soon  as  the  military  made  their  aj)pearance, 
the  assailants  "  left  beating  of  Paul."  ||  "  Then  the  chief 
captain  came  near,  and  took  him,  and  commanded  him  to 
be  bound  with  two  chains,  and  demanded  who  he  was,  and 
what  he  had  done.  And  some  cried  one  thing,  some  another, 
among  the  multitude,  and  when  he  could  not  know  the 
certainty  for  the  tumult,  he  commanded  him  to  be  carried 
into  the  castle."  H  In  proceeding  thus,  the  commanding 
officer  acted  illegally ;  for,  as  Paul  was  a  Ptoman  citizen,  he 
should  not,  without  a  trial,  have  been  deprived  of  his  liberty, 
and  put  in  irons.     But  Lysias,  in  the  hurry  and  confusion 

*  Acts  xxi.  29.  +  Acts  xxi.  30.  t  Acts  xxi.  30. 

§  Acts  xxiii.  26.  ||  Acts  xxi.  32. 

IT  Acts  xxi.  33,  34.     There  were  barracks  in  the  tower  of  Antonia. 


I 


PAUL  AT  JERUSALEM.  135 

of  the  moment,  had  been  deceived  by  false  information;  as 
he  had  been  led  to  believe  that  his  prisoner  was  an  Egyptian, 
a  notorious  outlaw,  who,  "  before  these  days,"  had  created 
much  alarm  by  leading  "out  into  the  wilderness  four 
thousand  men  that  were  murderers."'""  He  was  quite 
astonished  to  find  that  the  individual  whom  he  had  rescued 
from  such  imminent  danger  was  a  citizen  of  Tarsus  in 
Cilicia  who  could  speak  Greek ;  and  as  it  was  now  evident 
that  there  existed  much  misapprehension,  the  apostle  was 
permitted  to  stand  on  the  stairs  of  the  fortress,  and  address 
the  multitude.  When  they  saw  him  preparing  to  make 
some  statement,  the  noise  subsided ;  and,  "  when  they  heard 
that  he  spake  to  them  in  the  Hebrew  tongue,"  that  is,  in 
the  Aramaic,  the  current  language  of  the  country,  "  they 
kept  the  more  silence."  t  Paul  accordingly  proceeded  to 
give  an  account  of  his  early  life,  of  the  remarkable  circum- 
stances of  his  conversion,  and  of  his  subsequent  career; 
but,  when  he  mentioned  his  mission  to  the  Gentiles,  it  was 
at  once  apparent  that  the  topic  was  most  unpopular,  for  his 
auditors  lost  all  patience.  "  They  gave  him  audience  unto 
this  word,  and  then  lifted  up  their  voices  and  said.  Away 
with  such  a  fellow  from  the  earth,  for  it  is  not  fit  that  he 
should  liA^e.  And  as  they  cried  out,  and  cast  ofi"  their 
clothes,  and  tkrew  dust  into  the  air,  the  chief  captain 
commanded  him  to  be  brought  into  the  castle."  | 

The  confinement  of  Paul,  which  now  commenced  at  the 
feast  of  Pentecost  in  a.d.  58,  continued  about  five  years. 
It  may  be  enough  to  notice  the  mere  outline  of  his  history 
during  this  tedious  bondage.  In  the  first  place,  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  the  exact   nature   of  the  charge 

*  Acts  xxi.  38.  "  Assassins  is  in  the  original  a  Greek  inflection  of  the  Latin 
word  Sicarii,  so  called  from  Sica,  a  short  sword  or  dagger,  and  described  by 
Josephus  as  a  kind  of  robbers  who  concealed  short  swords  beneath  their 
garments,  and  infested  Judea  in  the  period  preceding  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem." — Alexander  on  the  Acts,  ii.  289. 

t  Acts  xxii.  2.  X  A-cts  xxii.  22-24. 


136  PAUL  AT  C^S AREA. 

against  him,  he  was  confronted,  with  the  Sanhedrim;  but 
when  he  informed  them  that  "  of  the  hope  and  resurrection 
of  the  dead  he  was  called  in  question,*  there  "  arose  a  dis- 
sension between  the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees "  t  con- 
stituting the  council ;  and  the  chief  captain,  fearing  lest  his 
prisoner  "  should  have  been  pulled  in  pieces  of  them,  com- 
manded the  soldiers  to  go  down,  and  to  take  him  by  force 
from  among  them,  and  to  bring  him  into  the  castle."  J 
Certain  of  the  Jews,  about  forty  in  number,  now  entered 
into  a  conspiracy  binding  themselves  "  under  a  curse,  say- 
ing, that  they  would  neither  eat  nor  drink  till  they  had 
killed  Paul ; "  §  and  it  was  arranged  that  the  bloody  vow 
should  be  executed  when,  under  pretence  of  a  new  exami- 
nation, he  should  be  brought  again  before  the  Sanhedrim ; 
but  their  proceedings  meanwhile  became  known  to  the 
apostle's  nephew;  the  chief  captain  received  timely  infor- 
mation; and  the  scheme  thus  miscarried. ||  Paul,  protected 
by  a  strong  military  escort,  was  now  sent  away  by  night 
to  Csesarea;  and,  when  there,  was  repeatedly  examined 
before  Felix,  the  Eoman  magistrate  who  at  this  time,  under 
the  title  of  Procurator,  had  the  government  of  Judea.  The 
historian  Tacitus  says  of  this  imperial  functionary  that  "  in 
the  practice  of  all  kinds  of  cruelty  and  lust,  he  exercised 
the  power  of  a  king  with  the  mind  of  a  slave ; "  H  and  it  is 
a  remarkable  proof,  as  well  of  the  intrepid  faithfulness,  as 
of  the  eloquence  of  the  apostle,  that  he  succeeded  in  arrest- 
ing the  attention,  and  in  alarming  the  fears  of  this  worth- 
less profligate.  Brasilia,  his  wife,  a  woman  who  had 
deserted  her  former  husband,**  was  a  Jewess ;  and,  as  she 
appears  to  have  been  desirous  to  see  and  hear  the  great 
Christian  preacher  who  had  been  labouring  with  so  much 

*  Acts  xxiii.  6.  t  Acts  xxiii.  7.  J  Acts  xxiii.  10. 

§  Acts  xxiii.  12,  21.  |1  Acts  xxiii.  16,  23,  30. 

IT  "  Per  omnem  ssevitiam  ac  libidineni  jus  regium  servili  ingenio  exei'cuit." 
— Hist.  V.  9.  **  Josephus'  "  Aiitiq."  xx.  c.  7.  §  1,  2. 


PAUL  AT  C/ESAREA.  137 

zeal  to  propagate  his  principles  throughout  the  Empire, 
Paul,  to  satisfy  her  curiosity,  was  brought  into  her  presence. 
But  an  interview,  which  seems  to  have  been  designed 
merely  for  the  amusement  of  the  Procurator  and  his  part- 
ner, soon  assumed  an  appearance  of  the  deepest  solemnity. 
As  the  grave  and  earnest  orator  went  on  to  expound  the 
faith  of  the  gospel,  and  "  as  he  reasoned  of  righteousness, 
temperance,  and  judgment  to  come,  Felix  trembled."  *  His 
a^^prehensions,  however,  soon  jjassed  away,  and  though  he 
was  fully  convinced  that  Paul  had  not  incurred  any  legal 
penalty,  he  continued  to  keep  him  in  confinement,  basely 
expecting  to  obtain  a  bribe  for  his  liberation.  When  dis- 
appointed in  this  hope,  he  still  perversely  refused  to  set 
him  at  liberty.  Thus,  "  after  two  years,"  when  "  Porcius 
Festus  came  into  Felix'  room,"  the  ex-Procurator,  "  willing 
to  shew  the  Jews  a  pleasure,  left  Paul  bound."  f 

The  apostle  was  soon  required  to  appear  before  the  new 
Governor.  Festus  has  left  behind  him  the  reputation  of  an 
equitable  judge;  |  and  though  he  was  obviously  most  desir- 
ous to  secure  the  good  opinion  of  the  Jews,  he  could  not  be 
induced  by  them  to  act  with  palpable  injustice.  After  he 
had  brought  them  down  to  Csesarea,  and  listened  to  their 
complaints  against  the  prisoner,  he  perceived  that  they 
could  convict  him  of  no  violation  of  the  law;  but  he  pro- 
posed to  gratify  them  so  far  as  to  have  the  case  reheard  in 
the  holy  city.  Paul,  however,  well  knew  that  they  only 
sought  such  an  opportunity  to  compass  his  assassination, 
and  therefore  peremptorily  refused  to  consent  to  the 
arrangement.  "  I  stand,"  said  he,  "  at  Caesar's  judgment- 
seat,  where  I  ought  to  be  judged.  To  the  Jews  have  I 
done  no  wrong,  as  thou  very  well  knowest.  For  if  I  be  an 
offender,  or  have  committed  anything  worthy  of  death,  1 
refuse  not  to  die;  but  if  there  be  none  of  these  things 

*  Acts  xxiv.  25.  +   Act.s  xxiv.  27. 

J  See  some  account  of  hiui  in  Jo.sephu.s'  "  Autiq."  xx.  c.  8,  §.  9,  10. 


138  PAUL  AT  CyESAREA. 

whereof  these  accuse  me,  no  man  may  deliver  me  unto  them. 
/  appeal  unto  C^sar."  '"' 

The  right  of  appeal  from  the  decision  of  an  inferior  tri- 
bunal to  the  Emperor  himself  was  one  of  the  great  privi- 
leges of  a  Eoman  citizen ;  and  no  magistrate  could  refuse 
to  recognise  it  without  exposing  himseK  to  condign  punish- 
ment. There  were,  indeed,  a  few  exceptional  cases  of  a 
flagrant  character  in  which  such  an  appeal  could  not  be 
received;  and  Festus  here  consulted  with  his  assessors  to 
ascertain  in  what  light  the  law  contemplated  that  of  the 
apostle.  It  appeared,  however,  that  he  was  at  perfect 
liberty  to  demand  a  hearing  before  the  tribunal  of  Nero. 
"  Then,"  says  the  evangelist,  "  when  Festus  had  conferred 
with  the  council,  he  answered,  Hast  thou  appealed  unto 
Csesar '?     Unto  Caesar  shalt  thou  go."  t 

The  Procurator  was  now  placed  in  a  somewhat  awkward 
position ;  for,  when  sending  Paul  to  Eome,  he  was  required 
at  the  same  time  to  report  the  crimes  imputed  to  the  pri- 
soner; but  the  charges  were  so  novel,  and  apparently  so 
frivolous,  that  he  did  not  well  know  how  to  embody  them 
in  an  intelligible  document.  Meanwhile  King  Agrippa  and 
his  sister  Bernice  came  to  Caesarea  "  to  salute  Festus,"  J  that 
is,  to  congratulate  the  new  Governor  on  his  arrival  in  the 
country;  and  the  royal  party  expressed  a  desire  to  hear 
what  the  apostle  had  to  say  in  his  vindication.  Agrippa 
was  great-grandson  of  that  Herod  who  reigned  in  Judea  when 
Jesus  was  born  in  Bethlehem,  and  the  son  of  the  monarch  of 
the  same  name  whose  sudden  and  awful  death  is  recorded  in 
the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  Acts.  On  the  demise  of  his  father 
in  A.D.  44,  he  was  only  seventeen  years  of  age ;  and  Judea, 
which  was  then  reduced  into  the  form  a  Koman  province 


*  Acts.  XXV.  11.  t  Acts  XXV.  12. 

X  Acts  XXV.  13.  Festus  appears  to  have  been  Procurator  from  the  beginning 
of  the  autumn  of  a.d.  60  to  the  summer  of  a.d.  62.  Felix  was  recalled  a.d. 
60.     See  Conybeare  and  Ilowson,  Appendix  ii.  note  (C). 


PAUL  AT  C^ESAREA.  139 

with  Csesarea  for  its  capital,  had  remained  ever  since  under 
the  government  of  Procurators.  But  though  Agrippa  had 
not  been  permitted  to  succeed  to  the  dominions  of  his 
father,  he  had  received  various  proofs  of  imperial  favour; 
for  he  had  obtained  the  government,  first  of  the  principality 
of  Chalcis,  and  then  of  several  other  districts ;  and  he  had 
been  honoured  with  the  title  of  King.*  The  Gentile  Pro- 
curators could  not  be  expected  to  be  very  minutely  ac- 
quainted with  the  ritual  and  polity  of  Israel;  but  as 
Agrippa  was  a  Jew,  and  consequently  familiar  with  the 
customs  and  sentiments  of  the  native  population,  he  had 
been  entrusted  with  the  care  of  the  temple  and  its  treasures, 
as  well  as  with  the  appointment  of  the  high  priest.  Festus, 
no  doubt,  felt  that  in  a  case  such  as  that  of  Paul,  the  advice 
of  this  visitor  should  be  solicited;  and  hoped  that  Agrippa 
would  be  able  to  supply  some  suggestion  to  relieve  him  out 
of  his  present  perplexity.  It  was  accordingly  arranged 
that  the  apostle  should  be  permitted  to  plead  his  cause  in 
the  hearing  of  the  Jewish  monarch.  The  affair  seems  to 
have  created  unusual  interest;  the  public  appear  to  have 
been  partially  admitted  on  the  occasion;  and  seldom,  or, 
perhaps,  never  before,  had  Paul  enjoyed  an  opportunity  of 
addressing  such  an  influential  and  brilliant  auditory. 
"  Agrippa  came,  and  Bernice,  "ivith  great  2^omp,  and  entered 
into  the  place  of  hearing,  with  the  chief  captains,  and  prin- 
cipal men  of  the  city."t  Paul,  still  in  bonds,  made  his 
appearance  before  this  courtly  throng ;  and  though  it  might 
have  been  expected  that  a  two  years'  confinement  woidd 
have  broken  the  spirit  of  the  prisoner,  he  displayed  powers 
of  argument  and  eloquence  which  astonished  and  con- 
founded his  judges.  The  Procurator  was  quite  bewildered 
by  his  reasoning,  for  he  appealed  to  "  the  promise  made 
unto  the  fathers,"  \  and  to  things  which  "  Moses  and  the 

*  Josephus'  "  Wars,"  ii.  c.  12,  §  8  ;  "  Antiq."  xx.  c.  6,  §  2, 
t  Acts  XXV.  23.  t  Acts  xxvi.  6. 


140  PAUL  AT  (J^SAllEA. 

prophets  did  say  should  come ; "  "'^  and  as  Festus  could  not 
appreciate  the  lofty  enthusiasm  of  the  Christian  orator  (for 
he  had  never,  when  at  Kome,  been  accustomed  to  hear  the 
advocates  of  heathenism  plead  so  earnestly  in  its  defence), 
he  "  said  with  a  loud  voice — Paul,  thou  art  beside  thyself ; 
much  learning  doth  make  thee  mad."  t  But  the  apostle's 
self-possession  was  in  nowise  shaken  by  this  blunt  charge, 
"  I  am  not  mad,  most  noble  Festus,"  he  repHed,  "  but  speak 
forth  the  words  of  truth  and  soberness;"  and  then,  turn- 
ing to  the  royal  stranger,  vigorously  pressed  home  his 
argument.  "  King  Agrippa,"  he  exclaimed,  "  believest  thou 
the  prophets'?  I  know  that  thou  believest."  J  The  King, 
thus  challenged,  was  a  libertine;  and  at  this  very  time 
was  believed  to  be  living  in  incestuous  intercourse  with  his 
sister  Bernice;  and  yet  he  seems  to  have  been  staggered  by 
Paul's  solemn  and  pointed  interrogatory.  "  Almost,"  said 
he,  "  thou  persuadest  me  to  be  a  Christian."  §  It  has  been 
thought  by  some  that  these  words  were  uttered  with  a 
sneer;  but  whatever  may  have  been  the  frivolity  of  the 
Jewish  King,  they  elicited  from  the  apostle  one  of  the 
noblest  rejoinders  that  ever  issued  from  human  lips,  "  And 
Paul  said,  I  would  to  God  that  not  only  thou,  but  also  all 
that  hear  me  this  day,  were  both  almost  and  altogether  such 
as  I  am,  except  these  bonds."  || 

The  singularly  able  defence  now  made  by  the  apostle 
convinced  his  judges  of  the  futility  of  the  charges  preferred 
against  him  by  the  Sanhedrim.  But  at  this  stage  of  the 
proceedings  it  was  no  longer  practicable  to  quash  the  pro- 
secution. When  Paul  concluded  his  address  "  the  king 
rose  up,  and  the  governor,  and  Bernice,  and  they  that  sat 
with  them.  And  when  they  were  gone  aside,  they  talked 
between    themselves,    saying  —  This   man    doeth    nothing 

*  Acts  xxvi.  22.  t  Acts  xxvi.  24.  |  Acts  xxvi.  27. 

§  Acts  xxvi.  28.  Some  would  translate  iv  oXiyco  "in  short,"  instead  of 
"  almost."  II  Acts  xxvi.  29. 


PAULS  IMPRISONMENT.  .141 

worthy  of  death  or  of  bonds.  Then  said  Agrippa  unto 
Festus — This  man  might  have  been  set  at  liberty,  if  he 
had  not  appealed  unto  Caesar."  * 

At  first  sight  it  may  appear  extraordinary  that  so  emi- 
nent a  missionary  in  the  meridian  of  his  usefulness  was 
subjected  to  so  long  an  imprisonment.  But  "  God's  ways 
are  not  as  our  ways,  nor  His  thoughts  as  our  thoughts." 
When  thus,  to  a  great  extent,  laid  aside  from  official  duty, 
he  had  ample  time  to  commune  with  his  own  heart,  and  to 
trace  out,  with  adoring  wonder,  the  glorious  grace  and  the 
manifold  wisdom  of  the  work  of  redemption.  Having 
himself  partaken  largely  of  affliction,  and  experienced  the 
sustaining  power  of  the  gospel  so  abundantly,  he  was  the 
better  prepared  to  comfort  the  distressed;  and  hence  his 
letters,  written  at  this  period,  are  so  full  of  consolation.t 
And  apart  from  other  considerations,  we  may  here  recog- 
nise the  fidfilment  of  a  prophetic  announcement.  When 
Paul  was  converted,  the  Lord  said  to  Ananias — "  He  is  a 
chosen  vessel  unto  me  to  bear  my  name  before  the  Gentiles, 
and  kings,  and  the  children  of  Israel,  for  I  will  shew  him 
hoiv  great  things  he  must  suffer  for  my  name's  sake."| 
During  his  protracted  confinement  he  exhibited  alike  to 
Jew  and  Gentile  an  illustrious  specimen  of  faith  and 
constancy;  and  called  attention  to  the  truth  in  many 
quarters  where  otherwise  it  might  have  remained  unknown. 
Though  he  was  chained  to  a  soldier,  he  was  not  kept  in 
very  rigorous  custody,  so  that  he  had  frequent  opportuni- 
ties of  proclaiming  the  great  salvation.  He  was  peculiarly 
fitted  by  his  education  and  his  genius  for  expounding 
Christianity  to  persons  mo^dng  in  the  upper  circles  of 
society;  and  had  he  remained  at  liberty  he  could  have 
expected  to  gain  access  very  rarely  to  such  auditors.     But 

•  Acts  xxvi.  30-32. 

t  Eph.  vi.  22  ;  Phil.  ii.  1,  2  ;  Col  i.  24,  iv.  8  ;  Philem.  7,  compared  witli  2  ( 'or 
i.  3,  4.  X  Acts  ix.  lo,  IfJ. 


142  •  Paul's  shtpwkeck. 

already,  as  a  prisoner,  he  had  pleaded  the  claims  of  the 
gospel  before  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  the  aristocracy 
of  Palestine.  He  had  been  heard  Ijy  the  chief  captain  in 
command  of  the  garrison  in  the  castle  of  Antonia,  by  the 
Sanhedrim,  by  Felix  and  Drusilla,  by  Festus,  by  King 
Agrippa  and  his  sister  Bernice,  and  probably  by  "  the  prin- 
cipal men "  of  both  Csesarea  and  Jerusalem.  In  criminal 
cases  the  appeals  of  Koman  citizens  were  heard  by  the 
Emperor  himself,  so  that  the  apostle  was  about  to  appear 
as  an  ambassador  for  Christ  in  the  presence  of  the  great- 
est of  earth's  potentates.  Who  can  tell  but  that  some  of 
that  splendid  assembly  of  senators  and  nobles  who  sur- 
rounded Nero,  when  Paul  was  brought  before  his  judgment- 
seat,  will  have  reason  throughout  all  eternity  to  remember 
the  occasion  as  the  birth-day  of  their  blessedness ! 

The  apostle  and  "  certain  other  prisoners  "  embarked  for 
Eome  in  the  autumn  of  a.d.  60.  The  compass  was  then 
unknown ;  in  weather,  "  when  neither  sun  nor  stars  in  many 
days  appeared,"*  the  mariner  was  without  a  guide;  and,  late 
in  the  season,  navigation  was  peculiarly  dangerous.  The 
voyage  proved  disastrous ;  after  passing  into  a  second  vessel 
at  Myra,t  a  city  of  Lycia,  Paul  and  his  companions  were 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  the  island  of  Malta ;  |  when  they 
had  remained  there  three  months,  they  set  sail  once  more 
in  a  corn  ship  of  Alexandria,  the  Castor  and  Pollux  ;§  and 

*  Acts  xxvii.  20.  This  part  of  the  history  of  the  apostle  has  been  illus- 
trated with  singular  ability  by  James  Smith,  Esq.  of  Jordanhill  in  his  "  Voyage 
and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul."  t  Acts  xxvii.  5,  6. 

X  Acts  xxviii.  1.  That  Melita  is  Malta  has  been  conclusively  established 
by  Smith  in  his  "  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul."     "  Dissei-tation,"  ii. 

§  Acts  xxviii.  11.  "With  regard  to  the  dimensions  of  the  ships  of  the 
ancients,  some  of  them  must  have  been  quite  equal  to  the  largest  merchant- 
man of  the  present  day.  The  ship  of  St  Paid  had,  in  passengers  and  crew, 
276  persons  on  board,  besides  her  cargo  of  wheat,  and  as  they  were  carried  on 
by  another  ship  of  the  same  class,  she  must  also  have  been  of  great  size.  The 
ship  in  which  Josephus  was  wrecked  contained  600  people,"  — Smith's 
Voyage  and  Shipiorcck  of  St  Paxil,  p.  147. 


PAULS  SHIPWRECK.  143 

at  length  in  the  early  part  of  a.d.  61,  reached  the  harbour 
of  Piiteoli,"^''  then  the  great  shipping  port  of  Italy. 

The  account  of  the  voyage  from  Csesarea  to  Puteoli,  as 
given  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  is  one  of  the  most  curious 
passages  to  be  found  in  the  whole  of  the  sacred  volume. 
Some  may  think  it  strange  that  the  inspired  liistorian 
enters  so  much  into  details,  and  the  nautical  terms  which 
he  employs  may  puzzle  not  a  few  readers ;  but  these  fea- 
tures of  his  narrative  attest  its  authenticity  and  genuine- 
ness. No  one,  who  had  not  himself  shared  the  perils  of 
the  scene,  could  have  been  expected  to  describe  with  so 
much  accuracy  the  circumstances  of  the  shipwreck.  It  has 
been  remarked  that,  after  the  lapse  of  eighteen  hundred 
years,  the  references  of  the  evangelist  to  prevailing  winds 
and  currents,  to  the  indentations  of  the  coast,  to  islands, 
bays,  and  harbours,  may  still  be  exactly  verified.  Recent 
investigators  have  demonstrated  that  the  sailors,  in  the 
midst  of  danger,  displayed  no  little  ability,  and  that  their 
conduct  in  " undergirding  the  ship,''t  and  in  casting  "four 
anchors  out  of  the  stern,"  |  evidenced  their  skilful  seaman- 
ship. Luke  states  that,  after  a  long  period  of  anxiety  and 
abstinence,  "  about  midnight  the  shipmen  deemed  that  they 
drew  near  to  some  country." §  The  headland  they  were 
approaching  is  very  low,  and  in  a  stormy  night  is  said  to 
be  invisible  even  at  the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile ;  || 
but  the  sailors  could  detect  the  shore  by  other  indications. 
Even  in  a  storm  the  roar  of  breaker's  can  be  distinguished 

*  Acts  xxviii.  13.  f  Acts  xxvii.  17. 

:J:  Acts  xxvii.  29.  "  The  ancient  vessels  did  not  carry,  in  general,  so  large 
anchors  as  those  which  we  employ;  and  hence  they  had  often  a  gi-eater 
number  of  them.  Athenseus  mentions  a  ship  which  had  eight  iron  anchors." 
Hackett,  p.  372.  §  Acts  xxvii.  27. 

II  "  When  the  Lively,  frigate,  unexpectedly  fell  in  with  this  very  point,  tho 
quarter-master  on  the  look-out,  who  first  observed  it,  states,  in  his  evidence 
at  the  coui'f^martial,  that,  at  the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile  the  land  could 
not  be  seen." — Smith's  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul,  pp.  89,  90. 


144  PAULS  SHIPWRECK. 

from  other  sounds  by  tlie  practised  ear  of  a  mariner;* 
and  it  can  be  shewn  that,  with  such  a  gale  as  was  then 
blowing,  the  sea  still  dashes  with  amazing  violence  against 
the  very  same  point  of  land  off  which  Paul  and  his  com- 
panions were  that  night  labouring.  In  the  depth  of  the 
water  at  the  place  there  is  another  most  remarkable  coin- 
cidence. We  are  told  that  the  sailors  "  sounded  and  found 
it  twenty  fathoms,  and  when  they  had  gone  a  little  farther, 
they  sounded,  and  found  it  fifteen  fathoms."  \  "  But  what," 
observes  a  modern  writer,  "  are  the  soundings  at  this  point  ? 
They  are  now  twenty  fathoms.  If  we  proceed  a  httle 
farther  we  find  fifteen  fathoms.  It  may  be  said  that  this, 
in  itself  is  nothing  remarkable.  But  if  we  add  that  the 
fifteen-fathom  depth  is  in  the  direction  of  the  vessel's  drift 
(W.  by  N.)  from  the  twenty-fathom  depth,  the  coincidence 
is  startling."!  It  may  be  stated  also  that  the  "creek  with 
a  shore "§  or  sandy  beach,  and  the  "place  where  two  seas 
met," II  and  where  "they  ran  the  ship  aground"  may  still  be 
recognised  in  what  is  now  called  St  Paul's  Bay  at  Malta.H 
Even  in  the  nature  of  the  submarine  strata  we  have  a  most 
striking  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  the  inspired  history. 
It  appears  that  the  four  anchors  cast  out  of  the  stern  retained 
their  hold,  and  it  is  well  known  that  the  ground  in  St 
Paul's  Bay  is  remarkably  firm ;  for  in  our  English  sailing 
directions  it  is  mentioned  that  "  while  the  cables  hold,  there 
is  no  danger,  as  the  anchors  will  never  start." ''''"'  Luke 
reports  that  when  the  ship  ran  aground,  "  the  fore-part 
stuck  fast  and  remained  unmoveable"tt — a  statement  which 
is   corroborated   by    the  fact   that  "the   bottom   is   mud 

*  Hackett,  p.  371.  t  Acts  xxvii.  28. 

X  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  351. 

§  Acts  xxvii.  39.  ||  Acts  xxvii  41. 

IT  Smith's  "  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul,"  p.  102. 
**  Smith's  "  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul,"  p.  92. 
tt  Acts  xxvii.  41. 


THE  CITY  OF  ROME.  145 

graduating  into  tenacious  clay""^" — exactly  the  species  of 
deposit  from  which  such  a  result  might  be  anticipated. 

When  Paul  landed  at  Puteoli,  he  must  have  contemplated 
with  deep  emotion  the  prospect  of  his  arrival  in  Ptome. 
The  city  to  which  he  now  approached  contained,  perhaps, 
upwards  of  a  million  of  human  beings. f  But  the  amount 
of  its  inhabitants  was  one  of  the  least  remarkable  of  its 
extraordinary  distinctions.  It  was  the  capital  of  the 
mightiest  empire  that  had  ever  yet  existed;  one  hundred 
races  speaking  one  hundred  languages  were  under  its 
dominion  ;t  and  the  sceptre  which  ruled  so  many  subject 
provinces  was  wielded  by  an  absolute  potentate.  This  great 
autocrat  was  the  high  priest  of  heathenism — thus  combining 
the  grandem^  of  temporal  majesty  with  the  sacredness  of 
religious  elevation.  Senators  and  generals,  petty  kings 
and  provincial  governors,  were  all  obHged  to  bow  obse- 
quiously to  his  mandates.  In  this  vast  metropolis  might  be 
found  natives  of  almost  every  clime;  some  engaged  in  its 
trade;  some  who  had  travelled  to  it  from  distant  countries 
to  solicit  the  imperial  favour;  some,  like  Paul,  conveyed  to 
it  as  prisoners;  some  stimulated  to  visit  it  by  curiosity; 
and  some  attracted  to  it  by  the  vague  hope  of  bettering 
their  condition.  The  city  of  the  Caesars  might  weU  be 
described  as  "sitting  upon  many  waters ;"§  for,  though 
fourteen  or  fifteen  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  the 
mistress  of  the  world  was  placed  on  a  peninsula  stretching 
out  into  the  middle  of  a  great  inland  sea  over  which  she 
reigned  without  a  rival.  In  the  summer  months  almost 
every  port  of  every  country  along  the  shores  of  the  Medi- 

*  Smith's  "  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St  Paul,"  p.  104. 

t  Conybeare  and  Howson  make  the  population  more  than  2,000,000  (ii.  376). 
Merivale  reduces  it  to  something  less  than  700,000  (iv.  520).  In  Smith'.s 
"Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography"  it  is  stated  as  upwards  of 
2,000,000.  Greswell  makes  it  about  1,000,000  ("Dissertations,"  iv.  46).  Dean 
Milman  reckons  it  from  1,000,000  to  1,500,000  ("History  of  Latin  Christi- 
anity," i.  23).  J  Merivale,  iv.  391.  §  Rev.  xvii.  1. 

K 


146  THE  CITY  OF  ROME. 

terranean  sent  fortli  vessels  freighted  with  cargoes  for  the 
merchants  of  Eome/"     The  fleet  from  Alexandria  laden  with 
wheat  for  the  supply  of  the  city  was  treated  with  peculiar 
honour;  for  its  ships  alone  were  permitted  to  hoist  their 
topsails  as  they  approached  the   shore;  a  deputation   of 
senators  awaited  its  arrival;  and,  as  soon  as  it  appeared, 
the  whole  surrounding  population  streamed  to  the  pier,  and 
observed  the  day  as  a  season  of  general  jubilee.     But  an 
endless  supply  of  other  articles  in  which  the  poor  were  less 
interested  found  their  way  to  Kome.     The  mines  of  Spain 
furnished  the  great  capital  with  gold  and  silver,  whilst  its 
sheep  yielded  wool  of  superior  excellence;    and,  in  those 
times  of  Roman  conquest,   slaves  were  often  transported 
from  the  shores  of  Britain.     The  horses  and  chariots  and 
fine  linen  of  Egypt,  the  gums  and  spices  and  silk  and  ivory 
[and  pearls  of  India,  the  Chian  and  the  Lesbian  wines,  and 
\the  beautiful  marble  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  all  met  with 
purchasers  in  the  mighty  metropolis,  t     As  John  surveyed 
in  vision  the  fall  of  Rome,  and  as  he  thought  of  the  almost 
countless  commodities  which  ministered  to  her  insatiable 
luxury,   well   might   he   represent   the   world's   trafiic    as 
destroyed  by  the  catastrophe ;  and  well  might  he  speak  of 
the  merchants  of  the  earth  as  weeping  and  mourning  over 
her,  because  "  no  man  buyeth  their  merchandise  any  more."  J 
Paul  had  often  desired  to  prosecute  his  ministry  in  the 
imperial  city ;  for  he  knew  that  if  Christianity  could  obtain 
a  firm  footing  in  that  great  centre  of  civilisation  and  of 
power,  its  influence  would  soon  be  transmitted  to  the  ends 
of  the  earth:  but  he  now  appeared  there  under  circum- 
stances equally  painful  and  discouraging.     And  yet  even 
in  this  embarrassing  position  he  was  not  overwhelmed  with 
despondency.      At    Puteoli   he    "found    brethren," §    and 
through  the  indulgence  of  Julius,  the  centurion  to  whose 

*  Merivale,  iv.  412.  +  Merivale,  iv.  414-420. 

J  Kev.  xviii.  11.  §  Acts  xxviii.  14. 


PAUL  AT  KOME.  147 

care  lie  was  committed,  lie  was  courteously  allowed  to  spend 
a  week  ^''  with  the  little  Church  of  which  they  were  members. 
He  now  set  out  on  his  way  to  the  metropolis;  but  the 
intelligence  of  his  arrival  had  travelled  before  him,  and 
after  crossing  the  Pomptine  marshes,  he  was,  no  doubt, 
delighted  to  find  a  number  of  Christian  friends  from  Eome 
assembled  at  Appii  Forum  to  tender  to  him  the  assurances 
of  their  sympathy  and  affection.  The  place  was  twenty- 
seven  miles  from  the  capital;  and  yet,  at  a  time  when 
travelling  was  so  tedious  and  so  irksome,  they  had  under- 
taken this  lengthened  journey  to  visit  the  poor,  weather- 
beaten,  and  tempest-tossed  prisoner.  At  the  Three  Taverns, 
ten  miles  nearer  to  the  city,  he  met  another  party  of 
disciples  t  anxious  to  testify  their  attachment  to  so  dis- 
tinguished a  servant  of  their  Divine  Master.  These  tokens 
of  respect  and  love  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the 
susceptible  mind  of  the  apostle ;  and  it  is  accordingly  stated 
that,  when  he  saw  the  brethren,  "  he  thanked  God  and  took 
courage."  J 

The  important  services  he  had  been  able  to  render  on 
the  voyage  gave  him  a  claim  to  particular  indulgence ;  and 
accordingly,  when  he  reached  Eome,  and  when  the  centu- 
rion delivered  the  prisoners  to  the  Prsetorian  Prefect,  or  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Prpetorian  guards,  §  "  Paul  was 
suffered  to  dwell  by  himself  with  a  soldier  that  kept  him."  || 
But  though  he  enjoyed  this  comparative  liberty,  he  was 
chained  to  his  mihtary  care-taker,  so  that  his  position  must 
still  have  been  very  far  from  comfortable.  And  yet  even 
thus  he  continued  his  ministry  with  as  much  ardom'  as  if 
he  had  been  without  restraint,  and  as  if  he  had  been  cheered 
on  by  the  applause  of  his  generation.     Three  days  after  his 

*  Acts  xxviii.  14.  +  Acts  xxviii.  15.  +  Acts  xxviii.  15. 

§  Called  in  our  English  version  "  the  captain  of  the  guard."  The  celebrated 
Bumis  was  at  this  time  (a.d.  61)  the  PrBctoriau  Prefect.  Wieseler,  p.  .393.  See 
also  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  iv.  p.  199.  II  Acts  xxviii.  16. 


148  PAUL  AT  ROME. 

arrival  in  the  city  lie  "  called  the  chief  of  the  Jews  to- 
gether," ''•  and  gave  them  an  account  of  the  circumstances 
of  his  committal,  and  of  his  appeal  to  the  imperial  tribunal. 
They  informed  him  that  his  case  had  not  been  reported  to 
them  by  their  brethren  in  Judea;  and  then  expressed  a 
desire  to  hear  from  him  a  statement  of  the  claims  of  Chris- 
tianity. "  And  when  they  had  appointed  him  a  day,  there 
came  many  to  him  into  his  lodging ;  to  whom  he  expounded 
and  testified  the  kingdom  of  God,  persuading  them  con- 
cerning Jesus,  both  out  of  the  law  of  Moses  and  out  of  the 
prophets  from  morning  till  evening."  t  His  appeals  pro- 
duced a  favourable  impression  upon  only  a  part  of  his 
audience.  "  Some  believed  the  things  which  were  spoken, 
and  some  believed  not."  J 

Several  years  prior  to  this  date  a  Christian  Church  existed 
in  the  Western  metropolis,  and  at  this  time  there  were  pro- 
bably several  ministers  in  the  city ;  but  the  apostle,  in  all 
likelihood,  now  entered  upon  some  field  of  laboiu^  which 
had  not  hitherto  been  occupied.  He  "  dwelt  two  whole 
years  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  received  all  that  came  in 
unto  him — preaching  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  teaching 
those  things  which  concern  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  with  all 
confidence,  no  man  forbidding  him."  §  All  this  time  Paul's 
right  hand  was  chained  to  the  left  hand  of  a  soldier,  who 
was  responsible  for  the  safe  keeping  of  his  prisoner.  The 
soldiers  relieved  each  other  in  this  duty.||  It  would  appear 
that  Paul's  chain  might  be  relaxed  at  meal-times,  and  per- 
haps he  was  occasionally  granted  some  little  additional  indul- 
gence ;  but  day  and  night  he  and  his  care-taker  must  have 
remained  in  close  proximity,  as  the  life  of  the  soldier  was 
forfeited  shoidd  his  ward  escape.  We  can  well  conceive 
that  the  very  appearance  of  the  preacher  at  this  period 
invited  special  attention  to  his  ministrations.     He  was  now 

*  Acts  xxviii.  17.  t  Acts  xxviii.  23.  J  Acts  xxviii.  24. 

I  Acts  xxviii.  31.  ||  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  296. 


PAUL  AT  ROME.  149 

"  Paul  the  aged ; "  *  he  had  perhaps  passed  the  verge  of 
threescore  years;  and  though  his  detractors  had  formerly 
objected  that  "  his  bodily  presence  was  weak,"  f  all  would 
at  this  time  have,  probably,  admitted,  that  his  aspect  was 
venerable.  His  life  had  been  a  career  of  unabated  exer- 
tion; and  now,  though  worn  down  by  toils,  and  hardships, 
and  imprisonments,  his  zeal  burned  with  unquenched 
ardour.  As  the  soldier  who  kept  him  belonged  to  the 
Praetorian  guards,  it  has  been  thought  that  the  apostle 
spent  much  of  his  time  in  the  neighbourhood  of  their  quar- 
ters on  the  Palatine  hill,J  and  that  as  he  was  noAv  so  much 
conversant  with  military  sights  and  sounds,  we  may  in  this 
way  account  for  some  of  the  allusions  to  be  found  in  his 
epistles  written  during  his  present  confinement.  Thus,  he 
speaks  of  ArchijDpus  and  Epaphroditus  as  his  "  fellow-sol- 
diers ; "  §  and  he  exhorts  his  brethren  to  "  put  on  the  whole 
armour  of  God,"  including  "  the  breastplate  of  righteous- 
ness, the  shield  of  faith,  the  helmet  of  salvation,  and  the 
sword  of  the  Spirit."  ||  As  the  indefatigable  old  man,  with 
the  soldier  who  had  charge  of  him,  passed  from  house  to 
house  inviting  attendance  on  his  services,  the  very  appear- 
ance of  such  "  yoke-fellows "  H  must  have  created  some 
interest;  and,  when  the  congregation  assembled,  who  could 
remain  unmoved  as  the  apostle  stretched  forth  his  chained 
hand,'""""  and  proceeded  to  expound  his  message  !  He  seems 
himself  to  have  thought  that  the  very  position  which  he 
occupied,  as  "  the  prisoner  of  the  Lord,"  tt  imparted  some- 
what to  the  power  of  his  testimony.  Hence  we  find  him 
sapng — "  1  would  ye  should  understand,  brethren,  that  the 
things  which  happened  unto  me  have  fallen  out  rather  unto 

*  Pliilem.  9.  +2  Cor.  x.  10. 

X  See  Conybeare  and  Howson,  ii.  428.  §  Phil.  ii.  25  ;  Philem.  2. 

II  Eph.  vi.  13,  14,  16,  17. 

IF  Phil.  iv.  3.     When  speaking  of  a  "  true  yoke-fellow,"  he  may  here  refer  to 
the  way  in  which  he  was  himself  unequally  yoked. 

*♦  See  Acts  xxvi.  1,  29.  +t  Eph.  iv.  1. 


l50  Paul's  epistles. 

the  furtherance  of  the  gospel,  so  that  my  bonds  in  Christ  are 
manifest  in  all  the  Prsetorium/""  and  in  all  other  places; 
and  many  of  the  brethren  in  the  Lord  waxing  confident  by 
my  bonds  are  much  more  bold  to  speak  the  word  without 
fear."  t 

During  this  imprisonment  at  Eome,  Paul  dictated  a 
number  of  his  epistles.  Of  these,  the  letter  to  Philemon,  a 
Christian  of  Colosse,  seems  to  have  been  first  written.  The 
bearer  of  this  communication  was  Onesimus,  who  had  at 
one  time  been  a  slave  in  the  service  of  the  individual  to 
whom  it  is  addressed ;  and  who,  as  it  appears,  after  robbing 
his  master,  had  left  the  country.  The  thief  made  his  way 
to  Eome,  where  he  was  converted  under  the  ministry  of  the 
apostle;  and  where  he  had  since  greatly  recommended 
himself  as  a  zealous  and  trustworthy  disciple.  He  was  now 
sent  back  to  Colosse  with  this  Epistle  to  Philemon,  in  which 
the  writer  undertakes  to  be  accountable  for  the  property 
that  had  been  pilfered,  J  and  entreats  his  correspondent  to 
give  a  kindly  reception  to  the  penitent  fugitive.  Onesimus, 
when  conveying  the  letter  to  his  old  master,  was  accom- 
panied by  Tychicus,  whom  the  apostle  describes  as  "a 
beloved  brother  and  a  faithful  minister  and  fellow-servant 
in  the  Lord  "  §  who  was  entrusted  with  the  Epistle  to  the 
Colossians.  Error,  in  the  form  of  false  philosophy  and 
Judaizing  superstition,  had  been  creeping  into  the  Colossian 
Church, II  and  the  apostle  in  this  letter  exhorts  his  brethren 
to  beware  of  its  encroachments.  About  the  same  time  Paul 
wrote  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians;  and  Tychicus  was 
also  the  bearer  of  this  communication.^     Unlike  most  of 

*  eV  oXo)  Tw  TrpatrojpiQ) — "  We  never  find  the  word  employed  for  the  Impe- 
rial house  at  Rome ;  and  we  believe  the  truer  view  to  be^— that  it  denotes  here, 
not  the  palace  itself,  but  the  quarters  of  that  part  of  the  Imperial  guards 
which  was  in  immediate  attendance  on  the  Emperor." — Conybeare  and  How- 
son,  ii.  428. 

t  Phil.  i.  12-14.  X  Philem.  18,  19.  §  Col.  iv.  7. 

II  Col.  ii.  8,  16,  18,  23.  1  Eph.  vi.  21,  22. 


PAULS  EPISTLES.  151 

the  other  epistles,  it  has  no  salutations  at  the  close;  it  is 
addressed,  not  only  "  to  the  saints  which  are  at  Ephesus " 
in  particular,  but  also  "  to  the  faithful  in  Christ  Jesus " ""' 
in  general;  and  as  its  very  superscription  thus  bears 
evidence  that  it  was  originally  intended  to  be  a  cir- 
cular letter,  it  is  probably  "  the  epistle  from  Laodicea " 
mentioned  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians.f  The  first 
division  of  it  is  eminently  distinguished  by  the  profound 
and  comprehensive  views  of  the  Christian  system  it  exhibits ; 
whilst  the  latter  portion  is  no  less  remarkable  for  the 
variety,  pertinency,  and  wisdom,  of  its  practical  admoni- 
tions. The  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  was  likewise  written 
about  this  period.  Paul  always  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
well-being  of  his  earliest  European  converts,  and  here  he 
speaks  in  most  hopeful  terms  of  their  spiritual  condition. J 
They  were  less  disturbed  by  divisions  and  heresies  than 
perhaps  any  other  of  the  Apostolic  Churches. 

*  Eph.  i.  L  t  Col.  iv.  16.  %  Phil.  i.  3-7. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Paul's  second  imprisonment,  and  maetyrdom;  peter, 
HIS  epistles,  his  martyrdom,  and  the 

ROMAN  church. 

The  Book  of  the  Acts  terminates  abruptly ;  and  the  subse- 
quent history  of  Paul  is  involved  in  much  obscurity.  Some 
have  contended  that  the  apostle  was  never  released  from 
his  first  imprisonment  at  Rome,  and  accordingly  consider 
that  he  was  one  of  the  earliest  Christian  martyrs  who 
suflfered  under  the  Emperor  Nero.  But  this  theory  is 
encumbered  with  insuperable  difficulties.  In  his  letters 
written  after  his  first  appearance  in  Rome,  Paul  evidently 
anticipates  his  liberation;'""  and  in  some  of  them  he  ap- 
parently speaks  prophetically.  Thus,  he  says  to  the  Philip- 
pians — "  I  am  in  a  strait  betwixt  two,  having  a  desire  to 
depart  and  to  be  with  Christ,  which  is  far  better — never- 
theless to  abide  in  the  flesh  is  more  needful  for  you — and 
having  this  confidence  /  know  that  I  shall  abide  and  con- 
tinue with  you  all  for  your  furtherance  and  joy  of  faith."  f 
The  apostle  had  long  cherished  a  desire  to  visit  Spain; J 
and  there  is  evidence  that  he  actually  preached  the  gospel 
in  that  country ;  for  Clemens  Romanus,  who  was  his 
contemporary  and  fellow-labourer,  positively  affirms  that 

*  Phil.  ii.  24 ;  Philem.  22.  +  Phil.  i.  23-25. 

X  Rom.  XV.  24,  28. 


Paul's  second  imprisonment.  153 

lie  travelled  "to  tlie  extremity  of  the  west.'""  Clemens 
appears  to  have  been  hhnself  a  native  of  the  great  me- 
tropolis;! and  as  he  makes  the  statement  just  quoted  in  a 
letter  written  from  Eome,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that, 
under  such  circumstances,  he  would  have  described  Italy 
as  the  boundary  of  the  earth.  The  Second  Epistle  to 
Timothy,  which  is  generally  admitted  to  have  been  written 
immediately  before  Paul's  death,  contains  several  passages 
which  obviously  indicate  that  the  author  had  been  very 
recently  at  liberty.  Thus,  he  says — "The  cloak  J  (or,  as 
some  render  it,  the  case)  §  that  I  left  at  Troas,  with  Carpus, 
when  thou  comest  bring  with  thee,  and  the  books,  but 
especially  the  parchments."  ||  These  words  suggest  that 
the  apostle  had  lately  visited  Troas  on  the  coast  of  Asia 
Minor.  Again,  he  remarks — "Erastus  abode  at  Corinth, 
but  Trophimus  have  I  left  at  Miletum  sick."1I  Any 
ordinary  reader  would  at  once  infer  from  this  observation 
that  the  writer  had  just  arrived  from  Miletum.'"""  The 
lano;ua2;e  of  the  concludino;  verses  of  the  Acts  warrants  the 
impression  that  Paul's  confinement  had  ended  some  time 
before  the  book  was  completed ;  for  had  the  apostle  been 
still  in  bondage,  it  would  scarcely  have  been  said  that, 

*  eVi  rb  repjia  t^s  dvaecos — Epist.  to  the  Corintliians  V.  Clement  in  the 
same  place  mentions  that  Paul  was  seven  times  in  bonds.  See  also  Greswell, 
"  Dissertations,"  vol.  iv.  p.  225-228. 

t  See  Cave's  "Fathers,"  i.  147.     Oxford,  1840. 

J  Toc  <pf\6vT]v.  Some  think  that  he  wished  for  the  cloak  to  protect  him 
against  the  cold  of  winter.     See  2  Tim.  iv.  21. 

§  In  the  "Life  of  St  Cohimba"  by  Adamnan  (Dublin,  IBSV),  the  learned 
editor,  Dr  Reeves,  has  given  an  interesting  account  of  an  ancient  leather 
book-case  in  his  own  possession.  See  "  Life  of  St  Columba,"  p.  115.  If  Paul 
referred  to  a  case,  it  was  probably  to  one  of  a  larger  description. 

II  2  Tim.  iv.  13.  It  is  probable  that,  in  the  anticipation  of  his  death,  he 
wished  to  give  the  documents  as  a  legacy  to  some  of  his  friends.  Among 
them  may  have  been  Scripture  autogi-aphs. 

t  2  Tim.  iv.  20.  ottc  XtTroi/.  The  translation  « the;/  left,"  instead  of  "  /  left," 
is  given  up  even  by  Dr  Davidson,  though  he  rejects  the  idea  of  a  second 
imprisonment.     See  his  "  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,"  iii.  53. 

**  Miletum,  or  Miletus,  in  Crete,  is  mentioned  by  Homer.    "  Iliad,"  ii.  647. 


154  Paul's  second  imprisonment. 

when  a  prisoner,  he  dwelt  for  two  whole  years  in  his  own 
hired  house — thereby  implying  that  the  period  of  his 
residence,  at  least  in  that  abode,  had  terminated.  And  if 
Paul  was  released  at  the  expiration  of  these  two  years,  we 
can  well  understand  why  the  sacred  historian  may  have 
deemed  it  inexpedient  to  give  an  account  of  his  liberation. 
The  subjects  of  Eome  at  that  time  were  literally  living 
under  a  reign  of  terror;  and  it  would  perhaps  have  been 
most  unwise  to  have  proceeded  farther  with  the  narrative. 
Paul,  as  Peter  once  before,*  may  have  been  miraculously 
delivered;  and  prudence  may  have  required  the  conceal- 
ment of  his  subsequent  movements.  Or,  the  history  of  his 
release  may  have  been  so  mixed  up  with  the  freaks  of  the 
tyrant  who  then  oppressed  the  Roman  world,  that  its 
publication  might  have  brought  down  the  imperial  ven- 
geance on  the  head  of  the  evangelist. 

We  have  seen  that  Paul  arrived  in  Rome  as  a  prisoner 
in  the  beginning  of  a.d.  61 ;  and  if  at  this  time  his  confine- 
ment continued  only  two  years,  he  must  have  been  libe- 
rated in  the  early  part  of  a.d.  63.  Nero  had  not  then  com- 
menced his  memorable  persecution  of  the  Church ;  for  the 
burning  of  the  city  took  place  in  the  summer  of  a.d.  64; 
and,  until  that  date,  the  disciples  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  singled  out  as  the  special  objects  of  his  cruelty.  It  is 
probable  that  Paul,  after  liis  release,  accompHshed.  his  in- 
tention of  visiting  the  Spanish  Peninsula;  and,  on  his  return 
to  Italy,  he  appears  to  have  written  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews.t  The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  at  this  time 
approaching ;  and,  as  the  apostle  demonstrates  in  this  letter 
that  the  law  was  fulfilled  in  Christ,  he  thus  prepares  the 

*  Acts  xii.  6-9. 

+  Heb.  xiii.  23,  24.  In  this  epistle  he  apparently  refers  to  his  late  impri- 
sonment. Heb.  X.  34,  but  the  reading  of  the  textus  receptus  is  here  rejected 
by  many  of  our  highest  critical  authorities,  such  as  Griesbach,  Lachmann, 
Tischendorf,  and  Scholz.  Respecting  the  second  imprisonment,  see  also 
Eusebius,  ii.  c.  22, 


PAULS  SECOND  IMPRISONMENT.  155 

Jewish  Christians  for  the  extinction  of  the  Mosaic  ritual. 
In  all  likelihood  he  now  once  more  visited  Jerusalem, 
travelling  by  Corinth,*  Philippi,t  and  Troas,J  where  he 
left  for  the  use  of  Carpus  the  case  with  the  books  and 
parchments  which  he  mentions  in  his  Second  Epistle  to 
Timothy.  Passing  on  then  to  Colosse,§  he  may  have  visited 
Antioch  in  Pisidia  and  other  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  the  scenes 
of  his  early  ministrations;  and  reached  Jerusalem  1 1  by  way 
of  Antioch  in  Syria.  He  perhaps  returned  from  Palestine  to 
Rome  by  sea,  leaving  Trophimus  sickH  at  Miletum  in  Crete. 
The  journey  did  not  probably  occupy  much  time;  and,  on 
his  return  to  Italy,  he  seems  to  have  been  immediately  in- 
carcerated. His  condition  was  now  very  different  from 
what  it  had  been  during  his  former  confinement;  for  he 
was  deserted  by  his  friends,  and  treated  as  a  malefactor.''''"' 
When  he  wrote  to  Timothy  he  had  already  been  brought 
before  the  judgment-seat,  and  had  narrowly  escaped  mar- 
tyrdom. "  At  my  first  answer,"  says  he,  "  no  man  stood 
mth  me,  but  all  men  forsook  me.  I  pray  God  that  it  may 
not  be  laid  to  their  charge.  Notwithstanding  the  Lord 
stood  with  me  and  strengthened  me,  that  by  me  the  preach- 
ing might  be  fully  known,  and  that  all  the  Gentiles  might 
hear;tt  and  I  was  delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of  thelion.";tl 
The  prospect,  however,  still  continued  gloomy;  and  he  had 
no  hope  of  ultimate  escape.  In  the  anticipation  of  his  con- 
demnation, he  wrote  those  words  so  fuU  of  Christian  faith 
and  heroism,  "  I  am  now  ready  to  be  offered,  and  the  time  of 
my  departure  is  at  hand.  I  have  fought  a  good  fight — I  have 
finished  my  course — I  have  kept  the  faith.  Henceforth  there 
is  laid  up  for  me  a  crown  of  righteousness,  which  the  Lord, 

*  2  Tim.  iv.  20.  t  Phil.  ii.  24.  $  2  Tim.  iv.  13.         §  Philem.  22. 

II  Heb.  xiii.  23.  t  2  Tim.  iv.  20.       **  2  Tim.  iv.  16,  ii.  9. 

ft  This  may  refer  to  some  powerful  defence  of  Christianity  which  he  had 
made  before  the  Gentile  tribunal  of  Nero. 
XI  2  Tim.  iv.  16,  17. 


156  PETER  AT  ROME. 

the  righteous  Judge,  shall  give  me  in  that  day,  and  not  to 
me  only,  but  unto  all  them  also  that  love  his  appearing."  * 

Paul  was  martyred  perhaps  about  a.d.  66.  Tradition 
reports  that  he  was  beheaded  ;t  and  as  he  was  a  Roman 
citizen,  it  is  not  probable  that  he  suffered  any  more  igno- 
minious fate.  About  the  third  or  fourth  century,  a  state- 
ment appeared  to  the  effect  that  he  and  Peter  were  put  to 
death  at  Eome  on  the  same  day;|  but  all  the  early  docu- 
mentary evidence  we  possess  is  quite  opposed  to  such  a 
representation.  If  Peter  really  finished  his  career  in  the 
Western  metropolis,  it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  arrive 
there  until  very  shortly  before  the  decapitation  of  the  Apostle 
of  the  Gentiles ;  for  Paul  makes  no  reference,  in  any  of  his 
writings,  to  the  j^resence  of  such  a  fellow-labourer  in  the 
capital  of  the  Empire.  In  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  con- 
taining so  many  salutations  to  the  brethren  in  the  great 
city,  the  name  of  Peter  is  not  found ;  and  in  none  of  the  letters 
writtenyj^omRome  is  he  ever  mentioned.  In  the  last  of  his 
Epistles — the  Second  to  Timothy — the  writer  says — "  onli/ 
Luke  is  with  me"§ — and  had  Peter  then  been  in  the  place, 
Paul  would  not  have  thus  ignored  the  existence  of  the 
apostle  of  the  circumcision. 

But  still  there  is  a  very  ancient  and  apparently  a  well 
authenticated  tradition  that  Peter  suffered  martyrdom  at 
Rome; II  and  if,  as  is  not  improbable,  Paul  met  him  in 
Jerusalem,  during  his  visit  to  that  city  after  his  release 
from  his  first  imprisonment,  it  may  be  that  he  was  then 
encouraged  to  undertake  a  journey  to  the  West.^     It  is  not 

*  2  Tim.  iv.  6-8.  t  "  Euseb.  Hist."  ii.  25. 

X  Euseb.  ii.  25.  See  the  Note  of  Valesius  on  the  words  Kara  tov  avrbv 
Kaipov.     See  also  Davidson's  "  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament,"  iii.  361. 

§  2  Tim.  iv.  11. 

II  Tertullian  "  De  Prsescrip,"  c.  36.  Euseb.  ii.  25.  See  also  Lactantius,  or 
the  work  ascribed  to  him,  "  De  Mort.  Persecutorum,"  c.  2. 

IF  According  to  Gregory  Nazianzen,  Judea  was  the  sphere  of  Peter.  "  Oratio." 
25,  torn.  i.  438.  If  so,  Paul  when  visiting  Jerusalem  was  likely  to  meet  with 
him. 


PETER  AT  ROME.  157 

improbable  that  he  was  recommended,  at  the  same  time,  to 
visit  the  Chiu'ches  of  Asia  Minor  for  the  purpose  of  using 
his  influence  to  defeat  the  efl'orts  of  the  Judaizing  zealots ; 
and  if,  after  passing  through  Galatia,  Bithynia,  and  other 
districts,  he  continued  his  course  to  Eome,  we  can  well 
understand  why,  on  reaching  the  seat  of  Empire,  he 
addi'essed  his  first  epistle  to  the  Christians  with  whom  he 
had  so  recently  held  intercourse.  The  tradition  that  the 
"  Babylon  "  from  which  this  letter  was  written,'""  is  no  other 
than  Rome,  or  the  mystical  Babylon  of  the  Apocalypse,t  is 
unquestionably  of  great  antiquity; J  and  some  of  the 
announcements  it  contains  are  certainly  quite  in  unison 
with  such  an  interpretation.  Thus,  Peter  tells  his  brethren 
of  "  the  fiery  trial"  which  was  "  to  try"  them,§  alluding,  in 
all  likelihood,  to  the  extension  of  the  Neronian  persecution 
to  the  provinces;  and  it  may  be  presumed  that,  in  the 
capital,  and  in  communication  with  some  of  "  Caesar's 
household,"  he  had  means  of  information  in  reference  to 
such  matters,  to  which  elsewhere  he  could  have  had  no  access. 
Mark,  who  probably  arrived  in  Rome  about  the  time  of  the 
death  of  Paul,||  was  with  Peter  when  this  letter  was 
wiitten ;  IF  and  we  have  thus  additional  evidence  that  the 
apostle  of  the  circumcision  was  now  in  the  Western  capital. 
It  is  also  worthy  of  remark  that  this  epistle  was  transmitted 
to  its  destination  by  Silas,  or  Silvanus,'"'*  apparently  the  same 
individual  who  had  so  frequently  accompanied  the  Apostle 
Paul  on  his  missionary  journeys. ft  Silvanus  had  been  for 
many  years  acquainted  with  the  brethren  to  whom  the 
letter  is  addressed,  and  therefore  was  well  suited  to  be  its 
bearer.  But  though  he  had  long  occupied  a  prominent 
position  in  the  Church,  he  seems  to  have  been  very  little 

*  1  Pet.  V.  13.                 t  Rev.  xvii.  5,  xviii.  2,  10,  21.  J  Euseb.  ii.  15. 

§  1  Pet.  iv.  12.               Ii  2  Tim.  iv.  11.  H  1  Pet.  v.  13. 
**  1  Pet.  V.  12. 

tt  Acts  XV.  40,  xvi.  19,  25,  xvii.  4,  10,  xviii.  5;  1  Tliess.  i.  1 ;  2  Tliess.  i.  1. 


158  PETER  AT  ROME. 

known  to  Peter;  and  hence  the  somewhat  singular  manner 
in  which  he  is  noticed  towards  the  close  of  this  epistle — 
"  By  Silvanus,  a  faithful  brother  unto  you,  as  I  suppose, 
I  have  written  briefly,  exhorting,  and  testifying  that  this  is 
the  true  grace  of  God  wherein  ye  stand."* 

If  this  letter  was  written  from  Eome  about  the  time  of 
the  death  of  Paul,  it  is  not  strange  that  Peter  deemed  it  pru- 
dent to  conceal  his  place  of  residence  under  the  designation  of 
Babylon,  Nero  was  then  seeking  the  extermination  of  the 
Christians  in  the  capital ;  and  they  had  enemies  in  all  quar- 
ters who  would  have  rejoiced  to  point  out  to  him  such  a 
distinguished  victim  as  the  aged  apostle.  And  how  could 
Peter  more  apj)ropriately  describe  the  seat  of  Empire  than 
by  naming  it  Babylon  f  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  reigned  so 
gloriously  in  the  great  Eastern  capital,  had  destroyed  the 
temple  of  God;  and  now  Nero,  who  ruled  in  the  Western 
metropolis,  was  seeking  to  ruin  the  Church  of  God.  Nebu- 
chadnezzar had  led  the  Jews  into  captivity ;  but  Eome  now 
enthralled  both  Jews  and  Gentiles.  If  Nebuchadnezzar  had 
an  antitype  in  Nero,  assuredly  Babylon  had  an  antitype  in 
Eome.t 

The  Second  Epistle  of  Peter  was  written  soon  after  the 
first,  and  was  addressed  to  the  same  Churches.J  The 
author  now  contemplated  the  near  approach  of  death,  so 
that  the  advices  he  here  gives  may  be  regarded  as  his 
dying  instructions.  "  I  think  it  meet,"  says  he,  "  as  long 
as  I  am  in  this  tabernacle,^  to  stir  you  up  by  putting  you 
in  remembrance — knowing  that  shortly  I  must  put  off  this 
my  tabernacle,  even  as  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  hath  shewed 

*  1  Pet.  V.  12. 

t  The  Jews  at  this  time  were  wont  to  call  Eome  by  the  name  of  Babylon. 
It  was  not,  therefore,  strange  that  Peter,  being  a  Jew,  used  this  phraseology. 
See  Wordsworth's  "  Lectures  on  the  Apocalypse,"  p.  345,  and  the  authorities 
there  quoted.  %  2  Pet.  i.  12,  iii.  1. 

§  These  words  apparently  suggest  that  the  preceding  letter  was  written  not 
long  before. 


PETER  AT  ROME.  159 

me."  ""  If  then  Peter  was  martyred  at  Rome,  we  may  infer 
that  this  letter  must  have  been  written  somewhere  in  the 
same  neighbourhood,  and  probably  in  the  same  city.  We 
have  thus  a  corroborative  proof  that  the  Babylon  of  the 
first  letter  is  no  other  than  the  great  metropolis. 

It  deserves  notice  that  in  this  second  epistle,  Peter 
bears  emphatic  testimony  to  the  character  and  inspiration 
of  Paul.  The  Judaizing  party,  as  there  is  reason  to  think, 
were  in  the  habit  of  pleading  that  they  were  supported  by 
the  authority  of  the  apostle  of  the  circumcision;  and  as 
many  of  these  zealots  were  to  be  found  in  the  Churches  of 
Asia  Minor,t  such  a  recognition  of  the  claims  of  the  Apostle 
of  the  Gentiles  was  calculated  to  exert  a  most  salutary 
influence.  "  The  strangers  scattered  throughout  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,"  J  were  thus  given 
to  understand  that  all  the  true  heralds  of  the  gospel  had 
but  "one  faith;"  and  that  any  attempt  to  create  divisions 
in  the  Church,  by  representing  the  doctrine  of  one  inspired 
teacher  as  opposed  to  the  doctrine  of  another,  was  most 
unwarrantable.  The  reference  to  Paul,  to  be  found  in  the. 
Second  Epistle  of  Peter,  is  favourable  to  the  supposition 
that  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was  now  dead ;  as,  had  he 
been  still  living  to  correct  such  misinterpretations,  it  would 
scarcely  have  been  said  that  in  all  his  epistles  were  things 
"  hard  to  be  understood "  which  "  the  unlearned  and  un- 
stable "  wrested  "  unto  their  own  destruction."  §  It  would 
seem,  too,  that  Peter  here  aUudes  particularly  to  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews — a  letter,  as  we  have  seen,  addressed  to 
Jewish  Christians,  and  written  after  Paul's  liberation  from 
his  first  Roman  imprisonment.  It  must  be  admitted  that 
this  letter  contains  passages  ||  which  have  often  proved 
perplexing  to  interpreters;  but,  notwithstanding,  it  bears 

*  2  Pet.  i.  13.  14.  t  Gal.  iv.  17,  21,  vi.  12  ;  Col.  ii.  lG-18. 

X  1  Put.  i.  1.  §  2  Pet.  iii.  16. 

II  As  Ileb.  vi.  4-G,  vii.  1-3,  ix.  1  7. 


160  PETERS  MARTYRDOM. 

the  impress  of  a  divine  original;  and  Peter,  who  maintains 
that  all  the  writings  of  Paul  were  dictated  by  unerring 
wisdom,  places  them  upon  a  level  with  "  the  other  Scrip- 
tures'"^ either  of  the  evangelists  or  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. 

According  to  a  current  tradition,  Peter  suffered  death  at 
Rome  by  crucifixion.t  He  was  not  a  Eoman  citizen ;  and 
was,  therefore,  like  our  Lord  himself,  consigned  to  a  mode 
of  punishment  inflicted  on  slaves  and  the  lowest  class  of 
malefactors.  The  story  that,  at  his  own  request,  he  was 
crucified  with  his  head  downwards  as  more  painful  and 
ignominious  than  the  doom  of  his  Master,^  is  apparently 
the  invention  of  an  age  when  the  pure  light  of  evangelical 
religion  was  greatly  obscured ;  for  the  apostle  was  too  well 
acquainted  with  the  truth  to  believe  that  he  was  at  liberty 
to  inflict  upon  himself  any  unnecessary  sufiering.  The 
tradition  that  he  died  on  the  same  day  of  the  same  month 
as  Paul,  but  exactly  a  year  afterwards,§  is  not  destitute  of 
probability.  According  to  this  statement  he  sufi'ered  a.d. 
Q7',  and  he  may  have  been  about  a  year  in  Rome  before  his 
martyrdom. 

In  the  New  Testament  it  is  impossible  to  find  a  trace  of 
either  the  primacy  of  Peter  or  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope ; 
but  the  facts  already  stated  throw  some  light  on  the  his- 
tory of  that  great  spiritual  despotism  whose  seat  of  govern- 
ment has  been  so  long  established  in  the  city  of  the  Caesars. 
It  is  obvious  that  at  a  very  early  period  various  circum- 
stances contributed  to  give  prominence  to  the  Church  of 
Rome.  The  epistle  addressed  to  it  contains  a  more  com- 
plete exhibition  of  Christian  doctrine  than  any  other  of  the 
apostolical  letters;  and,  in  that  remarkable  communication, 

*  2  Pet.  iii.  16.  t  Eiiseb.  iii.  1.  %  Euseb.  iii.  1. 

§  Prudentius,  "  Peristeph.  in  Pass.  Petr.  et  Paul."  Hymn  xii.  Augustine, 
serm.  28.  "  De  Sanctis."  The  testimony  of  earlier  witnesses  represents  them 
as  dying  "  about  the  same  time."     See  Euseb.  ii.  c.  25. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME.  161 

Paul   expresses  an  earnest   desire   to   visit   a   community 
already  celebrated  all  over  the  world.     Five  or  six  of  liis 
letters,  now  forming  part  of  the  inspired  canon,  were  dic- 
tated in  the  capital  of  the  Empire.     The  two  epistles  of  the 
apostle  of  the  circumcision  appear  to  have  emanated  from 
the  same  metropolis.     There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
the  book  of  the  Acts  was  written  at  Rome ;  and  it  is  highly 
probable  that  the  great  city  was  also  the  birthplace  of  the 
Gospels  of  Mark  and  Luke.    Thus,  a  large  portion  of  the  New 
Testament  issued  from  the  seat  of  EmjDire.     Rome  could 
also  boast  that  it  was  for  some  time  the  residence  of  two  of 
the  most  eminent  of  the  apostles.     Paul  was  there  for  at 
least  two  years  as  a  prisoner ;  and  Peter  may  have  resided 
for  twelve   months  within  its  walls.     Some  of  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  early  converts  were  members  of  the  Church 
of  Rome ;  for  in  the  days  of  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  there 
were  disciples  in  "  Caesar's  household."  *    And  when  Nero 
signalised  himself  as  the  first  Imperial  persecutor  of  the 
Christians,  the  Church  of  Rome  suffered  terribly  from  his 
insane  and  savage  cruelty.     Even   the   historian  Tacitus 
acknoAvledges  that  the  tortures  to  which  its  adherents  were 
exposed  excited  the  commiseration  of  the  heathen  multi- 
tude.    Paul  and  Peter  were  cut  off  in  his  reign ;  and  the 
soil  of  Rome  absorbed  the  blood  of  these  apostolic  martyrs. t 
It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  Roman  Church  was 
soon  regarded  with  peculiar  respect  by  all  the  disciples 
throughout  the  Empire.     As  time  passed  on,  it  increased 
rapidly  in  numbers  and  in  affluence;   and  circumstances, 
which  properly  possessed  nothing  more  than   an  historic 
interest,  began  to  be  urged  as  arguments  in  favour  of  its 
claims  to  pre-eminence.     At  first  these  claims  assumed  no 
very  definite  form;  and,  at  the  termination  of  a  century 

*  Phil.  iv.  22. 

+  Caius,  a  Roman  presbyter  who  flourished  about  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century,  refers  to  the  Vatican  and  the  Ostian  Way  as  the  places  where  they 
suffered.     Routh's  "Reliquiae,"  ii.  p.  127. 

L 


162  THE  CHURCH  OF  EOME. 

after  the  days  of  Paul  and  Peter,  they  amounted  simjDly  to 
the  recognition  of  something  like  an  honorary  precedence. 
At  that  period  it  was,  perhaps,  deemed  equally  imprudent 
and  ungracious  to  quarrel  with  its  pretensions,  more  espe- 
cially as  the  community  by  which  they  were  advanced  was 
distributing  its  bounty  all  around,  and  was  itself  nobly 
sustaining  the  brunt  of  almost  every  persecution.  In  the 
course  of  time,  the  Church  of  Eome  proceeded  to  challenge 
a  substantial  supremacy;  and  then  the  facts  of  its  early 
history  were  mis-stated  and  exaggerated  in  accommodation 
to  the  demands  of  its  growing  ambition.  It  was  said  at 
first  that  "  its  faith  was  spoken  of  throughout  the  whole 
world ; "  it  was  at  length  alleged  that  its  creed,  should  be 
universally  adopted.  It  was  admitted  at  an  early  period 
that,  as  it  had  enjoyed  the  ministrations  of  Peter  and  Paul, 
it  should  be  considered  an  apostolic  church;  it  was  at 
length  asserted  that,  as  an  apostle  was  entitled  to  deference 
from  ordinary  pastors,  a  church  instructed  by  two  of  the 
most  eminent  apostles  had  a  claim  to  the  obedience  of  other 
churches.  In  process  of  time  it  was  discovered  that  Paul 
was  rather  an  inconvenient  companion  for  the  apostle  of 
the  circumcision ;  and  Peter  alone  then  began  to  be  spoken 
of  as  the  founder  and  first  bishop  of  the  Church  of  Eome. 
Strange  to  say,  a  system  founded  on  a  fiction  has  since 
sustained  the  shocks  of  so  many  centuries.  One  of  the 
greatest  marvels  of  this  "  mystery  of  iniquity "  is  its 
tenacity  of  life;  and  did  not  the  sure  word  of  prophecy 
announce  that  the  time  would  come  when  it  would  be  able 
to  boast  of  its  antiquity,  and  did  we  not  know  that  pagan- 
ism can  plead  a  more  remote  original,  we  might  be  per- 
plexed by  its  longevity.  But  '*'  the  vision  is  yet  for  an 
appointed  time — at  the  end  it  shall  speak  and  not  lie. 
Though  it  tarry,  wait  for  it,  because  it  will  surely  come,  it 
will  not  tarry."  * 

*  Hab.  ii.  3. 


CHAPTEE  XL 

THE  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH,  AND  ITS 

CONDITION  AT  THE  TERMINATION  OF  THE 

FIRST   CENTURY. 

Jesus  Christ  was  a  Jew,  and  it  miglit  have  been  expected 
that  the  advent  of  the  most  illustrious  of  His  race,  in  the 
character  of  the  Prophet  announced  by  Moses,  would  have 
been  hailed  with  enthusiasm  by  His  countrymen.  But  the 
result  was  far  otherwise.  *'  He  came  unto  his  own,  and  his 
own  received  him  not.""^'  The  Jews  cried  "Away  with 
him,  away  with  him,  crucify  him  ;"t  and  He  suffered  the 
fate  of  the  vilest  criminal.  The  enmity  of  the  posterity  of 
Abraham  to  our  Lord  did  not  terminate  with  His  death; 
they  long  maintained  the  bad  pre-eminence  of  being  the 
most  inveterate  of  the  persecutors  of  His  early  followers. 
Whilst  the  awful  portents  of  the  Passion,  and  the  marvels 
of  the  day  of  Pentecost  were  still  fresh  in  public  recollection, 
their  chief  j)riests  and  elders  threw  the  apostles  into  prison;  J 
and  soon  afterwards  the  pious  and  intrepid  Stephen  fell  a 
victim  to  their  malignity.  Their  infatuation  was  extreme ; 
and  yet  it  was  not  unaccountable.  They  looked,  not  for  a 
crucified,  but  for  a  conquering  Messiah.  They  imagined 
that  the  Saviour  would  release  them  from  the  thraldom  of 
the  Eoman  yoke;  that  He  would  make  Jerusalem  the 
capital  of  a  prosperous  and  powerful  empire ;  and  that  all 

*  Jolin  i.  11.  t  John  xix.  15.  t  Acts  iv.  3,  v.  18. 


164  JEWISH  PERSECUTION. 

the  ends  of  the  earth  would  celebrate  the  glory  of  the 
chosen  people.  Their  vexation,  therefore,  was  intense  when 
they  discovered  that  so  many  of  the  seed  of  Jacob  acknow- 
ledged the  son  of  a  carpenter  as  the  Christ,  and  made  Hght 
of  the  distinction  between  Jew  and  Gentile.  In  their  case 
the  natural  aversion  of  the  heart  to  a  pure  and  spiritual 
religion  was  inflamed  by  national  pride  combined  with 
mortified  bigotry;  and  the  fiendish  spirit  which  they  so 
frequently  exhibited  in  their  attempts  to  exterminate  the 
infant  Church  may  thus  admit  of  the  most  satisfactory 
explanation. 

Many  instances  of  their  antipathy  to  the  new  sect  have 
already  been  noticed.  In  almost  every  town  where  the 
missionaries  of  the  cross  appeared,  the  Jews  "opposed 
themselves  and  blasphemed ; "  and  magistrates  speedily 
discovered  that  in  no  way  coidd  they  more  easily  gain  the 
favour  of  the  populace  than  by  inflicting  suff'erings  on  the 
Christians.  Hence,  as  we  have  seen,  about  the  time  of 
Paul's  second  visit  to  Jerusalem  after  his  conversion,  Herod, 
the  grandson  of  Herod  the  Great,  "  killed  James,  the  brother 
of  John,  with  the  sword ;  and  because  he  saw  it  pleased  the 
Jews,  he  proceeded  further  to  take  Peter  also."'"  The 
apostle  of  the  circumcision  was  delivered  by  a  miracle  from 
his  grasp ;  but  it  is  probable  that  other  individuals  of  less 
note  felt  the  efi'ects  of  his  severity.  Even  in  countries  far 
remote  from  their  native  land,  the  posterity  of  Abraham 
were  the  most  bitter  opponents  of  Christianity.f  As  there 
was  much  intercourse  between  Palestine  and  Italy,  the 
gospel  soon  found  its  way  to  the  seat  of  government;  and 
it  has  been  conjectured  that  some  civic  disturbance  created 
in  the  great  metropolis  by  the  adherents  of  the  synagogue, 
and  intended  to  annoy  and  intimidate  the  new  sect, 
prompted  the  Emperor  Claudius,  about  a.d.  53,  to  interfere 
in  the  manner  described  by  Luke,  and  to  command  "all 

*  Acts  xii.  2,  3.  t  See  Acts  xvii.  5,  xviii.  12. 


JEWISH  PERSECUTION.  165 

Jews  to  depart  from  Kome."*  But  tlie  hostility  of  the 
Israelites  Avas  most  formidable  in  their  own  country;  and 
for  this,  as  well  as  other  reasons,  "  the  brethren  which  dwelt 
in  Judea"  specially  required  the  sympathy  of  their  fellow- 
believers  throughout  the  Empire.  When  Paul  appeared  in 
the  temple  at  the  feast  of  Pentecost  in  a.d.  58,  the  Jews, 
as  already  related,  made  an  attempt  upon  his  life;  and 
when  the  apostle  was  rescued  by  the  Eoman  soldiers,  a 
conspiracy  was  formed  for  his  assassination.  Four  years 
afterwards,  or  about  a.d.  62, t  another  apostle,  James  sur- 
named  the  Just,  who  seems  to  have  resided  chiefly  in 
Jerusalem,  finished  his  career  by  martyrdom.  Having 
proclaimed  Jesus  to  be  the  true  Messiah  on  a  great  public 
occasion,  his  fellow-citizens  were  so  indignant  that  they 
threw  him  from  a  pinnacle  of  the  temple.  As  he  was  still 
alive  when  he  reached  the  ground,  he  was  forthwith  assailed 
with  a  shower  of  stones,  and  beaten  to  pieces  with  the 
club  of  a  fuUer.J 

As  the  Christians  were  at  first  confounded  with  the 
Jews,  the  administrators  of  the  Eoman  law,  for  upwards  of 
thirty  years  after  our  Lord's  death,  conceded  to  them  the 
religious  toleration  enjoyed  by  the  seed  of  Abraham.  But, 
from  the  beginning,  "the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes"  enjoyed 
very  little  of  the  favour  of  the  heathen  multitude.  Pagan- 
ism had  set  its  mark  upon  all  the  relations  of  life,  and  had 
erected  an  idol  wherever  the  eye  could  turn.     It  had  a  god 

*  Acts  xviii.  2.  Suetonius  in  Claud,  (c.  25),  says — "Judseos  impulsore 
Chresto  assidue  tumultuantes  Roma  expulit."  The  words  Christus  and 
Chrestus  seem  to  have  been  often  confounded,  and  it  has  been  thought  that 
the  historian  here  refers  to  some  riotous  proceedings  among  the  Jews  in 
Rome  arising  out  of  discussions  relative  to  Christianity.  These  disturbances 
took  place  about  a.d.  53.  It  is  remarkable  that  even  in  the  beginning  of  the 
third  century  the  Christians  were  sometimes  called  Chrestiani.  Hence  Ter- 
tullian  says — "  Sed  et  cum  perperam  Chrestianus  pronunciatur  a  vobis,  nam 
nee  nominis  certa  est  notitia  penes  vos,  de  suavitate  vel  benignitate  composi- 
tum  est."     "  Apol."  c.  iii.    See  also  "  Ad  Nationes,"  lib.  i.  c.  3. 

+  See  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  iv.  p.  233.  J  Eusebius,  ii.  23. 


166  PERSECUTION  BY  NERO. 

of  War,  and  a  god  of  Peace ;  a  god  of  the  Sea,  and  a  god  of 
the  Wind ;  a  god  of  the  River,  and  a  god  of  the  Fountain ; 
a  god  of  the  Field,  and  a  god  of  the  Barn  Floor ;  a  god  of 
the  Hearth,  a  god  of  the  Threshold,  a  god  of  the  Door,  and 
a  god  of  the  Hinges/''"  When  we  consider  its  power  and 
prevalence  in  the  apostolic  age,  we  need  not  wonder  at  the 
declaration  of  Paul — "All  that  will  live  godly  in  Christ 
Jesus  shall  suffer  persecution."  t  Whether  the  believer 
entered  into  any  social  circle,  or  made  his  appearance  in 
any  place  of  public  concourse,  he  was  constrained  in  some 
way  to  protest  against  dominant  errors ;  and  almost  exactly 
in  proportion  to  his  consistency  and  conscientiousness,  he 
was  sure  to  incur  the  dislike  of  the  more  zealous  votaries  of 
idolatry.  Hence  it  was  that  the  members  of  the  Church 
were  so  soon  regarded  by  the  pagans  as  a  morose  genera- 
tion instinct  with  hatred  to  the  human  race.  In  a.d.  64, 
when  Nero,  in  a  fit  of  recklessness,  set  fire  to  his  capital,  he 
soon  discovered  that  he  had,  to  a  dangerous  extent,  pro- 
voked the  wrath  of  the  Roman  citizens ;  and  he  attempted, 
in  consequence,  to  divert  the  torrent  of  public  indignation 
from  himself,  by  imputing  the  mischief  to  the  Christians. 
They  were  already  odious  as  the  propagators  of  what  was 
considered  "  a  pernicious  superstition,"  and  the  tyrant,  no 
doubt,  reckoned  that  the  mob  of  the  metropolis  were  pre- 
pared to  believe  any  report  to  the  discredit  of  these  sec- 
taries. But  even  the  pagan  historian  who  records  the 
commencement  of  this  first  imperial  persecution,  and  who 
was  deeply  prejudiced  against  the  disciples  of  our  Lord, 
bears  testimony  to  the  falsehood  of  the  accusation.     Nero, 

*  "Certi  enim  esse  debemus,  si  quos  latet  per  ignorantiam  literaturse 
secularis,  etiam  ostiorum  deos  apud  Romanos,  Cardeam  a  cardinibiis  appella- 
tam,  et  Forculum  a  foribus,  et  Limentinum  a  limine,  etipsum  Jan um  a  janua." 
TertuUian,  "  De  Idololatria,"  c.  15.  See  also  the  same  writer  "Ad  Nationes," 
ii.  c.  10,  15  ;  and  "  De  Corona,"  13. 

■f  2  Tim.  iii.  12.  Cyprian  touches  upon  the  same  subject  in  his  Treatise 
on  the  "  Vanity  of  Idols,"  c.  2. 


PERSECUTION  BY  NERO.  167 

says  Tacitus,  "  found  wretches  who  were  induced  to  confess 
themselves  guilty ;  and,  on  their  evidence,  a  great  multitude 
of  Christians  were  convicted,  not  indeed  on  clear  proof  of 
their  having  set  the  city  on  fire,  but  rather  on  account  of 
their  hatred  of  the  human  race."""  They  were  put  to  death 
amidst  insults  and  derision.  Some  were  covered  with  the 
skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  left  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by 
dogs;  others  were  nailed  to  the  cross;  and  some,  covered 
over  with  inflammable  matter,  were  lighted  up,  when  the 
day  declined,  to  serve  as  torches  during  the  night.  The 
Emperor  lent  his  own  gardens  for  the  exhibition.  He 
added  the  sports  of  the  circus,  and  assisted  in  person, 
sometimes  dri\dng  a  curricle,  and  occasionally  mixing  with 
the  rabble  in  his  coachman's  dress.  At  length  these  pro- 
ceedings excited  a  feeling  of  compassion,  as  it  was  evident 
that  the  Christians  were  destroyed,  not  for  the  pid^lic  good, 
but  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  cruelty  of  a  single  individual."  f 

Some  writers  have  maintained  that  the  persecution  under 
Nero  was  confined  to  Eome;  but  various  testimonies  concur 
to  prove  that  it  extended  to  the  provinces.  Paul  seems  to 
contemplate  its  spread  throughout  the  Empire  when  he  tells 
the  Hebrews  that  they  had  "not  yet  resisted  unto  hlood 
striving  against  sin,"  f  and  when  he  exhorts  them  not  to  for- 
sake the  assembling  of  themselves  together  as  they  "  see  the 
day  approaching"  §    Peter  also,  as  has  been  stated  in  a  pre- 

*  The  Christians  were  familiar  with  the  idea  of  the  conflagration  of  the 
world,  and  there  is  much  plausibility  in  the  conjecture  that,  as  they  gazed  on 
the  burning  city,  they  may  have  given  utterance  to  expressions  which  were 
misunderstood,  and  which  awakened  suspicion.  "Some,"  says  Dean  Milman, 
"  in  the  first  instance,  apprehended  and  examined,  may  have  made  acknow- 
ledgments before  a  passionate  and  astonished  tribunal,  which  would  lead  to 
the  conclusion  that,  in  the  hour  of  general  destruction,  they  had  some  trust, 
some  security,  denied  to  the  rest  of  mankind;  and  this  exemption  from 
common  misery,  if  it  would  not  mark  them  out  in  some  dark  manner,  as  the 
authors  of  the  conflagration,  at  all  events  would  convict  them  of  that  hatred 
of  the  human  race  so  often  advanced  against  the  Jews." — Milman^s  History  of 
Christianity,  ii.  37,  38. 

+  Tacitus,  "  Annal."  xv.  44.  J  Heb.  xii.  4.  §  Heb.  x.  25. 


168  '  FALL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

ceding  chapter,  apparently  refers  to  the  same  circumstance 
in  his  letter  to  the  brethren  "  scattered  throughout  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,"  when  he  an- 
nounces "the  fiery  trial"  which  was  "to  try"  them,  *  and 
when  he  tells  them  of  "judgment"  beginning  "at  the  house 
of  God."  t  If  Nero  enacted  that  the  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity was  a  capital  offence,  his  law  must  have  been  in 
force  throughout  the  Roman  world;  and  an  early  ecclesi- 
astical writer  positively  affirms  that  he  was  the  author  of 
such  sanguinary  legislation.  J  The  horror  wdth  which  his 
name  was  so  long  regarded  by  members  of  the  Church  in 
all  parts  of  the  Empire  §  strongly  corroborates  the  state- 
ment that  the  attack  on  the  disciples  in  the  capital  was 
only  the  signal  for  the  commencement  of  a  general  perse- 
cution. 

Nero  died  a.d.  68,  and  the  war  which  involved  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  and  of  upwards  of  a  million  of  the 
Jews,  was  already  in  progress.  The  holy  city  fell  a.d.  70 ; 
and  the  Mosaic  economy,  which  had  been  virtually  abolished 
by  the  death  of  Christ,  now  reached  its  jDractical  termina- 
tion. At  the  same  period  the  prophecy  of  Daniel  was  lite- 
rally fulfilled;  for  "the  sacrifice  and  the  oblation"  were 
made  to  cease,  ||  as  the  demolition  of  the  temple  and  the 
dispersion  of  the  priests  put  an  end  to  the  celebration  of  the 
.  Levitical  worship.  The  overthrow  of  the  metropolis  of 
\  Palestine  contributed  in  various  ways  to  the  advancement 
of  the  Christian  cause.  Judaism,  no  longer  able  to  provide 
for  the  maintenance  of  its  ritual,  was  exhibited  to  the  world 
as  a  defunct  system;  its  institutions,  now  more  narrowly 
examined  by  the  spiritual  eye,  were  discovered  to  be  but 
types  of  the  blessings  of  a  more  glorious  dispensation ;  and 
many  believers,  who  had  hitherto  adhered  to  the  ceremonial 

.    *  1  Pet.  iv.  12.  +  1  Pet.  iv.  17.  +  Tertullian,  "  Ad  Nationes,"  i.  7. 

§  See    "  De  Mortibus  Persecutorum,"  c.  2,  and  Sulpitius  Severus,  lib.  ii. 
p.  139;  Edit.  Leyden,  1635.  ||  Dan.  ix.  27. 


PERSECUTION  BY  DOMITIAN.  169 

law,  discontinued  its  observances.    Christ,  forty  years  before, 
had  predicted  the  siege  and  desolation  of  Jerusalem;*  and 
the  remarkable  verification  of  a  prophecy,  delivered  at  a 
time  when  the  catastrophe  was  exceedingly  improbable,   | 
appears  to  have  induced  not  a  few  to  think  more  favour-  j 
ably  of  the  credentials  of  the  gospel.     In  another  point  of  / 
view  the  ruin  of  the  ancient  capital  of  Judea  proved  advan- 
tageous to  the  Church.     In  the  subversion  of  their  chief 
city  the  power  of  the  Jews  sustained  a  shock  from  which  it 
has  never  since  recovered ;  and  the  disciples  were  partially 
delivered  from  the  attacks  of  their  most  restless  and  im- 
placable persecutors. 

Much  obscurity  rests  upon  the  history  of  the  period 
which  immediately  follows  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
Though  Philip  and  Jo]in,t  and  perhaps  one  or  two  more  of 
the  apostles,  still  survived,  we  know  almost  nothing  of  their 
proceedings.  After  the  death  of  Nero  the  Church  enjoyed 
a  season  of  repose,  but  when  Domitian,  in  a.d.  81,  succeeded 
to  the  government,  the  work  of  persecution  recommenced. 
The  new  sovereign,  who  was  of  a  gloomy  and  suspicious 
temper,  encouraged  a  system  of  espionage ;  and  as  he  seems 
to  have  imagined  that  the  Christians  fostered  dangerous 
political  designs,  he  treated  them  with  the  greater  harsh- 
ness. The  Jewish  calumny,  that  they  aimed  at  temporal 
dominion,  and  that  they  sought  to  set  up  "another  king 
one  Jesus,"J  had  obviously  produced  an  impression  upon 
his  mind ;  and  he  accordingly  sought  out  the  nearest  kins- 
men of  the  Messiah,  that  he  might  remove  these  heirs  of 
the  rival  dynasty.  But  when  the  two  grandchildren  of 
Jude,  §  called  the  brother  of  our  Lord,  ||  were  conducted  to 
Eome,  and  brought  to  his  tribunal,  he  discovered  the 
groundlessness  of  his  apprehensions.     The  individuals  who 

^  Matt.  xxiv.  2,  15,  16,  34;  Mark  xiii.  2,  14,  30;  Luke  xxi.  6,  20,  21,  24,  32.     ' 
;.       t  See  Euseb.  iii.  31.  J  Acts  xvii.  7.  §  Euseb.  iii.  20. 

Matt.  xiii.  55.     See  Greswell's  "  Dissertations,"  ii.  114,  121, 122. 


1  70  PERSECUTION  BY  DOMITIAN. 

had  inspired  the  Emperor  with  such  anxiety,  were  the  joint- 
proprietors  of  a  small  farm  in  Palestine  which  they  culti- 
vated with  their  own  hands;  and  the  jealous  monarch  at 
once  saw  that,  when  his  fears  had  been  excited  by  reports 
of  the  treasonable  designs  of  such  simple  and  illiterate  hus- 
bandmen, he  had  been  miserably  befooled.  After  a  single 
interview,  these  poor  peasants  met  with  no  farther  molesta- 
tion from  Domitian, 

Had  all  the  disciples  been  in  such  circumstances  as  the 
grandchildren  of  Jude,  the  gospel  might  have  been  identi- 
fied with  poverty  and  ignorance ;  and  it  might  have  been 
said  that  it  was  fitted  to  make  way  only  among  the  dregs 
of  the  population.  But  it  was  never  fairly  open  to  this 
objection.  From  the  very  first  it  reckoned  amongst  its 
adherents  at  least  a  sj^rinkling  of  the  wealthy,  the  influen- 
tial, and  the  educated.  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  one  of  the 
primitive  followers  of  our  Lord,  was  "  a  rich  man  "  and  an 
"  honourable  counsellor ; " '''  Paul  himself,  as  a  scholar,  stood 
high  among  his  countrymen,  for  he  had  been  brought  up 
at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel ;  and  Sergius  Paulus,  one  of  the  first 
fruits  of  the  mission  to  the  Gentiles,  was  a  Eoman  Procon- 
sul.t  In  the  reign  of  Nero  the  Church  could  boast  of  some 
illustrious  converts ;  and  the  saints  of  "  Caesar's  household  " 
are  found  addressing  their  Christian  salutations  to  their 
brethren  at  Philippi.J  In  the  reign  of  Domitian  the  gospel 
stiU  continued  to  have  friends  among  the  Eoman  nobihty. 
Flavins  Clemens,  a  person  of  consular  dignity,  and  the 
cousin  of  the  Emperor,  was  now  put  to  death  for  his 
attachment  to  the  cause  of  Christ ;  §  and  his  near  relative 
Flavia  Domitilla,  for  the  same  reason,  was  banished  with 
many  others  to  Pontia,l|  a  small  island  ofi"  the  coast  of 
Italy  used  for  the  confinement  of  state  prisoners. 

Domitian  governed  the  Empire   fifteen  years,  but  his 

*  Matt,  xxvii.  57  ;  Mark  xv.  43.  t  Acts  xiii.  7.  J  Phil.  iv.  22. 

§  Dio  Cassiu.s,  Ixvii.  14.  |1  Euseb.  iii.  18. 


THE  APOSTLE  JOHN.  I7l» 

persecution  of  the  Christians  appears  to  have  been  limited 
to  the  hitter  part  of  his  reign.  About  this  time  the  Apostle 
John,  "  for  the  word  of  God  and  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus 
Christ," '"'  was  sent  as  an  exile  into  Patmos,  a  small  rocky 
island  in  the  ^gsean  Sea  not  far  from  the  coast  of  Asia 
Minor.  It  is  said  that  he  had  previously  issued  unhurt 
from  a  cauldron  of  l^oiling  oil  into  which  he  had  been 
plunged  in  Eome  by  order  of  the  Emperor;  but  this  story, 
for  which  a  writer  who  flourished  about  a  century  after- 
wards is  the  earliest  voucher,t  has  been  challenged  as  of 
doubtful  authority.^  We  have  no  means  of  ascertaining 
the  length  of  time  during  which  he  remained  in  banish- 
ment ;  §  and  all  we  know  of  this  portion  of  his  life  is,  that 
he  had  now  those  sublime  and  mysterious  visions  to  be 
found  in  the  Apocalypse.  After  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  as 
well  as  after  he  was  permitted  to  leave  Patmos,  he  appears 
to  have  resided  chiefly  in  the  metropolis  of  the  Proconsular 
Asia;  and  hence  some  ancient  writers,  who  flourished  after 
the  estabhshment  of  the  episcopal  system,  have  designated 

*  Rev.  i.  9.  t  Tertullian,  "  De  Prsescrip.  Hteret."  c.  36. 

X  See  Mosheim,  Cent.  i.  part  i.  ch.  5. 

§  According  to  Baronius  ("  Annal."  ad.  an.  92,  98)  John  was  six  years  in 
Patmos,  or  from  a.d.  92  to  a.d.  98.  Other  'wa-iters  think  that  he  was  set  at 
liberty  some  time  before  the  death  of  Domitian,  or  about  a.d.  95.  According 
to  this  reckoning,  had  he  been  six  years  in  exile,  he  must  hav^e  been  banished 
A.D.  89.  This  conclusion  derives  some  coimtenance  from  the  "  Chronicon  "  of 
Eusebius,  which  represents  the  tyrant  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  years  of  his 
reign,  or  about  a  d.  89,  as  proscribing  and  putting  to  death  very  many  of  his 
subjects.  If  the  visions  of  the  Apocalypse  were  vouchsafed  to  John  in  a.d. 
89,  the  interval  between  their  revelation  and  the  establishment  of  the  Pope 
as  a  temporal  prince  is  found  to  be  755 — 89,  or  exactly  666  years.  See  Eev. 
xiii.  18.  There  is  another  very  curious  coincidence  in  this  case  ;  for  the  in- 
terv^al  between  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  as  a  temporal  prince,  is  755 — 476^279  complete,  or  280  cur- 
rent years,  that  is,  40  prophetic  weeks.  But  it  so  happens  that  the  jjeriod  of 
human  gestation  is  40  weeks,  and  thift  would  lead  to  the  inference  that  the 
Man  of  Sin  was  conceived  as  soon  as  the  Western  Empire  fell.  See  2  Thess. 
ii.  7,  8.  I  am  not  aware  that  these  remarkable  coincidences  have  yet  been 
noticed,  and  I  therefore  submit  them  to  the  consideration  of  the  students  of 
prophecy. 


•172  THE  APOSTLE  JOHX. 

him  the  "  Bishop  of  Ephesus."  *  But  the  apostle,  when 
advanced  in  Hfe,  chose  to  be  known  simply  by  the  title  of 
"  the  elder ; "  t  and  though  he  was  certainly  by  far  the 
most  influential  minister  of  the  district  where  he  sojourned, 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  admitted  his  brethren 
to  a  share  in  the  government  of  the  Christian  community. 
Like  Peter  and  Paul  before  him,  he  acknowledged  the  other 
elders  as  his  "  fellow-presbyters,"  J  and,  as  became  his  age 
and  apostolic  character,  he  doubtless  exhorted  them  to  take 
heed  unto  themselves  and  to  all  the  flock  over  the  which 
the  Holy  Ghost  had  made  them  overseers.  § 

John  seems  to  have  been  the  last  survivor  of  the  apostles. 
He  is  said  to  have  reached  the  advanced  age  of  one  hun- 
dred years,  and  to  have  died  about  the  close  of  the  first 
century.  He  was  a  "  Son  of  Thunder,"  II  and  he  appears  to 
have  long  maintained  the  reputation  of  a  powerful  and  im- 
pressive preacher;  but  when  his  streng-th  began  to  give 
way  beneath  the  pressure  of  increasing  infirmities,  he  ceased 
to  deliver  lengthened  addresses.  When  he  appeared  before 
the  congregation  in  extreme  old  age,  he  is  reported  to  have 
simply  repeated  the  exhortation — "  Children,  love  one  an- 
other ; "  and  when  asked,  why  he  always  confined  himself 
to  the  same  brief  admonition,  he  rej^lied  that  "  no  more 
was  necessary."  H  Such  a  narrative  is  certainly  quite  in 
harmony  with  the  character  of  the  beloved  disciple,  for  he 
knew  that  love  is  the  "  bond  of  perfectness  "  and  "  the  ful- 
filling of  the  law." 

It  has  been  thought  that,  towards  the  close  of  the  first 
century,  the  Christian  interest  was  in  a  somewhat  languish- 
ing condition ; "'"'  and  the  tone  of  the  letters  addressed  to 
the  Seven  Churches  in  Asia  is  calculated  to  confirm  this 

*  See  Burton's  "  Lectures,"  i.  36L  t  2  John  1  ;  3  John  1. 

X  1  Pet.  V.  1  ;  Philem.  1.  §  Acts  xx.  28. 

II  Mark  iii.  17. 

IT  Jerome,  "  Comment,  on  Galatians,"  vi.  10. 
**  See  Vitringa,  "  Observationes  Sacra),"  Hb.  iv.  c.  7,  8. 


EXTENSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  173 

impression.  The  Church  of  Laodicea  is  said  to  be  "  neither 
cold  nor  hot;"*  the  Church  of  Sardis  is  admonished  to 
"  strengthen  the  things  which  remain  that  are  ready  to 
die ;  "t  and  the  Church  of  Ephesus  is  exhorted  to  "  remember 
from  whence  she  has  fallen,  and  repent,  and  do  the  first 
works."  J  When  it  was  known  that  Christianity  was  under 
the  ban  of  a  legal  proscription,  it  was  not  strange  that  *'  the 
love  of  many "  waxed  cold ;  and  the  persecutions  of  Nero 
and  Domitian  must  have  had  a  most  discouraging  influence. 
But  though  the  Church  had  to  encounter  the  withering 
blasts  of  popular  odium  and  imperial  intolerance,  it  strug- 
gled through  an  ungenial  spring ;  and,  in  almost  every  part 
of  the  Roman  Empire,  it  had  taken  root  and  was  beginning 
to  exhibit  tokens  of  a  steady  and  vigorous  growth  as  early 
as  the  close  of  the  first  century.  The  Acts  and  the  apos-\ 
tolical  epistles  speak  of  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  in  | 
Palestine,  Syria,  Cyprus,  Asia  Minor,  Greece,  Illyricum,  and  ? 
Italy ;  and,  according  to  traditions  which  we  have  no  reason 
to  discredit,  the  way  of  salvation  was  proclaimed,  before 
the  death  of  John,  in  various  other  countries.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  Paul  himself  assisted  in  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Church  in  Spain;  at  an  early  date  there  were 
disciples  in  Gaul ;  and  there  is  good  evidence  that,  before 
the  close  of  the  first  century,  the  new  faith  had  been  planted 
even  on  the  distant  shores  of  Britain.  §  It  is  generally 
admitted  that  Mark  laboured  successfully  as  an  evangelist 
in  Alexandria,  the  metropolis  of  Egypt;  II  and  it  has  been 
conjectured  that  Christians  were  soon  to  be  found  in  "  the 
parts  of  Libya  about  Cyrene,"1[  for  if  Jews  from  that  dis- 
trict were  converted  at  Jerusalem  by  Peter's  famous  sermon 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  they  would  not  fail,  on  their  return 

*  Eev.  iii.  16.  t  Rev.  iii.  2.  %  Rev.  ii.  5. 

§  Claudia,  the  wife  of  Pudens,  supposed  to  be  mentioned  2  Tim.  iv.  21,  i.g 
said  to  have  been  a  Briton  by  birth.  See  Fuller's  "  Church  History  of  Bri- 
tain," vol.  i.  p.  11  ;  Edit.  London,  1837. 

II  Euseb.  ii.  16.  IT  Acts  ii.  10. 


174  PRACTICAL  INFLUENCE  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

home,  to  disseminate  the  j)recious  truths  by  which  they  had 
been  quickened  and  comforted.  On  the  same  grounds  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  gospel  soon  found  its  way  into 
Parthia,  Media,  Persia,  Arabia,  and  Meso^^otamia.'"'  Various 
traditions  t  attest  that  several  of  the  ajDostles  travelled 
eastwards,  after  their  departure  from  the  capital  of 
Palestine. 

Whilst  Christianity,  in  the  face  of  much  obloquy,  was 
gradually  attracting  more  and  more  attention,  it  was  at  the 
same  time  nobly  demonstrating  its  power  as  the  great 
regenerator  of  society.  The  religion  of  pagan  Eome  could 
not  satisfy  the  wants  of  the  soul ;  it  could  neither  improve 
the  heart  nor  invigorate  the  intellect;  and  it  was  now 
rapidly  losing  its  hold  on  the  consciences  of  the  multitude. 
The  high  places  of  idolatrous  worship  often  exercised  a 
most  demoralising  influence,  as  their  rites  were  not  unfre- 
quently  a  wretched  mixture  of  brutality,  levity,  imj)osture, 
and  prostitution.  Philosophy  had  completely  failed  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  man.  The  vices  of  some  of  its 
most  distinguished  professors  were  notorious ;  its  votaries 
were  pretty  generally  regarded  as  a  class  of  scheming  specu- 
lators; and  they  enjoyed  neither  the  confidence  nor  the 
respect  of  the  mass  of  the  people.  But,  even  under  the 
most  unpromising  circumstances,  it  soon  appeared  that 
Christianity  could  accomplish  social  and  spiritual  changes 
of  a  very  extraordinary  character.  The  Church  of  Corinth 
was  perhaps  one  of  the  least  exemplary  of  the  early  Chris- 
tian communities,  and  yet  it  stood  upon  a  moral  eminence 
far  above  the  surrounding  population;  and,  from  the  roll 
of  its  own  membership,  it  could  produce  cases  of  conversion 
to  which  nothing  parallel  could  be  found  in  the  whole 
history  of  heathendom.  Paul  could  say  to  it — "Neither 
fornicators,    nor   idolaters,  nor  adulterers,  nor  effeminate, 

*  Acts  ii.  9,  11. 

+  See  in  Cave's  "  Fathers,"  Bartholomew,  Matthew,  and  Thomas. 


PRACTICAL  INFLUENCE  OF  CHRISTIANITY.  1  75 

nor  abusers  of  themselves  with  mankind,  nor  thieves,  nor 
covetous,  nor  drunkards,  nor  revilers,  nor  extortioners,  shall 
inherit  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  such  ivere  some  of  you:  but 
ye  are  washed,  but  ye  are  sanctified,  but  ye  are  justified  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  by  the  Spirit  of  our  God."'"' 
Nor  was  this  all.  The  gospel  proved  itself  sufficient  to 
meet  the  highest  aspirations  of  man.  It  revealed  to  him  a 
Friend  in  heaven  who  "sticketh  closer  than  a  brother ;"t 
and,  as  it  assured  him  of  eternal  happiness  in  the  enjoyment 
of  fellowship  with  God,  it  imparted  to  him  a  "  peace  that 
passeth  all  understanding."  The  Konian  people  witnessed 
a  new  spectacle  when  they  saw  the  primitive  followers  of 
Christ  expiring  in  the  fires  of  martp'dom.  The  pagans  did 
not  so  value  their  superstitions;  but  here  was  a  religion 
which  was  accounted  "  better  than  life."  Well  then  might 
the  flames  which  illuminated  the  gardens  of  Nero  supply 
some  spiritual  light  to  the  crowds  who  were  present  at  the 
sad  scene;  and,  in  the  indomitable  spirit  of  the  first  suf- 
ferers, well  might  the  thoughtful  citizen  have  recognised  a 
system  which  was  destined  yet  to  subdue  the  world. 

*  1  Cor.  vi.  9-11.  t   Prov.  xviii.  24. 


SECTION  IT. 


THE  LITERATURE  AND  THEOLOGY  OF  THE 
APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  NEW  TESTAMENT,  ITS  HISTORY,  AND  THE  AUTHORITY  OF 

ITS  VARIOUS  PARTS.       THE  EPISTLE  OF  CLEMENT 

OF  ROME. 

The  conduct  of  our  Lord,  as  a  religious  teaclier,  betokened 
that  He  was  something  more  than  man.  Mohammed  dic- 
tated the  Koran,  and  left  it  behind  him  as  a  sacred  book 
for  the  guidance  of  his  followers;  many  others,  who  have 
established  sects,  have  also  founded  a  literature  for  their 
disciples;  but  Jesus  Christ  wrote  nothing.  The  Son  of 
God  was  not  obliged  to  condescend  to  become  His  own 
biographer,  and  thus  to  testify  of  Himself.  He  had  at  His 
disposal  the  hearts  and  the  pens  of  others;  and  He  knew 
that  His  words  and  actions  would  be  accurately  reported 
to  the  latest  generations.  During  His  personal  ministry, 
even  His  apostles  were  only  imperfectly  acquainted  with 
His  theology ;  but,  shortly  before  His  death.  He  gave  them 
an  assurance  that,  in  due  time,  He  would  disclose  to  them 
more  fully  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  great  salvation. 
He  said  to  them — "The  Comforter,   which  is   the   Holy 


THE  GOSPELS.  177 

Ghost,  whom  the  Father  will  send  in  my  name,  he  shall 
teach  you  all  things,  and  bring  all  things  to  your  remem- 
brance, whatsoever  I  have  said  unto  you."""  ....  He  will 
guide  you  into  all  truth."  t 

The  resurrection  poured  a  flood  of  light  into  the  minds 
of  the  apostles,  and  they  forthwith  commenced  with  un- 
wonted boldness  to  proclaim  the  truth  in  all  its  purity  and 
power;  but,  perhaps,  no  part  of  the  evangelical  history  was 
written  until  upwards  of  twenty  years  after  the  death  of 
our  Saviour. J  According  to  tradition,  the  Gospels  of 
Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke,  then  appeared  in  the  order  in 
which  they  are  now  presented  in  our  authorised  version.  § 
It  is  certain  that  all  these  narratives  were  published  several 
years  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in  a.d.  70 ;  and  as  each 
contains  our  Lord's  announcement  of  its  speedy  catastrophe, 
there  is  much  probability  in  the  report,  that  the  exact 
fulfilment  of  so  remarkable  a  prophecy,  led  many  to  ac- 
knowledge the  divine  origin  of  the  Christian  religion.  The 
Gospel  of  John  is  of  a  much  later  date,  and  seems  to  have 
been  written  towards  the  conclusion  of  the  century. 

Two  of  the  evangelists,  Matthew  and  John,  were  apostles ; 
and  the  other  two,  Mark  and  Luke,  appear  to  have  been 
of  the  number  of  the  Seventy.ll     All  w^ere,  therefore,  fully 

*  John  xiv.  26.  t  John  xvi.  13. 

t  See  Irenseus,  "  Adv.  Hseres.,"  iii.  1 ;  and  Euseb.  vi.  14. 

§  It  is  probable  that  these  three  Gospels  were  written  nearly  at  the  same 
time.  When  Luke  wrote,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  of  the  exist- 
ence of  any  other  Gospel.    See  Luke  i.  4. 

II  Origen,  "  Dial,  de  Eecta  in  Deum  Fide,"  sec.  i.  tom.  i.  p.  806  ;  Edit. 
Delai-ue.  Paris,  1733.  See  Whitby's  "Preface  to  Luke."  There  is  good 
reason  to  beheve  that  the  "young  man"  mentioned  Mark  xiv.  51,  52,  was  no 
other  than  Mark  himself  (Davidson's  "  Introduction  to  the  New  Testament," 
i.  139);  and  if  so,  we  have  thus  additional  evidence  that  the  evangelist  had 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  our  Lord's  ministry.  He  has  always  been  reputed 
the  fomider  of  the  Church  of  Alexandria,  and  the  testimony  of  Origen  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  one  of  the  Seventy  is  therefore  of  special  value ;  as  the 
Alexandrian  presbyter  was,  no  doubt,  well  acquainted  with  the  traditions  of 
the  Chm-ch  of  the  Egyptian  metropolis. 

M 


178  THE  GOSPELS. 

competent  to  bear  testimony  to  the  facts  which  they  record, 
for  the  Seventy  had  "companied"  with  the  Twelve  "all 
the  time  that  the  Lord  Jesus  went  in  and  out  among" 
them,'"*  and  all  "  were  from  the  beginning  eye-witnesses  and 
ministers  of  the  word."t  These  writers  mention  many 
miracles  performed  by  Christ,  and  at  least  three  of  the 
Gospels  were  in  general  circulation  whilst  multitudes  were 
still  alive  who  are  described  in  them  as  either  the  spectators 
or  the  subjects  of  His  works  of  wonder;  and  yet,  though 
the  evangelists  often  enter  most  minutely  into  details,  so 
that  their  statements,  if  capable  of  contradiction,  might 
have  been  at  once  challenged  and  exposed,  we  do  not  find 
that  any  attempt  was  meanwhile  made  to  impeach  their 
accuracy.  Their  manner  of  recording  the  acts  of  the  Great 
Teacher  is  characterised  by  remarkable  simplicity,  and  the 
most  acute  reader  in  vain  seeks  to  detect  in  it  the  slightest 
trace  of  concealment  or  exaggeration.  Matthew  artlessly 
confesses  that  he  belonged  to  the  odious  class  of  publicans; J 
Mark  tells  how  Peter,  his  friend  and  companion,  "  began  to 
curse  and  to  swear,"  and  to  declare  that  he  knew  not  the 
Man;§  Luke,  who  was  probably  one  of  the  two  brethren 
who  journeyed  to  Emmaus,  informs  us  how  Jesus  drew 
near  to  them  on  the  way  and  upbraided  them  as  "fools 
and  slow  of  heart  to  believe  all  that  the  prophets  had 
spoken; "II  and  John  honestly  repudiates  the  pretended 
prediction  setting  forth  that  he  himself  was  not  to  die.H 
Each  evangelist  mentions  incidents  unnoticed  by  the  others, 
and  thus  supplies  proof  that  he  is  entitled  to  the  credit 
of  an  original  and  independent  witness.  Matthew  alone 
gives  the  formula  of  baptism  "  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost;"'"'"  Mark  alone 
speaks  of  the  great  amazement  of  the  people  as  they  beheld 

*  Acts  i.  21.  +  Luke  i.  2.  J  Matt.  ix.  9,  x.  3. 

§  Mark  xiv.  71.  II    Luke  xxiv.  2o.  "U  Johu  xxi.  23. 

**  Matt,  xxviii.  1 9. 


THE  ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES.  179 

the  face  of  Christ  on  His  descent  from  the  Mount  of 
Transfiguration;'""  Luke  alone  announces  the  appointment 
of  the  Seventy  ;t  and  John  alone  records  some  of  those 
sublime  discourses  in  which  our  Lord  treats  of  the  doctrine 
of  His  Sonship,  of  the  mission  of  the  Comforter,  and  of  the 
mysterious  union  between  Himself  and  His  people.^  AH 
the  evangelists  direct  our  special  attention  to  the  scene  of 
the  crucifixion.  As  they  proceed  to  describe  it,  they 
obviously  feel  that  they  are  dealing  with  a  transaction  of 
awful  import ;  and  they  accordingly  become  more  impressive 
and  circumstantial.  Their  statements,  when  combined, 
furnish  a  complete  and  consistent  narrative  of  the  sore 
travail,  the  deep  humiliation,  and  the  dying  utterances  of 
the  illustrious  sufierer. 

If  the  appointment  of  the  Seventy  indicated  our  Lord's 
intention  of  sending  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation  to  the 
ends  of  the  earth,  there  Avas  a  peculiar  propriety  in  the 
selection  of  an  individual  of  their  number  as  the  historian 
of  the  earliest  missionary  triumphs.  Whilst  Luke  records 
the  wonderful  success  of  Christianity  amongst  the  Gentiles, 
he  takes  care  to  point  out  the  peculiar  features  of  the  new 
economy;  and  thus  it  is  that  his  narrative  abounds  with 
passages  in  which  the  doctrine,  polity,  and  worship  of  the 
primitive  disciples  are  illustrated  or  explained.  It  is  well  \ 
known  that  the  titles  of  the  several  parts  of  the  New  Testa- ) 
ment  were  prefixed  to  them,  not  by  their  authors,  but  at  aj 
subsequent  period  by  parties  who  had  no  claim  to  inspira- 
tion ;§  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  book  called — "  The  Acts  of 
the  Apostles"  has  not  been  very  correctly  designated.  It 
is  confined  almost  exclusively  to  the  acts  of  Peter  and  Paul, 
and  it  sketches  only  a  portion  of  their  proceedings.  As  its 
narrative  terminates  at  the  end  of  Paul's  second  year's  im- 
prisonment at  Rome,  it  was  probably  written  about  that 

*  Mark  ix.  lo.  f  Luke  x.  1.  i  John  xiv.,  xv.,  xvi.,  xvii. 

§  See  Horue'is  "  Introductiou,"  ii.  173.     Sixth  Eelitiou. 


180  THE  EPISTLES  OF  PAUL. 

period.  Superficial  readers  may  object  to  its  information  as 
curt  and  fragmentary ;  but  the  careful  investigator  will  dis- 
cover that  it  marks  with  great  distinctness  the  most  impor- 
tant stages  in  the  early  development  of  the  Church.*  It 
shews  how  Christianity  spread  rapidly  among  the  Jews 
from  the  day  of  Pentecost  to  the  martyrdom  of  Stephen ; 
it  points  out  how  it  then  took  root  among  the  Gentiles; 
and  it  continues  to  trace  its  dissemination  from  Judea  west- 
wards, until  it  was  firmly  planted  by  the  apostle  of  the 
uncircumcision  in  the  metropolis  of  the  Empire. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  some  of  the  fourteen  epistles 
of  Paul  were  written  before  any  other  portion  of  the  New 
Testament,  for  we  have  already  seenf  that  the  greater 
number  of  them  were  transmitted  to  the  parties  to  whom 
they  are  addressed  during  the  time  over  which  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  extend;  but  though  Luke  makes  no  mention 
of  these  letters,  his  account  of  the  travels  of  their  author 
throws  considerable  light  on  the  question  of  their  chrono- 
logy. Guided  by  statements  which  he  supplies,  and  by 
evidence  contained  in  the  documents  themselves,  w^e  have 
endeavoured  to  point  out  the  order  of  their  composition. 
It  thus  appears  that  they  are  not  placed  chronologically  in 
the  New  Testament.  The  jjresent  arrangement  is,  however, 
of  great  antiquity,  as  it  can  be  traced  up  to  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century; J  and  it  is  made  upon  the  principle 
that  the  Churches  addressed  should  be  classed  according  to 
their  relative  importance.  The  Church  of  Eome  at  an  early 
period  was  recognised  as  the  most  influential  in  existence, 
and  hence  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  stands  at  the  head  of 
the  collection.  The  Church  of  Corinth  seems  to  have  ranked 
next,  and  accordingly  the  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians 
occupy  the  second  place.  Tlie  letters  to  the  Churches  are 
followed  by  those  to  individuals,  that  is,  to  Timothy,  Titus, 

*  See  Baumgai-ten  on  Acts,  vii.,  viii.,  ix.,  xiii. 

t  Period  i.  sec.  i.  chap.  7,  8,  9.  X  Home,  iv.  359. 


THE  EPISTLES  OF  PAUL.  181 

and  Philemon;  and  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the  Epistle 
to  the  Hebrews  is  put  last,  because  it  is  anonymous.  Some 
have  contended  that  this  letter  was  composed  by  Barnabas ; 
others  have  ascribed  it  to  Clement,  or  Luke,  or  Silas,  or 
ApoUos;  but,  though  Paul  has  not  announced  his  name,  the 
external  and  internal  evidences  concsar  to  prove  that  he  was 
its  author.* 

"Every  word  of  God  is  pure,"t  but  the  word  of  man 
is  often  deceitful;  and  nowhere  do  his  fallibility  and 
ignorance  appear  more  conspicuously  than  in  his  appen- 
dages to  Scripture.  Even  the  titles  prefixed  to  the  writ- 
ings of  the  apostles  and  evangelists  are  redolent  of  super- 
stition, for  no  satisfactory  reason  can  be  given  why  the 
designation  of  saint,  J  has  been  bestowed  on  Matthew, 
Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  whilst  it  is  withheld,  not  only  from 
Moses  and  Isaiah,  but  also  from  such  eminently  holy  minis- 
ters as  Timothy  and  Titus.  The  postscripts  to  the  epistles 
of  Paul  have  been  added  by  transcribers,  and  are  also  cal- 
culated to  mislead.  Thus,  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  is 
said  to  have  been  "  written  from  Rome,"  though  it  is  now 
generally  acknowledged  that  Paul  was  not  in  the  capital  of 
the  Empire  until  long  after  that  letter  was  dictated.  The 
first  Epistle  to  Timothy  is  dated  "  from  Laodicea,  which  is 
the  chiefest  city  of  Phrygia  Pacatiana;"  but  it  is  well 
known  that  Phrygia  was  not  divided  into  Phrygia  Prima, 
or  Pacatiana,  and  Phrygia  Secunda  until  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. §  It  is  stated  at  the  end  of  another  epistle  that  it 
was  "written  to  Titus  ordained  the  first  Bishop  of  the 
Church  of  the  Cretians  ;"  but,  as  the  letter  itself  demon- 
strates, Paul  did  not  intend  that  Titus  should  remain  per- 

*  See  "Wordsworth  "  On  the  Canon,"  Lectures  viii.  ix.  t  Prov.  xxx.  5. 

+  This  designation  is  not  foimd  in  the  most  ancient  manuscripts.  Thus, 
in  the  very  ancient  "  Recension  of  the  Four  Gospels  in  Syriac,"  recently  edited 
by  Dr  Cureton,  we  have  simply — "  Gospel  of  Mark" — "  Gospel  of  John,"  &c. 
See  p.  6,  Preface.     See  also  any  ordinary  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament. 

§  Home,  ii.  174, 


182  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  CANON. 

manently  in  Crete,  *  and  it  can  be  sliewn  that,  for  centuries 
afterwards,  such  a  dignitary  as  "  the  Bishop  of  the  Church 
of  the  Cretians"  was  utterly  unknown. 

The  seven  letters  written  by  James,  Peter,  Jude,  and 
John,  are  called  General  or  Catholic  epistles.  The  Epistle 
of  James  was  addressed  "to  the  twelve  tribes  scattered 
abroad"  probably  in  a.d.  61,  and  its  author  survived  its 
publication  perhaps  little  more  than  twelve  months,  t 
Peter,  as  we  have  seen,  appears  to  have  written  his  two 
epistles  only  a  short  time  before  his  martyrdom.  J  The 
Epistle  of  Jude  is  the  production  of  a  later  period,  as  it 
contains  quotations  from  the  Second  Epistle  of  Peter.  § 
The  exact  dates  of  the  Epistles  of  John  cannot  now  be  dis- 
covered, but  they  supply  internal  proof  that  they  must 
have  been  written  towards  the  close  of  the  first  century.  || 

According  to  some,  the  Apocalypse,  or  Revelation  of  John, 
was  drawn  up  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  in 
the  time  of  the  Emperor  Nero ;  but  the  arguments  in  sup- 
port of  so  early  an  origin  are  very  unsatisfactory.  Ancient 
writers  IF  attest  that  it  was  written  in  the  reign  of  Domitian 
towards  the  close  of  the  first  century,  and  the  truth  of  this 
statement  is  estal)lished  by  various  collateral  evidences. 

The  divine  authority  of  the  four  Gospels  and  of  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles  was,  from  their  first  appearance,  universally 
acknowledged  in  the  ancient  Church.''''"  These  books  were 
publicly  read  in  the  religious  assemblies  of  the  primitive 
Christians,  and  were  placed  on  a  level  with  the  Old  Testa- 
ment Scriptures.tt  The  epistles  of  Paul  occupied  an  equally 
honourable  position.|J     In  the  second  and  third  centuries 

*  Titus  iii.  12. 

t  Some,  however,  assign  to  it  a  much  earher  date.  See  Davidson's  "  Introduc- 
tion to  the  New  Testament,"  iii.  320.        J  See  Period  i.  sec.  i.  chap.  10,  p.  158. 

§  See  Wordsworth  "  On  the  Canon,"  p.  273. 

II  See  Davidson's  "Introduction,"  iii.  464,  491. 

U  Irenseus,  v.  30.      Euseb.  iii.  18. 
**  See  Wordsworth  "  On  tlie  Canon,"  p.  157,  160,  249. 
+t  Justin  Martyr,  ap.  i.  67.  4:!:  2  Pet.  iii.  10 


THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  CANON.  183 

tlie  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  was  not,  indeed,  received  among 
tlie  sacred  books  by  the  Church  of  Rome ; '"'  but  at  an 
earlier  period  its  inspiration  was  acknowledged  by  the 
Christians  of  the  great  city,  for  it  is  quoted  as  the  genuine 
work  of  the  Apostle  Paul  by  an  eminent  Roman  pastor  who 
flourished  in  the  first  century.t  The  authority  of  two  of 
the  most  considerable  of  the  Catholic  epistles — the  First 
Epistle  of  Peter  and  the  First  Epistle  of  John — was  never 
questioned ;  J  but,  for  a  time,  there  were  churches  which 
doubted  the  claims  of  the  five  others  to  be  ranked  amongst 
"  the  Scriptures,"  §  The  multitude  of  spurious  writings 
which  were  then  abroad  suggested  to  the  disciples  the 
necessity  of  caution,  and  hence  suspicions  arose  in  certain 
cases  where  they  were  destitute  of  foundation.  But  these 
suspicions,  which  never  seem  to  have  been  entertained  by 
more  than  a  minority  of  the  churches,  gradually  passed 
away;  and  at  length,  towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, the  whole  of  what  are  now  called  the  Catholic  epistles 
were  received,  by  unanimous  consent,  as  inspired  docu- 
ments. |1  The  Apocalypse  was  acknowledged  to  be  a  divine 
revelation  as  soon  as  it  appeared ;  and  its  credit  remained 
unimpeached  until  the  question  of  the  Millennium  began 
to  create  discussion.  Its  authenticity  was  then  challenged 
by  some  of  the  parties  who  took  an  interest  in  the  contro- 
versy; but  it  still  continued  to  be  regarded  as  a  part  of 
Holy  Scripture  by  the  majority  of  Christians,  and  there  is 
no  book  of  the  New  Testament  in  behalf  of  which  a  title  to 

*  Wordsworth  "  On  the  Canon,"  p.  205. 

t  "  The  alhisions  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  are  so  numerous  that  it  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  it  was  wholly  transfused  into  Clement's  mind." — 
Westcott  on  the  Canon,  p.  32.     See  also  Euseb.  iii.  38. 

X  Wordsworth  "  On  the  Canon,"  p.  249. 

§  "  The  word  (ypa^ij)  translated  Scriphire,  which  properly  means  simj^ly  a 
writing,  occurs  fifty  times  in  the  New  Testament ;  and  in  all  these  fifty  places, 
it  is  applied  to  the  writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  and  (o  no  other''' 
—  Wordsworth,  p.  185,  186. 

II  Wordsworth,  p.  240,  250. 


184  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  CANON. 

a,  divine  original  can  be  established  by  more  conclusive  and 
i  ample  evidence/" 

It  thus  appears  that,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  short 
epistles  which  some  hesitated  to  accredit,  the  New  Testa- 
ment, in  the  first  century,  was  acknowledged  as  the  Word 
of  God  by  all  the  Apostolical  Churches.  Its  various  parts 
were  not  then  included  in  a  single  volume ;  and  as  a  con- 
siderable time  must  have  elapsed  before  copies  of  every  one 
of  them  were  universally  disseminated,  it  is  not  to  be 
thought  extraordinary  if  the  appearance  of  a  letter,  several 
years  after  it  was  written,  and  in  quarters  where  it  had 
been  previously  unknown,  awakened  suspicion  or  scepti- 
cism. But  the  slender  objections,  advanced  under  such 
circumstances,  gradually  vanished  before  the  light  of  addi- 
tional evidence;  and  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that  the 
whole  of  the  documents,  now  known  as  the  Scriptures  of 
the  New  Testament,  were  received,  as  parts  of  a  divine 
revelation,  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  early  Chris- 
tians. The  present  division  into  chapters  and  verses  was 
introduced  at  a  period  comparatively  recent ;  t  but  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  stated  portions  of  the  writings  of  the 
apostles  and  evangelists  were  read  by  the  primitive  dis- 
ciples at  their  religious  meetings,  and  that,  for  the  direction 
of  the  reader,  as  well  as  for  the  facility  of  reference,  the 
arrangement  was  soon  notified  in  the  manuscripts  by  cer- 
tain marks  of  distinction.}:  It  is  well  known  that  in  the 
ancient  Churches  persons  of  all  classes  and  conditions  were 
encouraged  and  required  to  apply  themselves  to  the  study 
of  the  sacred  records;  that  even  children  were  made  ac- 

/     *  See  Davidson's  "  Introduction,"  iii.  540-550. 

/  t  See  Home's  "  Introduction,"  ii.  168.  The  author  of  the  present  division 
/  into  chapters  is  said  to  have  been  Hugo  de  Sancto  Caro,  a  learned  writer  who 
j  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  New  Testament 
I  was  fii'st  divided  into  verses  by  Robert  Stephens  in  1551.  The  Geneva  Bible 
I  was  the  first  English  version  of  the  Scriptures  into  which  these  divisions  of 
V  Stephens  were  introduced. 
X  Home,  ii.  169. 


THE  NEW  TESTAMENT  CANON.  185 

quainted  with  the  Scriptures ; '""  and  that  the  private  peru- 
sal of  the  inspired  testimonies  was  considered  an  impor- 
tant means  of  individual  edification.  All  were  invited  and 
stimulated  by  special  promises  to  meditate  upon  the  mys- 
terious, as  well  as  the  plain,  passages  of  the  book  of  Eevela- 
tion.  "  Blessed,"  says  the  Apostle  John,  "  is  he  that  readeth, 
and  tliey  that  hear  the  ivords  of  this  prophecij,  and  keep 
those  things  which  are  written  therein."  t 

o 

The  original  manuscripts  of  the  New  Testament,  which 
must  from  the  first  have  been  accessible  to  comparatively 
few,  have  all  long  since  disappeared;  and  it  is  now  impos- 
sible to  tell  whether  they  were  worn  away  by  the  corroding 
tooth  of  time,  or  destroyed  in  seasons  of  persecution.  Copies 
of  them  were  rapidly  multiplied;  and  though  heathen  ad- 
versaries displayed  no  small  amount  of  malice  and  activity, 
it  was  soon  found  impossible  to  effect  their  annihilation. 
It  was  not  necessary  that  the  apostolic  autographs|  should 
be  preserved  for  ever,  as  the  records,  when  transcribed,  still 
retained  the  best  and  clearest  proofs  of  their  inspiration. 
They  did  not  require  even  the  imprimatur  of  the  Church, 
for  they  exhibited  in  every  page  the  stamp  of  divinity;  and 
as  soon  as  they  were  published,  they  commended  themselves 
by  the  internal  tokens  of  their  heavenly  lineage  to  the 
acceptance  of  the  faithful.  "  The  Word  of  God  is  quick 
and  powerful,"  and  every  one  who  peruses  the  New  Testa- 
ment in  a  right  spirit  must  feel  that  it  has  emanated  from 
the  Searcher  of  hearts.  It  speaks  to  the  conscience;  it  has 
all  the  simplicity  and  majesty  of  a  divine  communication; 
it  enlightens  the  understanding;  and  it  converts  the  soul. 
No  mere  man  could  have  invented  such  a  character  as  the 
Saviour  it  reveals;  no  mere  man  could  have  contrived  such 
a  system  of  mercy  as  that  which  it  announces.     The  New 

*  John  V.  39  ;  2  Tim.  iii.  15.  t  Rev.  i.  3.     See  also  2  Peter  i.  19. 

X  Paul's  epistles  were  often  written  with  the  hand  of  another.  See  Rom. 
xvi.  22  ;  2  Thess.  iii.  17. 


186  THE  EPISTLE  OF  CLEMENT. 

Testament  is  always  on  the  side  of  whatsoever  is  just,  and 
honest,  and  lovely,  and  of  good  report ;  it  glorifies  God ;  it 
alarms  the  sinner ;  it  comforts  the  saint.  "  The  words  of 
the  Lord  are  pure  words,  as  silver  tried  in  a  furnace  of 
earth  purified  seven  times,"  '"* 

The  excellence  of  the  New  Testament  is  displayed  to 
singular  advantage  wdien  contrasted  with  those  uninspired 
productions  of  nearly  the  same  date  which  emanated  from 
the  companions  of  the  apostles.  The  only  genuine  docu- 
ment of  this  nature  which  has  come  down  to  us,  and 
which  appeared  in  the  first  century,t  is  an  epistle  to 
the  Corinthians.  It  was  prepared  immediately  after  the 
Domitian  persecution,  or  about  a.T).  9  6, J  with  a  view 
to  heal  certain  divisions  which  had  sprung  up  in  the 
religious  community  to  which  it  is  addressed;  and,  though 
written  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  it  is  the  composition  of  Clement,  who 
was  then  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  presbytery.  The  advice 
which  it  administers  is  most  judicious  ;  and  the  whole 
letter  breathes  the  peaceful  spirit  of  a  devoted  Christian 
pastor.  But  it  contains  passages  which  furnish  conclusive 
evidence  that  it  has  no  claims  whatever  to  inspiration;  and 
its  illustration  of  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  is  in  itself 
more  than  sufiicient  to  demonstrate  that  it  could  not  have 
been  dictated  under  any  supernatural  guidance.  "  There 
is,"  says  Clement,§  "  a  certain  bird  called  the  phoenix.  Of 
this  there  is  never  but  one  at  a  time,  and  that  lives  five 
hundred  years :  and  when  the  time  of  its  dissolution  draws 

*  Ps.  sii.  6. 

t  The  epistle  to  Diognetiis  may  have  been  ■written  in  the  first  century,  but 
it  is  commonly  referred  to  a  later  date. 

J  He  speaks  of  the  Church  of  Corinth  at  the  time  as  "  most  ancient " 
(§  47),  and  refers  apparently  to  the  Domitian  persecution.  See  Euseb.  iii. 
lo,  16. 

§  Tei-tuUian  also  illustrates  the  resurrection  by  the  story  of  the  phoenix 
"  De  Eesurrec.  Carn."  c.  13. 


THE  EPISTLE  OF  CLEMENT.  187 

near  tliat  it  must  die,  it  makes  itself  a  nest  of  frankincense, 
and  myrrh,  and  other  spices,  into  which,  when  its  time  is 
fulfilled,  it  enters  and  dies.  But  its  flesh  putrefying  breeds 
a  certain  worm  which,  being  nourished  with  the  juice  of 
the  dead  bird,  brings  forth  feathers ;  and  when  it  is  grown 
to  a  perfect  state,  it  takes  up  the  nest  in  which  the  bones 
of  its  parent  are,  and  carries  it  from  Arabia  into  Egjrpt  to 
a  city  called  Heliopolis;  and  flying  in  open  day,  in  the 
sight  of  all  men,  lays  it  upon  the  altar  of  the  Sun,  and  so 
returns  from  whence  it  came.  The  priests  then  search  into 
the  records  of  the  time,  and  find  that  it  returned  precisely 
at  the  end  of  five  hundred  years."  * 

In  point  of  education  the  authors  of  the  New  Testament 
did  not  generally  enjoy  higher  advantages  than  Clement; 
and  yet,  writing  "  as  they  w^ere  moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost," 
they  Avere  prevented  from  giving  currency,  even  in  a  single 
instance,  to  such  a  story  as  this  fable  of  the  phoenix.  All 
their  statements  will  be  found  to  be  true,  whether  tried  by 
the  standard  of  mental  or  of  moral  science,  of  geography, 
or  of  natural  history.  The  theology  which  they  teach  is  at 
once  sound  and  genial ;  and  those  by  whom  it  is  appre- 
ciated can  testify  that  whilst  it  invigorates  and  elevates  the 
intellect,  it  also  pacifies  the  conscience  and  purifies  the 
heart. 

*  Clement's  "  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,"  §  25.  The  fragment  of  the  second 
epistle  is  not  generally  considered  genuine. 


CHAPTER  11. 

THE  DOCTRINE  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH 

The  same  system  of  doctrine  is  inculcated  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  sacred  volume.  Though  upwards  of  fifteen 
hundred  years  elapsed  between  the  commencement  and  the 
completion  of  the  canon  of  Scripture;  though  its  authors 
were  variously  educated ;  though  they  were  distinguished, 
as  well  by  their  tastes,  as  by  their  temperaments;  and 
though  they  lived  in  different  countries  and  in  different 
ages ;  all  the  parts  of  the  volume  called  the  Bible  exhibit 
the  clearest  indications  of  unity  of  design.  Each  writer 
testifies  to  the  "  one  faith,"  and  each  contributes  something 
to  its  illustration.  Thus  it  is  that,  even  at  the  present  day, 
every  book  in  the  canon  is  "  good  to  the  use  of  edifying." 
The  announcements  made  to  our  first  parents  will  continue 
to  impart  spiritual  refreshment  to  their  posterity  of  the 
latest  generations ;  and  the  believer  can  now  give  utterance 
to  his  devotional  feelings  in  the  language  of  the  Psalms,  as 
appropriately  as  could  the  worshipper  of  old,  when  sur- 
rounded by  all  the  types  and  shadows  of  the  Levitical 
ceremonial. 

The  Old  Testament  is  related  to  the  New  as  the  dawn 
to  the  day,  or  the  prophecy  to  its  accomplishment.  Jesus 
appeared  merely  to  consummate  the  Redemption  which 
"  the  promises  made  to  the  fathers"  had  announced.  "  Think 
not,"  said  he,  "  that  I  am  come  to  destroy  the  law  or  the 


JESUS  THE  CHRIST.  189 

prophets,  I  am  not  come  to  destroy  but  to  fulfil/'*  The 
mission  of  our  Lord  explained  many  things  which  had  long 
remained  mysterious ;  and,  in  allusion  to  the  great  amount 
of  fresh  information  thus  communicated,  He  is  said  to  have 
"  brought  life  and  immortality  to  light  through  the 
gospel."  t 

When  the  apostles  first  became  disciples  of  the  Son 
of  Mary,  their  views  were  certainly  very  indefinite  and 
circumscribed.  Acting  under  the  influence  of  strong  at- 
tachment to  the  Wonderful  Personage  who  exhibited  such 
wisdom  and  performed  so  many  mighty  works,  they 
promptly  obeyed  the  invitation  to  come  and  follow  Him; 
and  yet  when  required  to  tell  who  was  this  Great  Teacher  to 
whom  they  were  attached  by  the  charm  of  such  a  holy  yet 
mysterious  fascination,  they  could  do  little  more  than 
declare  their  conviction  that  Jesus  Avas  the  Christ.  J  They 
knew,  indeed,  that  the  Messiah,  or  the  Great  Prophet,  was  to 
be  a  Eedeemer,  and  a  King ;  §  but  they  did  not  understand, 
how  their  lowly  Master  was  to  establish  His  title  to  such 
high  offices.  ||  Though  they  "  looked  for  redemption,"  and 
"  waited  for  the  kingdom  of  God,"  H  there  was  much  that 
was  vague,  as  well  as  much  that  was  visionary,  in  their 
notions  of  the  Eedemption  and  the  Kingdom.  We  may 
well  suppose  that  the  views  of  the  multitude  were  still 
less  correct  and  perspicuous.  Some,  j)erhaps,  expected  that 
Christ,  as  a  prophet,  Avould  decide  the  ecclesiastical  contro- 
versies of  the  age ;  **  others,  probably,  anticipated  that,  as  a 
Eedeemer,  he  would  deliver  His  countrymen  from  Eoman 
domination ;  ft  w^hilst  others  again  cherished  the  hope  that, 
as  a  King,  he  would  erect  in  Judea  a  mighty  monarchy.  JJ 
The  expectation  that  he  would  assert  the  possession  of 

*  Matt.  V.  17.  t  2  Tim.  i.  10.  J  Matt.  xvi.  16 ;  John  i.  41. 

§   Luke  xxiv.  19,  21 ;  John  i.  49.  ||  Matt.  xvi.  21,  22 ;  John  xii.  34. 

il  Mark  xv.  4.3 ;  Luke  ii.  38.  **  John  iv.  20-25. 

ft  John  xix.  12.         IJ  Matt.  ii.  2,  3,  xx.  21 ;  John  vi.  15. 


190  GRADUAL  ENLIGHTENMENT  OF  THE  APOSTLES. 

temporal  dominion  was  long  entertained  even  by  those  who 
had  been  taught  to  regard  Him  as  a  spiritual  Saviour.  * 

During  the  interval  between  the  resurrection  and  ascen- 
sion, the  apostles  profited  greatly  by  the  teaching  of  our 
Lord.  "Then  opened  He  their  understanding  that  they 
might  understand  the  Scriptures,"  t  shewing  that  all  things 
were  "  fulfilled  which  were  written  in  the  law  of  Moses,  and 
in  the  Prophets,  and  in  the  Psalms  "J  concerning  Him. 
The  true  nature  of  Christ's  Kingdom  was  now  fully  dis- 
closed to  them;  they  saw  that  the  history  of  Jesus  was 
embodied  in  the  ancient  predictions;  and  thus  their  ideas 
were  brought  into  harmony  with  the  revelations  of  the 
Old  Testament.  On  the  day  of  Pentecost  they,  doubt- 
less, received  additional  illumination;  and  thus,  maturely 
qualified  for  the  duties  of  their  apostleship,  they  began  to 
publish  the  great  salvation.  Even  afterwards,  their  know- 
ledge continued  to  expand  ;  for  they  had  yet  to  be  taught 
that  the  Gentiles  also  were  heirs  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven ;  §  that  uncircumcised  believers  were  to  be  admitted 
to  all  the  privileges  of  ecclesiastical  fellowship;  ||  and  that 
the  ceremonial  law  had  ceased  to  be  obligatory.  H 

We  do  not  require,  however,  to  trace  the  progress  of 
enlightenment  in  the  minds  of  the  original  heralds  of  the 
gospel,  that  we  may  ascertain  the  doctrine  of  the  Apostolic 
Church;  for  in  the  New  Testament  we  have  a  complete 
and  unerring  exposition  of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  saints. 
We  have  seen  that,  with  a  few  comparatively  trivial  excep- 
tions, all  the  documents  dictated  by  the  apostles  and  evan- 
gelists were  at  once  recognised  as  inspired,  **  so  that  in  them, 
combined  with  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  we  have  a  perfect 
ecclesiastical  statute-book.  The  doctrine  set  forth  in  the 
New  Testament  was  cordially  embraced  in  the  first  century 

*  Acts  i.  G.  t  Luke  xxiv.  45.  J  Luke  xxiv.  44. 

§  Acts  X.  34,  35.  II  Acts  xi.  3,  17.  "Ti   Heb.  x.  1,  14,  18. 

**  Pei'iod  i.  sec.  ii.  chap.  1. 


THE  WRITTEN  WOED.  191 

by  all  genuine  believers.  And  it  cannot  be  too  emphatically 
inculcated  that  the  written  Word  was  of  paramount  autho- 
rity among  the  primitive  Christians.  The  Israelites  had 
traditions  which  they  professed  to  have  received  from  Moses ; 
but  our  Lord  repudiated  these  fables,  and  asserted  the 
supremacy  of  the  book  of  inspiration.*  In  His  own  dis- 
courses He  honoured  the  Scriptures  by  continually  quoting 
from  them ;  t  and  He  commanded  the  Jews  to  refer  to  them 
as  the  only  sure  arbiters  of  his  pretensions.  \  The  apostles 
foUowed  His  example.  More  than  one-half  of  the  sermon 
preached  by  Peter  on  the  day  of  Pentecost  consisted  of 
passages  selected  from  the  Old  Testament.  §  The  Scriptures, 
too,  incidcate,  not  only  their  claims  as  standards  of  ulti- 
mate appeal,  but  also  their  sufficiency  to  meet  all  the  wants 
of  the  faithful ;  for  they  are  said  to  be  "  able  to  make  wise 
unto  salvation,"  1|  and  to  be  "  profitable  for  doctrine,  for 
reproof,  for  correction,  for  instruction  in  righteousness,  that 
the  man  of  God  may  be  perfect,  thorougidy  fujrnislied  unto 
all  good  ivories."  II  The  sacred  records  teach,  with  equal 
clearness,  their  own  plenary  inspiration.  Each  writer  has 
his  peculiarities  of  style,  and  yet  each  uses  language  which 
the  Holy  Spirit  dictates.  In  the  New  Testament  a  single 
word  is  more  than  once  made  the  basis  of  an  argument ; ''"'" 
and  doctrines  are  repeatedly  established  by  a  critical  exami- 
nation of  particular  forms  of  expression,  ft  When  state- 
ments advanced  by  Moses,  or  David,  or  Isaiah,  are  adduced, 
they  are  often  23refaced  with  the  intimation  that  thus  "the 
Holy  Ghost  saith,"  \\  or  thus  "  it  is  spoken  of  the  Lord."§§ 
The  apostles  plainly  aver  that  they  employ  language  of 
infallible  authority.     "  We  speak,"  says  Paul,  "  in  the  ivords 

*  Mark  vii.  7-9.  t  Matt.  iv.  1-10,  xii.  3,  5,  7 ;  Mark  xii.  26. 

+  John  V.  39.  §  Acts  ii.  14-36. 

II  2  Tim.  iii.  15.  IT   2  Tim.  iii.  16,  17. 

**  Matt.  xxii.  43,  45  ;  Gal.  iii.  16  ;  IleU  ii.  8,  11. 

tt  John  X.  34,  35  ;  Heb,  viii.  13.  Xt  Acta  xxviii.  25  ;  Hul).  iii.  7. 

§§  Heb.  i.  1,  2 ;  Matt.  i.  22,  ii.  15. 


192  FAITH  IN  CHRIST. 

which  the  Holy  Ghost  teacheth," ''"  "  All  Scripture  is  given 
by  inspiration  of  God."  t 

It  is  of  unutterable  importance  that  the  Scriptures  are 
the  very  word  of  the  Lord,  for  they  relate  to  our  highest 
interests,  and  were  they  of  less  authority,  they  could  not 
command  our  entire  confidence.  The  momentous  truths 
which  they  reveal  are  in  every  way  worthy  to  be  recorded 
in  memorials  given  by  inspiration  of  God.  Under  the 
ancient  economy  the  sinner  was  assured  of  a  Kedeemer;J 
and  intimations  were  not  wanting  that  his  deliverance 
would  be  wrought  out  in  a  way  which  would  excite  the 
wonder  of  the  whole  intelligent  creation  ;§  but  the  New 
Testament  uplifts  the  veil,  and  sheds  a  glorious  radiance 
over  the  revelation  of  mercy.  According  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  Apostolic  Church  the  human  race  are  at  once  "guilty 
before  God,"  ||  and  "  dead  in  trespasses  and  sins;"  ^  and  as 
Christ  in  the  days  of  His  flesh  called  forth  Lazarus  from  the 
tomb,  and  made  him  a  monument  of  His  wonder-working 
power,  so  by  His  word  He  still  awakens  dead  sinners  and 
calls  them  with  an  holy  calling,  that  they  may  be  trophies 
of  His  grace  throughout  all  eternity.  And  as  the  restora- 
tion of  hearing  is  an  evidence  of  the  restoration  of  life,  so 
the  reception  of  the  word  by  faith  is  a  sure  token  of  spiritual 
vitality.  "  He  that  heareth  my  tvord,"  said  Christ,  "  and 
believeth  on  Him  that  sent  me,  hath  everlasting  life,  and 
shall  not  come  into  condemnation,  but  is  passed  f7'om  death 
unto  life!' '""''' 

Faith  is  to  the  soul  of  the  believer  what  the  living  organs 
are  to  his  body.  It  is  the  ear,  the  eye,  the  hand,  and  the 
palate  of  the  spiritual  man.  By  faith  he  hears  the  voice  of 
the  Son  of  God ;  tt  by  faith  he  sees  Him  who  is  invisible ;  J| 

*  1  Cor.  ii.  13.  +  2  Tim.  iii.  16. 

X  Gen.  iii.  15 ;  Ps.  cxxx.  7, 8 ;  Dan.  ix.  24.         §  Ps.  xcviii.  1-4  ;  Isa.  ix.  6. 

II  Worn.  iii.  19.  tl  Eph.  ii.  1.  **  John  v.  24. 

tt  Rev.  iii.  20.  J  J  Heb  xi.  27. 


THE  GOSPEL  SYSTEM.  193 

by  faith  lie  looks  unto  Jesus ;  *  by  faith  he  lays  hold  upon 
the  Hope  set  before  him ;  f  and  by  faith  he  tastes  that  the 
Lord  is  gracious.  J  All  the  promises  are  addressed  to  faith ; 
and  by  faith  they  are  appropriated  and  enjoyed.  By  faith 
the  believer  is  pardoned,  §  sanctified,  ||  sustained,  IF  and 
comforted.  **  Faith  is  the  substance  of  things  hoped  for, 
the  evidence  of  things  not  seen ;  ft  for  it  enables  us  to 
anticipate  the  happiness  of  heaven,  and  to  realize  the 
truth  of  God. 

The  word  of  the  Lord  is  to  the  faith  of  the  Christian 
what  the  material  world  is  to  his  bodily  senses.  As  the 
eye  gazes  with  delight  on  the  magnificent  scenery  of  crea- 
tion, the  eye  of  faith  contemplates  with  joy  unspeakable  the 
exceedingly  great  and  precious  promises.  And  as  the  eye 
can  look  with  pleasure  only  on  those  objects  which  it  sees, 
faith  can  rest  with  satisfaction  only  on  those  things  which 
are  written  in  the  book  of  God's  testimony.  It  has  been 
"  written  that  we  might  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the 
Son  of  God ;  and  that  believing  we  might  have  life  through 
his  name."  JJ 

The  Scriptures  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  storehouse  of 
facts,  promises,  and  precepts,  without  relation  or  depend- 
ency; but  a  volume  in  which  may  be  found  a  collection 
of  glorious  truths,  all  forming  one  great  and  well-balanced 
system.  Every  part  of  revelation  refers  to  the  Redeemer; 
and  His  earthly  history  is  the  key  by  means  of  which  its 
various  announcements  may  be  illustrated  and  harmonized. 
In  the  theology  of  the  New  Testament  Christ  is  indeed  the 
"All  in  all."  In  addition  to  many  other  illustrious  titles 
which  He  bears,  He  is  represented  as  "  the  Lamb  of  God 
which  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,"  §§  "  the  End  of 
the  Law  for  righteousness  to  every  one  that  believe th,"  |||| 

*  Heb.  xii.  2.  +  Heb.  vi.  18.  J  1  Pet.  ii.  3. 

§  Eom.  V.  1.  II  Acts  XV.  9.  11  John  v.  4. 

**  Rom.  V.  2.  ft  Heb.  xi.  1.  XX  John  xx.  31. 

§§  John  i.  29.  1|||  Rom.  x.  4. 

N 


194  THE  DEITY  OF  CHRIST. 

"  the  Head  of  tlie  Church," '"  the  "  King  of  kings,"t  and 
"  the  Hope  of  glory."  J  During  His  public  ministry  He 
performed  miracles  such  as  had  been  previously  understood 
to  mark  the  peculiar  energy  of  Omnipotence  ;  for  He 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  blind ;  §  He  walked  upon  the  waves 
of  the  sea;  II  He  made  the  storm  a  calm;1[  and  He 
declared  to  man  what  was  his  thought.'"""'  In  His  capacity 
of  Saviour  He  exercises  attributes  which  are  essentially 
divine;  as  He  redeems  from  all  iniquity,tt  and  pardons 
sin,|J  and  sanctifies  the  Church, §§  and  opens  the  heart, |||| 
and  searches  the  reins.HH  Had  Jesus  of  Nazareth  failed 
to  assert  His  divine  dignity,  the  credentials  of  His  mission 
would  have  been  incomplete,  for  the  Messiah  of  the  Old 
Testament  is  no  other  than  the  Monarch  of  the  universe. 
Nothing  can  be  more  obvious  than  that  the  ancient  jorophets 
invest  Him  with  the  various  titles  and  attributes  of  Deity. 
He  is  called  "the  Lord,"'"'  " Jehovah," t  and  "God;"| 
He  is  represented  as  the  object  of  worship ;§  He  is  set 
forth  as  the  King's  Son  who  shall  daily  be  praised  ;||  and 
He  is  exhibited  as  an  Almighty  and  Eternal  Friend  in  whom 
all  that  put  their  trust  are  blessed.lf 

During  the  public  ministry  of  our  Lord  the  Twelve 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  altogether  ignorant  of  His  ex- 
alted dignity;'"'"*  and  yet  the  most  decisive  attestations  to 
His  Godhead  do  not  occur  until  after  His  resurrection. ft 

*  Eph.  V.  23.  +  Rev.  xvii.  14.  %  Col.  i.  27. 
§  Ps.  cxlvi.  8,  compared  with  Joliii  ix.  32,  33. 

II  Job  ix.  8,  compared  with  Matt.  xiv.  25. 

IT  Ps.  cvii.  29,  compared  with  Luke  viii.  24. 
**  Amos  iv.  13,  compared  with  Matt.  xii.  25,  and  John  ii.  24,  25. 
ft  Tit.  ii.  14.  XX  Mark  ii.  5-10.  §§  Eph.  v.  26. 

nil  Acts  xvi.  14  ;  Luke  xxiv.  45.  ^TT  Rev.  ii.  23. 

*  Mai.  iii.  i. 

t  Lsa.  xl.  3,  and  vi.  1,  compared  with  John  xii.  38-41. 

%  lsa.  xl.  3,  9  ;  Ps.  xlv.  6.  §  Ps.  ii.  12.  ||  Ps.  Ixxii.  15. 

IF  Ps.  ii.  12,  compared  with  Ps.  cxlvi.  3,  5,  and  lsa.  xxvi.  4. 
**  John  i.  49  ;  Matt.  xvi.  16,  17. 
tt  Such  as  John  xx.  28,  xxi.  17. 


THE  DEITY  OF  CHRIST.  195 

When  the  apostles  surveyed  the  humble  individual  with 
whom  they  were  in  daily  intercourse,  it  is  not  extraordinary 
that  their  faith  faltered,  and  that  their  powers  of  apprehen- 
sion failed,  as  they  pondered  the  prophecies  relating  to  His 
advent.  When  they  attempted  closely  to  grapple  with  the 
amazing  truths  there  presented  to  their  contemplation,  and 
thought  of  "  the  Word  made  flesh,"  w^ell  might  they  be 
overwhelmed  with  a  feeling  of  giddy  and  dubious  wonder. 
Even  after  the  resurrection  had  illustrated  so  marvellously 
the  announcements  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  disciples  still 
continued  to  regard  them  with  a  species  of  bewilderment; 
and  our  Saviour  himself  found  it  necessary  to  point  out  in 
detail  their  meaning  and  their  fulfilment.  "  Beginning  at 
Moses  and  all  the  prophets  he  expounded  to  them  in  all  the 
ScrijDtures  the  things  concerning  himself."  '"'  The  whole 
truth  as  to  the  glory  of  His  person  now  flashed  upon  their 
minds,  and  henceforth  they  do  not  scruple  to  apjDly  to  Him 
all  the  lofty  titles  bestowed  of  old  on  the  Messiah.  The 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  say  expressly  that  "  Jesus  is 
the  Lord,"  t  and  "  God  blessed  for  ever  ; "  |  they  describe 
believers  as  trusting  in  Him,§  as  serving  Him,||  and  as  call- 
ing upon  His  name ; "  H  and  they  tell  of  saints  and  angels 
uniting  in  the  celebration  of  His  praise.**  Such  testimonies 
leave  no  doubt  as  to  their  ideas  of  His  dignity. 

Divine  incarnations  were  recognised  in  the  heathen 
mythology,  so  that  the  Gentiles  could  not  well  object  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  assumption  of  our  nature  by  the  Son  of 
God;  but  Christianity  asserts  its  immense  suj)eriority  to 
paganism  in  its  account  of  the  design   of   the   union  of 

*  Luke  xxiv.  27.  t  1  Cor.  xii.  3.  t  Rom.  ix.  5 

§  Eph.  i.  12,  13  ;  Matt.  xii.  21.  ||  Col.  iii.  24. 

T  Acts  ix.  14  ;  1  Cor.  i.  2. 

**  Eev.  V.  11-13.  Thougli  modern  criticism  has  shaken  the  credit  of  some 
passages  usually  quoted  in  support  of  the  Deity  of  Christ,  such  as  1  Tim.  iii. 
16,  it  is  remarkable  that  it  has  discovered  others  equally  strong  not  now  in 
the  received  text.     See  Lachmann's  text  of  Col.  ii.  2,  and  1  Pet.  iii.  15. 


196  THE  ATONEMENT. 

liumanity  and  Deity  in  tlie  person  of  tlie  Eedeemer. 
According  to  tlie  poets  of  Greece  and  Kome,  tlie  gods  often 
adopted  material  forms  for  tlie  vilest  of  purposes ;  but  tlie 
Lord  of  glory  was  made  partaker  of  our  flesli  and  blood,'"' 
that  He  might  satisfy  the  claims  of  eternal  justice,  and 
purchase  for  us  a  happy  and  immortal  inheritance.  In  the 
cross  of  Christ  sin  appears  "  exceedingly  sinful,"  and  the 
divine  law  has  been  more  signally  honoured  by  His  suffer- 
ings than  if  all  men  of  all  generations  had  for  ever  groaned 
under  its  chastisements.  The  Jewish  ritual  must  have 
made  the  apostles  perfectly  familiar  with  the  doctrine  of 
atonement ;  but  they  were  "  slow  of  heart  to  believe  "  that 
their  Master  was  Himself  the  Mighty  Sacrifice  represented 
in  the  t}^3es  of  the  Mosaic  ceremoniaLf  The  evangelist 
informs  us  that  He  expounded  this  subject  after  His  resur- 
rection, shewing  them  that  "  thus  it  behoved  Christ  to 
suffer."  J  Still,  the  crucifixion  of  the  Saviour  was  to  mul- 
titudes a  "  rock  of  offence."  The  ambitious  Israelite,  who 
expected  that  the  Messiah  would  go  forth  conquering  and 
to  conquer,  and  that  He  would  make  Palestine  the  seat  of 
universal  empire,  could  not  brook  the  thought  that  the 
Great  Deliverer  was  to  die ;  and  the  learned  Greek,  who 
looked  upon  all  religion  with  no  little  scepticism,  was  pre- 
pared to  ridicule  the  idea  of  the  burial  of  the  Son  of  God ; 
but  the  very  circumstance  which  awakened  such  prejudices, 
suggested  to  those  possessed  of  spiritual  discernment  dis- 
coveries of  stupendous  grandeur.  Justice  demands  the 
punishment  of  transgressors;  mercy  pleads  for  their  for- 
giveness :  holiness  requires  the  execution  of  God's  thi^eaten- 
ings;  goodness  insists  on  the  fulfilment  of  His  promises: 
and  aU  these  attributes  are  harmonized  in  the  doctrine  of  a 
Saviour  sacrificed.  God  is  "  just,  and  the  justifier  of  him 
which  believeth  in  Jesus."  §     The  Son  of  Man  "  by  his  own 

*  Heb.  ii.  14.  +  Matt.  xvi.  22. 

t  Luke  xxiv.  46.  §  Eom.  iii.  26. 


PREDESTINATION  AND  THE  TRINITY.  197 

blood  obtained  eternal  redemption"*  for  His  Church;  "  mercy 
and  truth  meet  together  "  in  His  expiation ;  and  His  death 
is  thus  the  central  point  to  which  tlie  eye  of  faith  is  now- 
directed.  Hence  Paul  says — "  We  preach  Christ  crucified, 
unto  the  Jews  a  stumbling-block,  and  unto  the  Greeks  fool- 
ishness; but  imto  them  which  are  called,  both  Jews  and 
Greeks,  Christ,  the  power  of  God,  and  the  wisdom  of 
God."  t 

The  doctrine  of  the  Apostolic  Church  is  simple  and  con- 
sistent, as  well  as  spiritual  and  sublime.  The  way  of 
redemption  it  discloses  is  not  an  extempore  provision  of 
Supreme  benevolence  called  forth  by  an  unforeseen  con- 
tingency, but  a  plan  devised  from  eternity,  and  fitted  to 
display  all  the  divine  perfections  in  most  impressive  com- 
bination. AVhilst  it  recognises  the  voluntary  agency  of 
man,  it  upholds  the  sovereignty  of  God.  Jehovah  gra- 
ciously secures  the  salvation  of  every  heir  of  the  promises 
by  both  contriving  and  carrying  out  all  the  arrangements 
of  the  "  well  ordered  covenant."  His  Spirit  quickens  the 
dead  soul,  and  works  in  us  "  to  will  and  to  do  of  His  good 
pleasure."  J  "  The  Father  hath  chosen  us  in  Christ  before 
the  foundation  of  the  world,  that  we  should  be  holy  and 
without  blame  before  him  in  love ;  having  predestinated  us 
unto  the  adoption  of  children  by  Jesus  Christ  to  himself, 
according  to  the  good  pleasure  of  his  will,  to  the  praise  of 
the  glory  of  his  grace,  wherein  he  hath  made  us  accepted  in 
the  Beloved."  § 

The  theological  term  Trinity  was  not  in  use  in  the  days 
of  the  apostles,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  the  doctrine  now 
so  designated  was  then  unknown ;  for  the  New  Testament 
clearly  indicates  that  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost  exist  in  the  unity  of  the  Godhead.  ||  Neither  can  it 
be  inferred  from  the  absence  of  any  fixed  formula  of  doc- 

*  Heb.  ix.  12.  t  1  Cor.  i.  24.  t  Phil.  ii.  13. 

§  Eph.  i.  4-6.  II  Matt,  xxviii.  19  ;  John  x.  30,  xv.  26. 


198  BLESSEDNESS  OF  THE  RIGHTEOUS. 

trine  that  the  early  followers  of  our  Lord  did  not  all  pro- 
fess the  same  sentiments,  for  they  had  "  one  Lord,  one 
faith,  one  baptism." '"'  The  document  commonly  called 
"  the  Apostles'  Creed  "  is  certainly  of  very  great  antiquity, 
but  no  part  of  it  proceeded  from  those  to  whom  it  is  attri- 
buted by  its  title ;  t  and  its  rather  bald  and  dry  detail  of 
facts  and  principles  obviously  betokens  a  decline  from  the 
simple  and  earnest  spirit  of  primitive  Christianity.  Though 
the  early  converts,  before  baptism,  made  a  declaration  of 
their  faith,J  there  is  in  the  sacred  volume  no  authorised 
summary  of  doctrinal  belief ;  and  in  this  fact  we  have  a 
proof  of  the  far-seeing  wisdom  by  which  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  dictated;  as  heresy  is  ever  changing  its  features, 
and  a  test  of  orthodoxy,  suited  to  the  wants  of  one  age, 
would  not  exclude  the  errorists  of  another.  It  has  been 
left  to  the  existing  rulers  of  the  Church  to  frame  such  eccle- 
siastical symbols  as  circumstances  require ;  and  it  is  a 
striking  evidence  of  the  perfection  of  the  Bible  that  it  has 
been  found  capal  )le  of  furnishing  an  antidote  to  every  form 
of  heterodoxy  which  has  ever  appeared. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Apostolic 
Church  is  eminently  practical.  The  great  object  of  the 
mission  of  Jesus  was  to  "  save  His  people  from  their  sins;"§ 
and  the  tendency  of  all  the  teachings  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  to  promote  sanctification.  But  the  holiness  of  the 
gospel  is  not  a  shy  asceticism  which  sits  in  a  cloister  in  moody 
melancholy,  so  that  its  light  never  shines-  before  men ;  but 
a  generous  consecration  of  the  heart  to  God,  which  leads  us 
to  confess  Christ  in  the  presence  of  gainsayers,  and  which 
prompts  us  to  delight  in  works  of  benevolence.  The  true 
Christian  should  be  happy  as  well  as  holy ;  for  the  know- 
ledge of  the  highest  truth  is  connected  with  the  purest 
enjoyment.     This  "  wisdom  is  better  than  rubies,  and  all 

*  Eph.  iv.  5.  f  See  Bingham,  iii.  323-327. 

t  Acts  viii.  37  ;  1  Pet.  iii.  21.  §  Matt.  i.  21. 


BLESSEDNESS  OF  THE  RIGHTEOUS.  199 

the  tilings  that  may  be  desired  are  not  to  be  compared  to 
it/'*  The  Apostle  Paul,  when  a  prisoner  at  Eome,  had 
comforts  to  which  Nero  was  an  utter  stranger.  Even  then 
he  could  say — "  I  have  learned  in  whatsoever  state  I  am 
therewith  to  be  content.  I  know  both  how  to  be  abased, 
and  I  know  how  to  abound ;  everywhere  and  in  all  things 
I  am  instructed  both  to  be  full  and  to  be  hungry,  both  to 
abound  and  to  suffer  need.  I  can  do  all  things  through 
Christ  which  strengtheneth  me."t  When  all  around  the 
believer  may  be  dark  and  discouraging,  there  may  be  sun- 
shine in  his  soul.  There  are  no  joys  comparable  to  the 
joys  of  a  Christian.  They  are  the  gifts  of  the  Spirit  of 
God,  and  the  first-fruits  of  eternal  blessedness;  they  are 
serene  and  heavenly,  solid  and  satisfying. 

*  Proy.  viii.  11.  t  Phil.  iv.  11-14. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  HERESIES  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  AGE, 

The  Greek  word  translated  heresy'^''  in  our  authorised  ver- 
sion of  tlie  New  Testament,  did  not  primarily  convey  an 
unfavom-able  idea.  It  simply  denoted  a  choice  or  prefer- 
ence. It  was  often  employed  to  indicate  the  adoption  of  a 
particular  class  of  philosophical  sentiments;  and  thus  it 
came  to  signify  a  sect  or  denomination.  Hence  we  find 
ancient  writers  speaking  of  the  heresy  of  the  Stoics,  the 
heresy  of  the  Epicureans,  and  the  heresy  of  the  Academics. 
The  Jews  who  used  the  Greek  lano-uao-e  did  not  consider 
that  the  word  necessarily  reflected  on  the  party  it  was 
intended  to  describe;  and  Josephus,  who  was  himself  a 
Pharisee,  accordingly  discourses  of  the  three  heresies  of  the 
Pharisees,  the  Sadducees,  and  the  Essenes.t  The  Apostle 
Paul,  when  speaking  of  his  own  history^  prior  to  his  conver- 
sion, says,  that  "  after  the  strictest  heresy  "  of  his  religion 
he  lived  a  Pharisee.^  We  learn,  too,  from  the  book  of  the 
Acts,  that  the  early  Christians  were  kno^Ti  as  "  the  heresy 
of  the  Nazarenes."  §  But  very  soon  the  word  began  to  be 
employed  to  denote  something  which  the  gospel  could  not 
sanction;  and  accordingly,  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians, 
heresies  are  enimierated  among  the  works  of  the  flesh.  ||     It 

*  "  Aip6o-ij  autem  Greece,  ab  electione  dicitur  :  quod  scilicet  earn  sibi  unus- 
quisque  eligat  discipliuam,  quam  putat  esse  meliorem." — Eieronymus  in  Epist. 
ad  Galat.  c.  5.     See  also  TertuUian,  "  De  Prosscrip."  c.  6. 

+  "  Life,"  §  2  ;  "  Antiq."  xiii.  5,  9.  J  Acts  xxvi.  5. 

§  Acts  xxiv.  5.  II  Gal.  v.  20. 


EARLY  HERETICS.  201 

is  not  difficult  to  explain  wliy  Christian  writers  at  an  early 
date  were  led  to  attach  such  a  meaning  to  a  term  which 
had  liitherto  been  understood  to  imply  nothing  repre- 
hensible. The  New  Testament  teaches  us  to  regard  an 
erroneous  theology  as  sinful,  and  traces  every  deviation  from 
"  the  one  faith  "  of  the  gospel  to  the  corruption  of  a  darkened 
intellect.""  It  declares — "  He  that  believeth  not  is  co7i- 
demned  already,  because  he  hath  not  believed  in  the  name 
of  the  only-begotten  Son  of  God;  and  this  is  the  condemna- 
tion, that  light  is  come  into  the  world,  and  men  loved  dark- 
ness rather  than  light,  because  their  deeds  luere  evil"  t  Thus 
it  was  that  the  most  ancient  ecclesiastical  authors  described 
all  classes  of  unbelievers,  sceptics,  and  innovators,  under 
the  general  name  of  heretics.  Persons  who  in  matters  of 
religion  made  a.  false  cJwice,  of  whatever  kind,  were  viewed 
as  "  vainly  puffed  up  by  a  fleshly  mind,"  or  as  under  the 
influence  of  some  species  of  mental  depravity. 

It  thus  appears  that  heresy,  in  the  first  century,  denoted 
every  deviation  from  the  Christian  faith.  Pagans  and 
Jews,  as  well  as  professors  of  apocryphal  forms  of  the 
gospel,  were  called  heretics.  J  But  in  the  New  Testament 
our  attention  is  directed  chiefly  to  errorists  who  in  some 
way  disturbed  the  Church,  and  adulterated  the  doctrine 
taught  by  our  Lord  and  His  apostles.  Paul  refers  to  such 
characters  when  he  says — "  A  man  that  is  an  heretic,  after 
the  first  and  second  admonition,  reject ;"§  and  Peter  also 
alludes  to  them  when  he  speaks  of  false  teachers  who  were 
to  appear  and  "privily  bring  in  damnable  heresies." II 

The  earliest  corrupters  of  the  gospel  were  unquestionably 
those  who  endeavoured  to  impose  the  observance  of  the 
Mosaic  law  on  the  converted  Gentiles.  Their  proceedings 
were  condemned  in  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  mentioned  in 

*  Eph.  iv.  17,  18  ;  Col.  i.  13.  +  John  iii.  18,  19. 

X  Mosheim  has  overlooked  this  fact,  and  has,  in  consequence,  l)een  hetrayed 
into  some  false  criticism  when  treating  on  this  snbject. 
§  Titus  iii.  10.  II  2  Pet.  ii.  1. 


202  GNOSTICISM. 

the  fifteenth  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  and 
Paul,  in  his  letter  to  the  Galatians,  subsequently  exposed 
their  infatuation.  But  evangelical  truth  had,  perhaps, 
more  to  fear  from  dilution  with  the  speculations  of  the  - 
Jewish  and  pagan  literati.'"'  The  apostle  had  this  evil  in 
view  when  he  said  to  the  Colossians — "Beware  lest  any 
man  spoil  you  through  pliilosophy  and  vain  deceit,  after  the 
tradition  of  men,  after  the  rudiments  of  the  ivorld,  and  not 
after  Christ."  t  He  likewuse  emphatically  attested  the 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  it  when  he  addressed  to 
his  own  son  in  the  faith  the  impassioned  admonition — 
"  0  Timothy,  keep  that  which  is  committed  to  thy  trust, 
avoiding  profane  and  vain  babblings,  and  oppositions  of 
science  falsely  so  called."  \ 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  "science"  or 
"philosophy"  of  which  Paul  was  so  anxious  that  the 
disci j)les  should  beware,  was  the  same  which  was  afterwards 
so  well  known  by  the  designation  of  Gnosticism.  The 
second  century  was  the  period  of  its  most  vigorous  develop- 
ment, and  it  then,  for  a  time,  almost  engrossed  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Church;  but  it  was  already  beginning  to  exert 
a  pernicious  influence,  and  it  is  therefore  noticed  by  the 
vigilant  apostle.  Whilst  it  acknowledged,  to  a  certain 
extent,  the  authority  of  the  Christian  revelation,  it  also 
borrowed  largely  from  Platonism;  and,  in  a  spirit  of 
accommodation  to  the  system  of  the  Athenian  sage,  it 
rejected  some  of  the  leading  doctrines  of  the  gospel.  Plato 
never  seems  to  have  entertained  the  sublime  conception  of 
the  creation  of  all  things  out  of  nothing  by  the  word  of  the 
Most  High.  He  held  that  matter  is  essentially  evil,  and 
that  it   existed  from  etemity.§     The   false  teachers  who 

*  Every  one  acquainted  with  the  works  of  Philo  JudEeus  must  be  aware 
that  Jewish  literature  was  now  largely  impregnated  with  pagan  philosophy. 

t  Col.  ii.  8.  %l  Tim.  vi.  20. 

§  See  Burton's  "  Inquiry  into  the  Heresies  of  the  Apostolic  Age,"  pp.  314, 
315.     Also  Mosheim's  "Dissertation"  appended  to  Cudworth,  iii.  171. 


GNOSTICISM.  203 

disturbed  the  Church  in  the  apostolic  age  adopted  both 
these  views ;  and  the  errors  which  they  propagated  and  of 
which  the  New  Testament  takes  notice,  flowed  from  their 
unsound  philosophy  by  direct  and  necessary  consequence. 
As  a  right  understanding  of  certain  passages  of  Scripture 
depends  on  an  acquaintance  with  their  system,  it  may  here 
be  expedient  to  advert  somewhat  more  particularly  to  a 
few  of  its  peculiar  features. 

The  Gnostics  alleged  that  the  present  world  owes  neither  j 
its  origin  nor  its  arrangement  to  the  Supreme  God.  They 
maintained  that  its  constituent  parts  have  been  always  in 
existence ;  and  that,  as  the  great  Father  of  Lights  would 
have  been  contaminated  by  contact  with  corrupt  matter, 
the  visible  frame  of  things  was  fashioned,  without  His 
knowledge,  by  an  inferior  Intelligence.  These  principles 
obviously  derogated  from  the  glory  of  Jehovah.  By  ascrib- 
ing to  matter  an  independent  and  eternal  existence,  they 
impugned  the  doctrine  of  God's  Omnipotent  Sovereignty; 
and  by  representing  it  as  regulated  without  His  sanction  by 
a  spiritual  agent  of  a  lower  rank,  they  denied  His  Universal 
Providence.  The  apostle,  therefore,  felt  it  necessary  to 
enter  his  protest  against  all  such  cosmogonies.  He  declared 
that  Jehovah  alone,  as  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost, 
existed  from  eternity;  and  that  all  things  spiritual  and 
material  arose  out  of  nothing  in  obedience  to  the  word  of 
the  second  person  of  the  Godhead.  "By  Him,"  says  he, 
"  were  all  things  created,  that  are  in  heaven  and  that  are 
in  earth,  visible  and  invisible,  whether  they  be  thrones  or 
dominions  or  principalities  or  powers;  all  things  were 
created  by  Him  and  for  Him,  and  He  is  before  all  things, 
and  by  Him  all  things  consist.'"'^' 

The  philosophical  system  of  the  Gnostics  also  led  them 
to  adopt  false  views  respecting  the  body  of  Chinst.  As,  ac- 
cording to  their  theory,  the  Messiah  appeared  to  deliver  men 

*  Col.  i.  in,  17. 


204  DENIAL  OF  THE  EESURRECTION. 

from  the  bondage  of  evil  matter,  they  could  not  consistently 
acknowledge  that  He  himself  inhabited  an  earthly  taber- 
nacle. They  refused  to  admit  that  our  Lord  was  born  of  a 
human  j^'^^i'ent ;  and,  as  they  asserted  that  He  had  a  body 
only  in  appearance,  or  that  His  visible  form  as  man  was  in 
reality  a  phantom,  they  were  at  length  known  by  the  title 
of  Docetse.  *  The  Apostle  John  repeatedly  attests  the  folly 
and  the  danger  of  such  speculations.  "  The  Word,"  says  he, 
"  was  made  flesh  and  dwelt  among  us.  t  •  .  •  •  Every  spirit 
that  confesseth  not  that  Jesus  Chinst  is  come  in  the  flesh  is  not 
of  God.  J  .  .  .  .  That  which  was  from  the  beginning,  which 
we  have  heard,  which  we  have  seen  with  our  eyes,  which 
we  have  looked  upon,  and  our  hands  have  handled  of  the 

Word  of  Life declare  we  unto  you.  §  .  .  .  .  Many 

deceiver's  are  entered  into  the  world  who  confess  not  that 
Jesus  Christ  is  come  in  the  flesh."  \\ 

Eeasoning  from  the  principle  that  evil  is  inherent  in 
matter,  the  Gnostics  believed  the  union  of  the  soul  and  the 
body  to  be  a  calamity.  According  to  their  views  the 
spiritual  being  can  never  attain  the  perfection  of  which  he 
is  susceptible  so  long  as  he  remains  connected  with  his 
present  corporeal  organization.  Hence  they  rejected  the 
doctrine  of  the  resurrection  of  the  body.  When  Paul  asks 
the  Corinthians — "  How  say  some  among  you  that  there  is 
no  resurrection  of  the  dead  V  H — he  alludes  to  the  Gnostic 
denial  of  this  article  of  the  Christian  theology.  He  also 
refers  to  the  same  circumstance  when  he  denounces  the 
"  profane  and  vain  babblings "  of  those  who  "  concerning 
the  truth  "  had  erred,  "  saying  that  the  resurrection  is  past 
already."  **  Tliese  heretics,  it  would  appear,  maintained 
that  an  introduction  to  their  Gnosis,  or  knowledge,  was  the 
only  genuine  deliverance  from  the  dominion  of  death;  and 

*  From  So/ceo),  I  api^ear.  f  John  i.  14.  J  1  John  iv.  ,3. 

§  1  John  i.  1-3.  II  2  John  7.  1  1  Cor.  xv.  12. 

**  2  Tim.  ii.  16-18. 


EARLY  GNOSTICS.  205 

argued  accordingly  that,  in  the  case  of  those  who  had  been 
initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  their  system,  the  resurrection 
was  "past  already." 

The  ancient  Christian  writers  concur  in  stating  that 
Simon,  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,*  and  com- 
monly called  Simon  Magus,  was  the  father  of  the  sects  of 
the  Gnostics,  t  He  was  a  Samaritan  by  birth,  and  after  the 
rebuke  he  received  from  Peter,  J  he  is  reported  to  have  with- 
drawn from  the  Church,  and  to  have  concocted  a  theology 
of  his  own,  into  which  he  imported  some  elements  borrowed 
from  Christianity.  At  a  subsequent  period  he  travelled  to 
Rome,  where  he  attracted  attention  by  the  novelty  of  his 
creed,  and  the  boldness  of  his  pretensions.  We  are  told 
that,  prior  to  his  baptism  l)y  Philip,  he  "  had  used  sorcery, 
and  bewitched  the  people  of  Samaria,  giving  out  that  him- 
self was  some  great  one ;  "  §  and  subsequently  he  seems  to 
have  pursued  a  similar  career.  According  to  a  very  early 
authority,  nearly  all  the  inhabitants  of  his  native  country, 
and  a  few  persons  in  other  districts,  worshipped  him  as 
the  first  or  supreme  God.  ||  There  is,  probably,  some 
exaggeration  in  this  statement;  but  there  seems  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  he  laid  claim  to  extraordinary  powers,  main- 
taining that  the  same  spirit  which  had  been  imparted  to 
Jesus,  had  descended  on  himself.  He  is  also  said  to  have 
denied  that  our  Lord  had  a  real  body.  Some,  who  did  not 
enrol  themselves  under  his  standard,  soon  partially  adopted 
his  principles ;  and  there  is  cause  to  think  that  Hymenseus, 
Philetus,  Alexander,  Phygellus,  and  Hermogenes,  mentioned 
in  the  New  Testament,  1[  were  all  more  or  less  tinctured  with 
the  spirit  of  Gnosticism.  Other  heresiarchs,  not  named  in 
the  sacred  record,  are  known  to  have  flourished  towards  the 

*  Acts  viii.  9.  t  Irenoeus,  i.  23  ;  Eusebius,  ii.  13. 

X  Acts  viii.  20-23.  §  Acts  viii.  9. 

II  Justin  Martyr,  "  Apol."  ii.  69.     Eclit.  Paris,  1615. 
m  1  Tim.  i.  20;  2  Tim.  i.  15,  ii.  17,  iv.  14. 


206  TENDENCY  OF  GNOSTICISM. 

close  of  the  first  century.  Of  these  the  most  famous  were 
Carpocrates,  Ceriiithiis,  and  Ebion.*  There  is  a  tradition 
that  John,  "  the  beloved  disciple,"  came  in  contact  with 
Cerinthus,  when  going  into  a  bath  at  Ephesus,  and  retired 
abruptly  from  the  place,  that  he  might  not  compromise 
himself  by  remaining  in  the  same  building  with  such  an 
enemy  of  the  Christian  revelation,  t  It  is  also  stated  that 
the  same  apostle's  testimony  to  the  dignity  of  the  Word, 
in  the  beginning  of  his  Gospel,  was  designed  as  an  antidote 
to  the  errors  of  this  heresiarch.J 

When  the  gospel  exerts  its  proper  influence  on  the  cha- 
racter it  produces  an  enlightened,  genial,  and  consistent 
piety ;  but  a  false  faith  is  apt  to  lead,  in  practice,  to  one  of 
two  extremes,  either  the  asceticism  of  the  Essene,  or  the 
sensualism  of  the  Sadducee.  Gnosticism  developed  itself  in 
both  these  directions.  Some  of  its  advocates  maintained 
that,  as  matter  is  essentially  evil,  the  corrupt  propensities 
of  the  body  should  be  kept  in  constant  subjection  by  a  life 
of  rigorous  mortification;  others  held  that,  as  the  principle 
of  evil  is  inherent  in  the  corporeal  frame,  the  malady  is 
beyond  the  reach  of  cure,  and  that,  therefore,  the  animal 
nature  should  be  permitted  freely  to  indulge  its  peculiar 
appetites.  To  the  latter  party,  as  some  think,  belonged  the 
Nicolaitanes  noticed  by  John  in  the  Apocal3^pse.  §  They 
are  said  to  have  derived  their  name  from  Nicolas,  one  of 
the  seven  deacons  ordained  by  the  apostles  ;||  and  to  have 
been  a  class  of  Gnostics  noted  for  their  licentiousness.  The 
origin   of  the   designation   may,  perhaps,  admit  of  some 

*  Irenseus,  i.  25,  26 ;  Tertiillian, "  De  Praescrip.  Hseret."  33 ;  Epiphanius, 
"  Hser."  XXX.  2,  Ixix.  23.  f  Irena3us,  iii.  3,  4. 

J  Irenseus,  iii.  11.  §  Eev.  ii.  6,  15. 

II  Acts  vi.  5.  Others  conceive,  however,  that  the  name  Nicolaitanes  is 
merely  equivalent  to  Balaamites  (as  Balaam  in  Hebrew  is  nearly  equivalent 
to  Nicolas  in  Greek,  each  word  signifying  Ruler,  or  Conqueror  of  the  people), 
and  that  the  apostle  does  not  here  refer  to  any  party  already  known  by  this 
designation,  but  to  all  who,  like  Balaam,  were  seducers  of  God's  people.  See 
Neander,  "  General  History,"  ii.  159.     Edinburgh  edition,  1847. 


CONDEMNATION  OF  GNOSTICISM.  207 

dispute;  but  it  is  certain  that  those  to  whom  it  was  applied 
were  alike  lax  in  principle  and  dissolute  in  practice,  for  the 
Spirit  of  God  has  declared  His  abhorrence  as  well  of  the 
''doctrine,''  as  of  "  the  deeds  of  the  Nicolaitanes."  * 

Though  the  Jews,  at  the  time  of  the  appearance  of  our 
Lord,  were  so  much  divided  in  sentiment,  and  though  the 
Pharisees,  the  Sadducees,  and  the  Essenes,  had  each  their 
theological  peculiarities,  their  sectarianism  did  not  involve 
any  complete  severance  or  separation.  Notmthstanding 
their  differences  of  creed,  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  sat 
together  in  the  Sanhedrim,  t  and  worshipped  together  in  the 
temple.  All  the  seed  of  Abraham  constituted  one  Church, 
and  congregated  in  the  same  sacred  courts  to  celebrate  the 
great  festivals.  In  the  Christian  Church,  in  the  days  of 
the  apostles,  there  was  something  approaching  to  the  same 
outward  unity.  Though,  for  instance,  there  were  so  many 
parties  among  the  Corinthians — though  one  said,  I  am  of 
Paul,  and  another  I  am  of  Apollos,  and  another  I  am  of 
Cephas,  and  another  I  am  of  Christ — all  assembled  in  the 
same  place  to  join  in  the  same  worship,  and  to  partake  of 
the  same  Eucharist.  Those  who  withdrew  from  the  disciples 
with  whom  they  had  been  previously  associated,  appear 
generally  to  have  relinquished  altogether  the  profession  of 
Christianity.  J  Some,  at  least,  of  the  Gnostics  acted  very 
differently.  When  danger  appeared  they  were  inclined  to 
temporize,  and  to  discontinue  their  attendance  on  the  wor- 
ship of  the  Church ;  but  they  were  desirous  to  remain  still 
nominally  connected  with  the  great  body  of  believers.  § 
Any  form  of  alliance  with  such  dangerous  errorists  was, 
however,  considered  a  cause  of  scandal;  and  the  inspired 
teachers  of  the  gospel  insisted  on  their  exclusion  from 
ecclesiastical  fellowship.  Hence  Paul  declares  that  he  had 
delivered  Hymenseus  and  Alexander  "unto  Satan"  that 

*  Eev.  ii.  6,  15.  t  Acts  xxiii.  1,  6.  J  1  John  ii.  19. 

§  Compare  Jude  19,  and  Heb.  x-  25. 


208  THE  GOSPEL  THE  PUREST  WISDOM. 

tliey  might  learn  "  not  to  blaspheme ; "  *  and  John  upl3raids 
the  Church  in  Per^amos  because  it  retained  in  its  commu- 
nion  "  them  that  held  the  doctrine  of  the  Nicolaitanes."  f 
During  the  first  century  the  Gnostics  seem  to  have  been 
unable  to  create  anything  like  a  schism  among  those  who 
had  embraced  Christianity.  Whilst  the  apostles  lived  the 
"science  falsely  so  called"  could  not  pretend  to  a  divine 
sanction;  and  though  here  and  there  they  displayed  con- 
siderable activity  in  the  dissemination  of  their  principles, 
they  were  sternly  and  effectually  discountenanced.  It  is 
accordingly  stated  by  one  of  the  earliest  ecclesiastical 
writers  that,  in  the  time  of  Simeon  of  Jerusalem,  who 
finished  his  career  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  century, 
"  they  called  the  Church  as  yet  a  virgin,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
not  yet  corrupted  by  vain  discourses."  J  Other  writers 
concur  in  bearing  testimony  to  the  fact  that,  whilst  the 
apostles  were  on  earth,  false  teachers  failed  "  to  divide  the 
unity  "  of  the  Christian  commonwealth,  "  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  corrupt  doctrines."  § 

The  gospel  affords  scope  for  the  healthful  and  vigorous 
exercise  of  the  human  understanding,  and  it  is  itself  the 
highest  and  the  purest  wisdom.  It  likewise  supplies  a  test 
for  ascertaining  the  state  of  the  heart.  Those  who  receive 
it  with  faith  unfeigned  will  delight  to  meditate  on  its 
wonderful  discoveries ;  but  those  who  are  unrenewed  in  the 
spirit  of  their  minds  will  render  to  it  only  a  doubtful  sub- 
mission, and  will  pervert  its  plainest  announcements.  The 
apostle  therefore  says — "  There  must  be  also  heresies  among 
you,  that  they  which  are  approved  may  be  made  manifest 
among  you."  ||  The  heretic  is  made  manifest  alike  by  his 
deviations  from  the  doctrines  and  the  precepts  of  revelation. 
His  creed  does  not  exhibit  the  consistency  of  truth,  and  his 
life  fails  to  display  the  beauty   of  holiness.     Bible  Chris- 

*  1  Tim.  i.  20.  t  Rev.  ii.  15.  I  Hegesippus  in  Euseb.,  iv.  22. 

§  Eusebius,  iv.  22.  II  1  Cor.  xi.  19. 


THE  GOSPEL  THE  PUREST  WISDOM.  209 

tianity  is  neither  superstitious  nor  sceptical,  neither  austere 
nor  sensual.  "  The  wisdom  that  is  from  above  is  first 
pure,  then  peaceable,  gentle,  and  easy  to  be  intreated,  full 
of  mercy  and  good  fruits,  without  partiality  and  without 
hypocrisy."* 

*  James  iii.  17. 


SECTION   III. 


THE  WORSHIP  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC 
CHURCH. 


CHAPTER   I. 


THE  lord's  day — THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH 
ITS  SYMBOLIC  ORDINANCES  AND  ITS  DISCIPLINE. 

To  the  primitive  disciples  tlie  day  on  which  our  Lord  rose 
from  the  grave  was  a  crisis  of  intense  excitement.  The 
crucifixion  had  cast  a  dismal  cloud  over  their  prospects; 
for,  immediately  before,  when  He  entered  Jerusalem  amidst 
the  hosannahs  of  the  multitude,  they  had  probably  antici- 
pated that  He  was  about  to  assert  His  sovereignty  as 
the  Messiah :  yet,  when  His  body  was  committed  to  the 
tomb,  they  did  not  at  once  sink  into  despair;  and,  though 
filled  with  anxiety,  they  ventured  to  indulge  a  hope  that 
the  third  day  after  His  demise  would  be  signalised  by  some 
new  revelation.'''  The  report  of  those  who  were  early  at 
the  sepulchre  at  first  inspired  the  residue  of  the  disciples 
with  wonder  and  perplexity;!  but,  as  the  proofs  of  His 
resurrection  multiplied,  they  became  confident  and  joyful. 
Ever  afterwards  the  first  day  of  the  week  was  observed  by 

*  Luke  xxiv.  21.  f  Luke  xxiv.  17,  22,  23. 


THE  SABBATH.  211 

tliem  as  the  season  of  holy  convocation.^''  Those  members 
of  the  Apostolic  Church  who  had  been  originally  Jews, 
continued  for  some  time  to  meet  together  also  on  the 
Saturday;  but,  what  was  called  "The  Lord's  Day,"t  was 
regarded  by  all  as  sacred  to  Christ. 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that,  during  His  own  ministry, 
om^  Saviour  encouraged  His  disciples  to  violate  the  Sabbath, 
and  thus  prepared  the  way  for  its  abolition.  But  this 
theory  is  as  destitute  of  foundation  as  it  is  dangerous  to 
morality.  Even  the  ceremonial  law  continued  to  be  bind- 
ing until  Jesus  expired  upon  the  cross;  and  meanwhile  He 
no  doubt  felt  it  to  be  His  duty  to  attend  to  every  jot  and 
tittle  of  its  appointments. J  Thus,  it  became  Him  "to 
fulfil  all  righteous]iess."§  He  is  at  pains  to  shew  that  the 
acts  of  which  the  Pharisees  complained  as  breaches  of  the 
Sabbath  could  be  vindicated  by  Old  Testament  authority ;  || 
and  that  these  formalists  "condemned  the  guiltless,'"^  when 
they  denounced  the  disciples  as  doing  that  which  was 
unlawful.  Jesus  never  transgressed  either  the  letter  or  the 
spirit  of  any  commandment  pertaining  to  the  holy  rest; 
but  superstition  had  added  to  the  written  law  a  multitude 
of  minute  observances;  and  every  Israelite  was  at  perfect 
liberty  to  neglect  any  or  all  of  these  frivolous  regulations. 

The  Great  Teacher  never  intimated  that  the  Sabbath  was 
a  ceremonial  ordinance  which  was  to  cease  with  the  Mosaic 
ritual.  It  was  instituted  when  our  first  parents  were  in 
Paradise;''"'*    and  the  precept  enjoining  its   remembrance, 

*  Acts  XX.  7. 

t  Rev.  i.  10,  rj  KvpiaKT]  ijixepa.  The  day  was  ever  afterwards  distinguished 
by  this  designation.  See  a  letter  from  Dionysius  of  Corinth  in  Eusebius, 
iv.  23.  See  also  Kaye's  "  Clement  of  Alexandria,"  p.  418.  The  first  day  of 
the  week  is  called  "  the  Christian  Sabbath "  in  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the 
"  Apostolical  Constitutions."  See  Piatt's  "  Didascalia,"  p.  99.  But  these  Con- 
stitutions are  of  comparatively  late  origin. 

I  Matt.  V.  17-19.  §  Matt.  iii.  15. 

II  Matt.  xii.  3-5  ;  Mark  ii.  25,  26.  IT  Matt.  xii.  7. 
**  Gen.  ii.  3. 


212  THE  lord's  day, 

being  a  portion  of  tlie  Decalogue/''  is  of  perpetual  obligation. 
Hence,  instead  of  regarding  it  as  a  merely  Jewish  institu- 
tion, Christ  declares  that  it  "was  made  for  MAN,"t  or,  in 
other  words,  that  it  was  designed  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  human  family.  Instead  of  anticipating  its  extinc- 
tion along  with  the  ceremonial  law,  He  speaks  of  its  exist- 
ence after  the  downfal  of  Jerusalem.  When  He  announces 
the  calamities  connected  with  the  ruin  of  the  holy  city,  He 
instructs  His  followers  to  pray  that  the  urgency  of  the 
catastrophe  may  not  deprive  them  of  the  comfort  of  the 
ordinances  of  the  sacred  rest.  "  Pray  ye,"  said  he,  "  that 
your  flight  be  not  in  the  winter,  neither  07i  the  Sabbath- 
day."  "^  And  the  prophet  Isaiah,  when  describing  the 
ingathering  of  the  Gentiles  and  the  glory  of  the  Church 
in  the  times  of  the  gospel,  mentions  the  keeping  of  the 
Sabbath  as  characteristic  of  the  children  of  God.  "The 
sons  of  the  stranger,''  says  he,  "that  join  themselves  to  the 
Lord  to  serve  him,  and  to  love  the  name  of  the  Lord,  to  be 
his  servants,  every  one  that  keepeth  the  Sabbath  from  pol- 
luting it,  and  taketh  hold  of  my  covenant — even  them 
will  I  bring  to  my  holy  mountain,  and  make  them  joyfid 
in  my  house  of  prayer;  their  burnt -ojfferiugs  and  their 
sacrifices  shall  be  accepted  upon  mine  altar  :§  for  mine  house 
shall  be  called  an  house  of  prayer ybr  all  people."  \\ 

But  when  Jesus  declared  that  "  the  Son  of  Man  is  Lord 
also  of  the  Sabbath," H  He  unquestionably  asserted  His 
right  to  alter  the  circumstantials  of  its  observance.  He 
accordingly  abolished  its  ceremonial  worship,  gave  it  a 
new  name,  and  changed  the  day  of  its  celebration.  He 
signalised  the  first  day  of  the  week  by  then  appearing  once 
and  again  to  His  disciples  after  His  resurrection,**  and  by 

*  Exod.  XX.  1-17.  t  Mark  ii.  27. 

X  Matt.  xxiv.  20.  §  See  Heb.  xiii.  10,  15,  16 ;  Ps.  li.  17. 

II  Isa.  Ivi.  6,  7.     Compare  with  I.sa.  ii.  2.  H  Mark  ii.  28. 

**  John  XX.  19,  26.     According  to  the  current  style  of  speaking,  "  after  eight 
days  "  means  the  eighth  day  after.    See  ]\Iatt.  xxvii.  63. 


THE  LORDS  DAY.  213 

that  Pentecostal  outpouring  of  the  Spiiit  ^''  which  marks  the 
commencement  of  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  redemption. 
As  the  Lord's  day  Avas  consecrated  to  the  Lord's  service,t 
the  discij^les  did  not  now  neglect  the  assembling  of  them- 
selves together;:]:  and  the  apostle  commanded  them  at  this 
holy  season  to  set  apart  a  portion  of  their  gains  for  religious 
purposes.§  It  was  most  fitting  that  the  first  day  of  the 
week  shoidd  be  thus  distinguished  under  the  new  economy; 
for  the  deliverance  of  the  Church  is  a  more  illustrious 
achievement  than  the  formation  of  the  w^orld ;  ||  and  as  the 
primeval  Sabbath  commemorated  the  rest  of  the  Creator, 
the  Christian  Sabbath  reminds  us  of  the  completion  of  the 
work  of  the  Eedeemer.  "  There  remaineth,  therefore,  the 
keeping  of  a  Sabbath  H  to  the  people  of  God,  for  he  that  is 
entered  into  his  rest,  he  also  hath  ceased  from  his  own 
works,  as  God  did  from  his." '"'""" 

As  many  of  the  converts  from  Judaism  urged  the  cir- 
cumcision of  their  Gentile  brethren,  they  were  likewise 
disposed  to  insist  on  their  observance  of  the  Hebrew 
festivals.  The  apostles,  at  least  for  a  considerable  time, 
did  not  deem  it  expedient  positively  to  forbid  the  keeping 
of  such  days;  but  they  required  that,  in  matters  of  this 
nature,  every  one  should  be  left  to  his  own  discretion. 
"One  man,"  says  Paul,  "esteemeth  one  day  above  another; 
another  esteemeth  every  day  alike.  Let  every  man  be 
fully  persuaded  in  his  own  mind."  ft     It  is  obvious  that  the 

*  Acts  ii.  1.  That  the  day  of  Pentecost  was  the  first  day  of  the  week 
appears  from  Lev.  xxiii.  11,  15.  The  same  inference  may  be  drawn  from 
John  xviii.  28,  and  xix.  31,  compared  with  Lev.  xxiii.  5,  6.  See  also  SchafT's 
"  History  of  the  Apostolic  Chm-ch,"  i.  p.  230,  note,  and  the  authorities  there 
quoted. 

+  In  the  same  way  the  Eucharist  is  called  the  Lord's  Supper  :  KvpiaKov 
de'iTTvov  (1  Cor.  xi.  20).  Thus  also  we  speak  of  the  Lord's  house,  and  the 
Lord's  people. 

t  Heb.  X.  25.  §  1  Cor.  xvi.  1,  2.  ||  Isa.  Ixv.  17,  18. 

IT  2a/3j3aTtcr/ios.     See  Owen  "  On  the  Hebrews,"  iv.  U. 
**  Heb.  iv.  9,  10.  tt  Rom.  xiv.  5. 


214  WORSHIP  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 

Lord's  day  is  not  included  in  this  compromise;  for  from 
the  morning  of  the  resurrection  there  appears  to  have  been 
no  dispute  as  to  its  claims,  and  its  very  title  attests  the 
general  recognition  of  its  authority.  The  apostle  can  refer 
only  to  days  which  were  typical  and  ceremonial.  Hence 
he  says  elsewhere — "Let  no  man  judge  you  in  meat,  or  in 
drink,  or  in  respect  of  an  holyday,  or  of  the  new  moon,  or 
of  the  Sabbath  days — which  are  a  shadow  of  things  to  come, 
hut  the  body  is  of  Christ!''^ 

Though  the  New  Testament  furnishes  no  full  and  circum- 
stantial description  of  the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church, 
it  makes  such  incidental  allusions  to  its  various  parts,  as 
enable  us  to  form  a  pretty  accurate  idea  of  its  general 
character.  Like  the  worship  of  the  synagogue  t  it  con- 
sisted of  prayer,  singing,  reading  the  Scriptures,  and 
expounding  or  preachiDg.  Those  who  joined  the  Church, 
for  several  years  after  it  was  first  organized,  were  almost 
exclusively  converts  from  Judaism,  and  when  they  embraced 
the  Christian  faith,  they  retained  the  order  of  religious 
service  to  which  they  had  been  hitherto  accustomed;  but 
by  the  recognition  of  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Messiah  of  whom 
the  law  and  the  prophets  testified,  their  old  forms  were 
inspired  with  new  life  and  significance.  At  first  the  heathen 
did  not  challenge  the  distinction  between  the  worship  of 
the  synagogue  and  the  Church;  and  thus  it  was,  as  has 
already  been  intimated,  that  for  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  first  century,  the  Christians  and  the  Jews  were  fre- 
quently confounded. 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that  the  Jews  had  a  liturgy 
when  our  Lord  ministered  in  their  synagogues;  but  the 
proof  adduced  in  support  of  this  statement  is  far  from 

*  Col.  ii.  16,  17. 

t  The  ordinary  temple  service  could  scarcely  be  called  congregational.  It 
was  almost  exclusively  ceremonial  and  typical,  consisting  of  sacrificing,  burn- 
ing incense,  and  offering  various  oblations.  The  worshippers  generally  prayed 
apart.    See  Luke  i,  10,  xviii.  10,  11. 


PRAYEH.  215 

satisfactory;  and  their  prayers  which  are  still  extant,  and 
which  are  said  to  have  been  then  in  use,  must  obviously 
have  been  written  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  *  It 
is,  however,  certain  that  the  Christians  in  the  apostolic  age 
were  not  restricted  to  any  particular  forms  of  devotion. 
The  liturgies  ascribed  to  Mark,  James,  and  others,  are 
unquestionably  the  fabrications  of  later  times  ;t  and  had 
any  of  the  inspired  teachers  of  the  gospel  composed  a  book 
of  common  prayer,  it  would,  of  course,  have  been  received 
into  the  canon  of  the  New  Testament.  Our  Lord  taught 
His  disciples  to  pray,  and  supplied  them  with  a  model  to 
guide  them  in  their  devotional  exercises; J  but  there  is  no 
evidence  whatever  that,  in  their  stated  services,  they  con- 
stantly employed  the  language  of  that  beautiful  and  com- 
prehensive formulary.  The  very  idea  of  a  liturgy  was 
altogether  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  primitive  believers. 
They  were  commanded  to  give  thanks  "in  everything," §  to 
pray  "always  ivith  all  prayer  and  supplication  in  the 
spirit," jl  and  to  watch  thereunto  "with  all  perseverance 
and  supplication ybr  all  saints;'"^  and  had  they  been  limited 
to  a  form,  they  would  have  found  it  impossible  to  comply 
with  these  admonitions.  Their  prayers  were  dictated  by 
the  occasion,  and  varied  according  to  passing  circumstances. 
Some  of  them  which  have  been  recorded,''"^  had  a  special 
reference  to  the  occurrences  of  the  day,  and  could  not  have 
weU  admitted  of  repetition.  In  the  apostolic  age,  when  the 
Spirit  was  poured  out  in  such  rich  effusion  on  the  Church, 

*  See  these  eighteen  prayers  in  Prideaux's  "  Connexions,"  i.  375,  and  note. 
Bingham  admits  (Orig.  iv.  194),  that  these  are  their  "most  ancient"  forms  of 
devotion ;  and,  of  course,  if  they  were  written  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  it 
follows  that  the  Jews  had  no  liturgy  in  the  days  of  our  Lord.  Had  they  then 
been  limited  to  fixed  forms,  He  would  scarcely  have  ujibraided  the  Scribes 
and  Pharisees  for  hypocritically  "making  long praijerr     Matt,  xxiii.  14. 

t  See  Palmer's  "  Origines  Liturgica),"  1.  pp.  44-92  ;  and  Clarkson's  "  Dis- 
course concerning  Liturgies;"  "Select  Works,"  p.  342. 

X  ^latt.  vi.  9-13.  §  1  Thess.  v.  18.  ||  Eph.  vi.  18. 

IT  Eph.  vi.  18.  **  Acts  i.  24,  25,  iv.  24-30. 


216  INSTRUMENTAL  MUSIC. 

the  gift,  as  well  as  the  grace,  of  prayer  was  imparted 
abundantly,  so  that  a  liturgy  would  have  been  deemed 
superfluous,  if  not  directly  calculated  to  freeze  the  genial 
current  of  devotion. 

Singing,  in  which  none  Ijut  Levites  were  permitted  to 
unite,'''  and  which  was  accompanied  by  instrumental  music, 
constituted  a  prominent  part  of  the  temple  service.  The 
singers  occupied  an  elevated  platform  adjoining  the  court 
of  the  priests;  t  and  it  is  somewhat  doubtful  whether,  in 
that  position,  they  were  distinctly  heard  by  the  majority  of 
the  worshippers  within  the  sacred  precincts.^  As  the  sacri- 
fices, offerings,  and  other  observances  of  the  temple,  as  well 
as  the  priests,  the  vestments,  and  even  the  building  itself, 
had  an  emblematic  meaning,  §  it  would  appear  that  the 
singing,  intermingled  with  the  music  of  various  instru- 
ments of  sound,  was  also  typical  and  ceremonial.  It  seems 
to  have  indicated  that  the  tongue  of  man  cannot  sufficiently 
express  the  praise  of  the  King  Eternal,  and  that  all  things, 
animate  and  inanimate,  owe  Him  a  revenue  of  glory. 
The  worship  of  the  synagogue  was  more  simple.  Its 
officers  had,  indeed,  trumpets  and  cornets,  with  which  they 
published  their  sentences  of  excommunication,  and  an- 
nounced the  new  year,  the  fasts,  and  the  Sabbath;  ||  but 
they  did  not  introduce  instrumental  music  into  their  con- 
gregational services.  The  early  Christians  foUowed  the 
example  of  the  synagogue ;  and  when  they  celebrated  the 
praises  of  God  "  in  psalms,  and  hymns,  and  spiritual 
songs,"  H  their  melody  was  "  the  fruit  of  the  lips.''  **     For 

*  See  Lightfoot's  "  Temiile  Service,"  ch.  vii.  sec.  2  ;  "  Works,"  ix.  56. 

t  Lightfoot's  "  Prosiject  of  the  Temple,"  ch.  xxxiii. ;  "  Works,"  ix.  384. 

+  The  multitudes  who  assembled  at  the  great  festivals  in  the  temple  could 
not  well  unite  in  one  service.  The  wall  of  the  building  was  more  than  half  a 
mile  in  circumference.  See  Lightfoot,  ix.  217.  There  were  various  coiu-ts  and 
divisions  in  the  building.       §  Heb.  ix.  9-12,  x.  1  ;  John  ii.  19-21  ;  1  Pet.  ii.  5. 

II  Vitringa,  "De  Syuagoga,"  p.  203. 

1"  Eph.  v.  19.  According  to  some,  the  Psalms  were  divided  int(j  these  three 
classes.  **  Heb.  xiii.  15, 


THE  SCRIPTURES  AND  THE  GIFT  OF  TONGUES.        217 

many  centuries  after  this  period,  the  use  of  instrumental 
music  was  unknown  in  the  Church."^'' 

The  Jews  divided  the  Pentateuch  and  the  writings  of  the 
Propliets  into  sections,  one  of  which  was  read  every  Sab- 
bath in  the  synagogue ;  t  and  thus,  in  the  phace  set  apart 
to  the  service  of  the  God  of  Israel,  His  own  will  was  con- 
stantly proclaimed.  The  Christians  bestowed  equal  honour 
on  the  h£ly  oracles ;  for  in  their  solemn  assemblies,  the  read- 
ing o^^ft  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  formed 
a  partoi  their  stated  worship.^  At  the  close  of  this  exer- 
cise, one  or  more  of  the  elders  edified  the  congregation, 
either  by  giving  a  general  exposition  of  the  passage  read, 
or  by  insisting  particularly  on  some  point  of  doctrine  or 
duty  which  it  obviously  inculcated.  If  a  prophet  was  pre- 
sent, he,  too,  had  now  an  opportunity  of  addressing  the 
auditory.§ 

As  apostolic  Christianity  aimed  to  impart  light  to  the 
understanding,  its  worship  was  uniformly  conducted  in  the 
language  of  the  people.  It,  indeed,  attested  its  divine 
origin  by  miracles,  and  it  accordingly  enabled  some  to 
speak  in  tongues  in  which  they  had  never  been  instructed ; 
but  it  permitted  such  individuals  to  exercise  their  gifts  in 
the  church  only  when  interpreters  were  present  to  translate 
their  communications.  ||  Whilst  the  gift  of  tongues,  pos- 
sessed by  so  many  of  the  primitive  disciples,  must  have 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  Gentile  as  well  as  of  the 
Jewish  literati,  it  must  also  have  made  a  powerful 
impression  on  the  popular  mind,  more  especially  in  large 

*  Bingham,  ii.  482-484.  +  Luke  iv.  IG,  17. 

J  Col.  iv.  16  ;  1  Thess.  v.  27. 

§  1  Cor.  xiv.  29.  It  would,  appear  from  this  that  only  tico  or  three  persons 
were  permitted  to  speak  at  a  meeting.  By  him  that  "  sitteth  by  "  (verse  30),  a 
doctor  or  teacher  is  meant.    See  Vitringa, "  De  Synagoga,"  p.  600,  and  Matt.  v.  1. 

II  1  Cor.  xiv.  27.  The  gift  of  "  interpretation  of  tongues"  (1  Cor.  xii.  10) 
was  quite  as  wonderful  as  the  gift  of  "  divers  kinds  of  tongues"  (1  Cor. 
xii.  10). 


218  INFANT  BAPTISM. 

cities;  for  in  such  places  there  were  always  foreigners  to 
whom  these  strange  utterances  would  be  perfectly  intelli- 
gible, and  for  whom  a  discourse  delivered  in  the  speech  of 
their  native  country  would  have  peculiar  charms.  But  in 
the  worship  of  the  primitive  Christians  there  was  no 
attempt,  in  the  way  of  embellishment  or  decoration,  to 
captivate  the  senses.  The  Church  had  no  gorgeous  temples, 
no  fragrant  incense,'"'  no  splendid  vestments.  For  probably 
the  whole  of  the  first  century,  she  celebrated  her  religious 
ordinances  in  private  houses,  t  and  her  ministers  offici- 
ated in  their  ordinary  costume.  John,  the  forerunner  of 
our  Saviour,  "  had  his  raiment  of  camel's  hair,  and  a 
leathern  girdle  about  his  loins ; "  \  but  perhaps  few  of  the 
early  Christian  preachers  were  arrayed  in  such  coarse  ca- 
nonicals. 

The  Founder  of  the  Christian  religion  instituted  only 
two  symbolic  ordinances — Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Su23per.§ 
It  is  universally  admitted  that,  in  the  apostolic  age,  baptism 
was  dispensed  to  all  who  embraced  the  gospel;  but  it  has 
been  much  disputed  whether  it  was  also  administered  to 
the  infant  children  of  the  converts.  The  testimony  of 
Scripture  on  the  subject  is  not  very  explicit;  for,  as  the 
ordinance  was  in  common  use  amongst  the  Jews,  ||  a  minute 
description  of  its  mode  and  subjects  was,  perhaps,  deemed 
unnecessary  by  the  apostles  and  evangelists.  When  an 
adult  heathen  was  received  into  the  Church  of  Israel,  it  is 

I      *  Censers  were  introduced  into  the  Chui-ch  about  tlie  fourth  or  fifth  ceu- 

Uury.     Bingham,  ii.  454,  455. 

^  +  1  Cor.  xvi.  19  ;  Col.  iv.  15  ;  Philem.  2.  J  Matt.  iii.  4. 

§  The  rite  of  confirmation,  as  now  practised,  has  no  sanction  in  the  New 
Testament.  The  "  baptisms  "  and  "  laying  on  of  hands,"  mentioned  Heb.  vi.  2, 
are  obviously  the  "divers  washings"  of  the  Jews,  and  the  imposition  of  hands 
on  the  heads  of  victims.  The  laying  on  of  the  apostles'  hands  conferred 
miraculous  gifts.  Had  the  apostle  refeiTed  to  Christian  baptism  in  Heb.  vi.  2, 
he  would  have  used  the  singular  number. 

II  Lightfoot  afiirms  that  the  use  of  baptism  among  the  Israelites  was  as 
ancient  as  the  days  of  Jacob.  He  appeals  in  support  of  this  view  to  Gen.  xxxv.  2. 
"  Works,"  iv.  278. 


INFANT  BAPTISM.  219 

well  known  that  the  little  children  of  the  proselyte  were 
admitted  along  with  him ; '""  and  as  the  Christian  Scriptures 
no  where  forbid  the  dispensation  of  the  rite  to  infants,  it 
may  be  presumed  that  the  same  practice  was  observed  by 
the  primitive  ministers  of  the  gospel.  This  inference  is 
emphatically  corroborated  by  the  fact  that,  of  the  compara- 
tively small  number  of  passages  in  the  New  Testament 
which  treat  of  its  administration,  no  less  ihsmjive  refer  to 
the  baptism  of  whole  households.t  It  is  also  worthy  of 
remark  that  these  five  cases  are  not  mentioned  as  rare  or 
peculiar,  but  as  ordinary  specimens  of  the  method  of 
apostolic  procedure.  It  is  not,  indeed,  absolutely  certain 
that  there  was  an  infant  in  any  of  these  five  households; 
but  it  is,  unquestionably,  much  more  probable  that  they 
contained  a  fair  proportion  of  little  children,  than  that 
every  individual  in  each  of  them  had  arrived  at  years  of 
maturity,  and  that  all  these  adults,  without  exception,  at 
once  participated  in  the  faith  of  the  head  of  the  family,  and 
became  candidates  for  baptism. 

In  the  New  Testament  faith  is  represented  as  the  grand 
qualification  for  baptism ;  J  but  this  principle  obviously 
applies  only  to  aU  who  are  capable  of  believing ;  for  in  the 
Word  of  God  faith  is  also  represented  as  necessary  to  salva- 
tion,§  and  yet  it  is  generally  conceded  that  little  children 
may  be  saved.  Under  the  Jewish  dispensation  infants 
were  circumcised,  and  were  thus  recognised  as  interested  in 
the  divine  favour,  so  that,  if  they  be  excluded  from  the  rite 
of  baptism,  it  follows  that  they  occupy  a  worse  position 
under  a  milder  and  more  glorious  economy.  But  the  New 
Testament  forbids  us  to  adopt  such  an  inference.  It  de- 
clares that  infants  should  be  "  suffered  to  come "  to  the 
Saviour;  ||  it  indicates  that  baptism  supplies  the  place  of 

f  Liglitfoot's  «  Works,"  iv.  409,  410.     Edit.  London,  1822. 

k  Acts  X.  2,  44-48,  xvi.  15,  33,  xviii.  8  ;  1  Cor.  i.  16.) 

+  Acts  viii.  37.  §  Mark  xvi.  16  ;  John  iii.  18. 

II  Matt.  xix.  14  ;  Luke  xviii.  15.     In  the  New  Testament  cliildren  are  de- 


220  MODE  OF  BAPTISM. 

circumcision,  for  it  connects  tlie  gospel  institution  with  "  the 
circumcision  of  Christ ;  "  ""'■  it  speaks  of  children  as  "  saints  " 
and  as  "  in  the  Lord,"  t  and,  of  course,  as  having  received 
some  visible  token  of  Church  membership ;  and  it  assures 
them  that  their  sins  are  forgiven  them  "  for  His  name's 
sake."  f  The  New  Testament  does  not  record  a  single  case 
in  which  the  offspring  of  Christian  j)arents  were  admitted 
to  baptism  on  arriving  at  years  of  intelligence ;  but  it  tells 
of  the  apostles  exhorting  the  men  of  Judea  to  repent  and  to 
submit  to  the  ordinance,  inasmuch  as  it  was  a  privilege  prof- 
fered to  them  and  to  their  childre7i.^  Nay  more,  Paul  plainly 
teaches  that  the  seed  of  the  righteous  are  entitled  to  the 
recognition  of  saintship ;  and  that,  even  when  only  one  of  the 
parents  is  a  Christian,  the  offspring  do  not  on  that  account 
forfeit  their  ecclesiastical  inheritance.  "  The  unbelieving 
husband,"  says  he,  "  is  sanctified  by  the  wife,  and  the  unbe- 
lieving wife  is  sanctified  by  the  husband,  else  were  your 
children  unclean,  but  now  are  they  hohj."  \\  This  passage 
demonstrates  that  the  Apostolic  Church  recognised  the 
hoHness  of  infants,  or  in  other  words,  that  it  admitted  them 
to  baptism. 

The  Scriptures  furnish  no  very  specific  instructions  as  to 
the  mode  of  baptism ;  and  it  is  probable  that,  in  its  admi- 
nistration, the  primitive  heralds  of  the  gospel  did  not  adhere 
to  a  system  of  rigid  uniformity. IF  Some  have  asserted  that 
the  Greek  word  translated  haptize^^'^  in  our  authorised  ver- 

scribed  as  uniting  with,  their  Christian  parents  in  prayer  (Acts  xxi.  5). 
Were  not  these  children  baptized  ?  They  were  no  doubt  brought  up  "  in  the 
nurture  and  admonition  of  the  Lord  "  (Eph.  vi.  4). 

*  Col.  ii.  11,  12,  13.  +  Col.  i.  2,  iii.  20 ;  Eph.  vi.  1,  4. 

+  1  John  ii.  12.  §  Acts  ii.  38,  39. 

II  1  Cor.  vii.  14.  The  absurdity  of  the  interpretation  according  to  which 
holy  is  here  made  to  signify  legitimate,  is  well  exposed  by  Dr  Wilson  in  his 
treatise  on  "  Infant  Baptism,"  p.  513.     London,  1848. 

IT  This  would,  indeed,  have  been  almost,  if  not  altogether,  impossible.  They 
would  probably  act  somewhat  differently  at  the  river  Jordan  and  in  such  a 
place  as  the  jail  at  Philippi.  **  BayrnXw. 


THE  lord's  SUrPER.  221 

siou,  always  signifies  immerse,  but  it  has  been  clearly- 
shewn  *  that  this  statement  is  inaccui'ate,  and  that  baptism 
does  not  necessarily  imply  dipping.  In  ancient  times,  and 
in  the  lands  where  tlie  apostles  laboured,  bathing  was  per- 
haps as  frequently  performed  by  affusion  as  immersion;  t 
and  it  may  be  that  the  apostles  varied  their  method  of 
baptizing  according  to  circumstances.^  The  ordinance  was 
intended  to  convey  the  idea  of  ivashing  or  pimfying;  and  it 
is  obvious  that  water  may  be  applied,  in  many  ways,  as  the 
means  of  ablution.  In  the  sacred  volume  sprinlding  is  often 
spoken  of  as  equivalent  to  icasJiing.% 

As  baptism  was  designed  to  supersede  the  Jewish  cir- 
cumcision, the  Lord's  Supper  was  intended  to  occupy  the 
place  of  the  Jewish  Passover.  ||  The  Paschal  lamb  could 
be  sacrificed  nowhere  except  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  Passover  was  kept  only  once  a  year;  but  the 
Eucharist  could  be  dispensed  wherever  a  Christian  congre- 
gation was  collected;  and  at  this  period  it  seems  to  have 
been  deserved  every  first  day  of  the  week,  at  least  by  the 
more  zealous  and  devout  worshippers.  H  The  wine,  as  well 
as  the  other  element,  was  given  to  all  who  joined  in  its 
celebration ;  and  the  title  of  the  "  Breaking  of  Bread," "''''"" 
one  of  the  names  by  which  the  ordinance  was  originally  dis- 
tinguished, supplies  evidence  that  the  doctrine  of  transub- 
stantiation  was  then  utterly  unknown.  The  word  Sacra- 
ment, as  applied  to  Baptism  and  the  Holy  Supper,  was  not 

*  Dr  Wilson  has  demonstrated  the  incorrectness  of  Dr  Carson's  state- 
ments on  this  subject.     See  his  "  Infant  Baptism,"  p.  96. 

t  Wilson's  "  Infant  Baptism,"  p.  157.  In  Titus  iii.  5,  6,  there  is  something 
hke  a  reference  to  this  mode  of  baptism  :  "  The  washing  of  regeneration  and 
renewing  of  the  Holy  Ghost  which  he  shed  (or  'poured  out)  on  us  abun- 
dantly."    Ov  i^tx^ev  icpi"  f]fias  n^ovaias. 

t  In  some  cases,  as  at  Jerusalem  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  they  do  not  seem 
to  have  had  the  means  of  immersing  their  converts.  See  also  Acts  x.  47. 
The  text  John  iii.  23,  indicates  the  difficulty  of  baptizing  by  dipping. 

§  Isa.  Iii.  15  ;  Ezek.  xxxvi.  25  ;  1  Pet.  i.  2  ;  Heb.  ix.  10  ;  Rev.  i.  5. 

II  1  Cor.  V.  7,  8.  U  Acts  xx.  7.  **  Acts  xx.  7 ;  1  Cor.  x.  16. 


222  THE  lord's  supper. 

in  use  in  tlie  days  of  the  apostles,  and  the  subsequent  in- 
troduction of  this  nomenclature, ''''  probably  contributed  to 
throw  an  air  of  mystery  around  these  institutions.  The 
primitive  disciples  considered  the  elements  employed  in 
them  simply  as  signs  and  seals  of  spiritual  blessings ;  and 
they  had  no  more  idea  of  regarding  the  bread  in  the 
Eucharist  as  the  real  body  of  our  Saviour,  than  they  had  of 
believing  that  the  water  of  baptism  is  the  very  blood  in 
which  He  washed  His  people  from  their  sins.  They  knew 
that  they  enjoyed  the  light  of  His  countenance  in  prayer, 
in  meditation,  and  in  the  hearing  of  His  Word;  and  that 
He  was  not  otherwise  present  in  these  symbolic  ordinances. 

Whilst,  in  the  Lord's  SupjDcr,  believers  hold  fellowship 
Mith  Christ,  they  also  maintain  and  exhibit  their  commu- 
mvD.  with  each  other.  "  We,  being  many,"  says  Paul,  "  are 
one  bread  and  one  body,  for  we  are  all  partakers  of  that 
one  bread."  t  Those  who  joined  together  in  the  observ- 
ance of  this  holy  institution  were  thereby  pledged  to  mutual 
love;  but  every  one  who  acted  in  such  a  way  as  to  bring 
reproach  upon  the  Christian  name,  was  no  longer  admitted 
to  the  sacred  table.  Paul,  doubtless,  refers  to  exclusion 
from  this  ordinance,  as  well  as  from  intimate  civil  inter- 
course, when  he  says  to  the  Corinthians — "  I  have  written 
unto  you  not  to  keep  company,  if  any  man  that  is  called  a 
brother  be  a  fornicator,  or  covetous,  or  an  idolater,  or  a 
railer,  or  a  drunkard,  or  an  extortioner;  with  such  an  one 
no  not  to  eat."  J 

In  the  sjmagogue  all  cases  of  discipline  were  decided  by 
the  bench  of  elders ;  §  and  it  is  plain,  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment, that  those  who  occupied  a  corresponding  position  in 
the  Christian  Church,  also  exercised  similar  authority. 
They  are  described  as  having  the  oversight  of  the  flock,  || 

*  It  was  in  use  before  the  end  of  the  second  century.  See  Kaye's  "  Tertul- 
lian,"  p.  431,  451.  f  1  Cor.  x.  17.  +  1  Cor.  v.  11. 

§  See  Lightfoot's  "Works,"  iii.  242,  and  xi.  179.  Vitringa  "  De  Synagoga," 
p.  550.  II  Acts  xx."'28. 


CHURCH  DISCIPLINE.  223 

as  bearing  rule,*  as  watching  for  souls, t  and  as  taking 
care  of  the  Church  of  God.  if  They  are  instructed  how  to 
deal  mth  oftenders,  §  and  they  are  said  to  he  entitled  to 
obedience.il  Such  representations  obviously  imply  that 
they  were  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline. 

This  account  of  the  functions  of  the  spiritual  rulers  has 
been  supposed  by  some  to  be  inconsistent  with  several 
statements  in  the  apostolic  epistles.  It  has  been  alleged 
that,  according  to  these  letters,  the  administration  of  dis- 
cipline was  vested  in  the  whole  body  of  the  people;  and 
that  originally  the  members  of  the  Church,  in  their  collec- 
tive capacity,  exercised  the  right  of  excommunication.  The 
lano;uao;e  of  Paul,  in  reference  to  a  case  of  scandal  which 
had  occurred  among  the  Christians  of  Corinth,  has  been 
often  quoted  in  proof  of  the  democratic  character  of  their 
ecclesiastical  constitution.  "  It  is  reported  commonly," 
says  the  apostle,  "that  there  is  fornication  among  you, 
and  such  fornication  as  is  not  so  much  as  named  among 

the  Gentiles,  that  one  should  have  his  father's  wife 

Therefore  i^ut  aioay  from  among  yourselves  that  wicked 
2)erson."  II  The  admonition  was  obeyed,  and  the  applica- 
tion of  discipline  seems  to  have  produced  a  most  salutary 
impression  upon  the  mind  of  the  offender.  In  his  next 
letter  the  apostle  accordingly  alludes  to  this  circumstance, 
and  observes — "  Sufficient  to  such  a  man  is  this  punishment, 
which  was  inflicted  of  many."  **  These  words  have  been 
frequently  adduced  to  shew  that  the  government  of  the 
Corinthian  Chm^ch  was  administered  by  the  whole  body  of 
the  communicants. 

The  various  statements  of  Scripture,  if  rightly  understood, 
must  exactly  harmonize,  and  a  closer  investigation  of  the 

*  Heb.  xiii.  17.  t  Heb.  xiii.  17.  J  1  Tim.  iii.  5. 

§  1  Tim.  V.  19,  20.  ||  Heb.  xiii.  17.  Hi  Cor.  v.  1, 1.3. 

**  2  Cor.  ii.  6. 


224  CHURCH  DISCIPLINE. 

case  of  this  transgressor  is  all  that  is  required  to  prove  that 
he  was  not  tried  and  condemned  by  a  tribunal  composed 
of  the  whole  mass  of  the  members  of  the  Church  of  Corinth. 
His  true  history  reveals  facts  of  a  very  different  character. 
For  reasons  which  it  would,  perhaps,  be  now  in  vain  to 
hoj^e  fidly  to  explore,  he  seems  to  have  been  a  favourite 
among  his  fellow-disciples;  many  of  them,  prior  to  their 
conversion,  had  been  grossly  licentious ;  and,  it  may  be,  that 
they  continued  to  regard  certain  lusts  of  the  flesh  with  an 
eye  of  comparative  indulgence."'^  Some  of  them  probably 
considered  the  conduct  of  this  ofi'ender  as  only  a  legitimate 
exercise  of  his  Christian  liberty ;  and  they  appear  to  have 
manifested  a  strong  inclination  to  shield  him  from  ecclesi- 
astical censure.  Paul,  therefore,  felt  it  necessary  to  address 
them  in  the  language  of  indignant  expostulation.  "  Ye 
are  ^^w^ecZ  tvp,"  says  he,  "  and  have  not  rather  mourned  that 
he  that  hath  done  this  deed  might  be  taken  away  from 

among  you Your  glorying  is  not  good.     Know  ye 

not  that  a  little  leaven  leaveneth  the  whole  lump."t  At 
the  same  time,  as  an  apostle  bound  to  vindicate  the  reputa- 
tion of  the  Church,  and  to  enforce  the  rules  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline,  he  solemnly  announces  his  determination  to  have 
the  ofi'ender  excommunicated.  "  I  verily,''  says  he,  "  as 
absent  in  body,  but  present  in  spirit,  have  judged  already 
as  though  I  were  present,  concerning  him  that  hath  so  done 
this  deed,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  whe^i  ye 
are  gathered  together,  and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  deliver  such  an  07ie  unto  Satan  for 
the  destruction  of  the  flesh,  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved  in 
the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus."  |  To  deliver  any  one  to  Satan 
is  to  expel  him  from  the  Church,  for  whoever  is  not  in  the 
Church  is  in  the  world,  and  "  the  whole  world  lieth  in  the 
wicked  one."  §     This  discipline  was  designed  to  teach  the 

*  See  Period  I.  section  i.  chap.  v.  p.  88.  +  1  Cor.  v,  2,  6. 

%  1  Cor.  V.  3-5.  §  1  John  v.  19,  iv  tw  novr]p<a. 


CHURCH  DISCIPLINE.  225 

fornicator  to  mortify  his  lusts,  and  it  thus  aimed  at  the  promo- 
tion of  his  highest  interests ;  or,  as  the  apostle  expresses  it,  he 
was  to  be  excommunicated  "for  the  destruction  of  the  flesh,'"" 
that  the  spirit  might  be  saved  in  the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus." 
It  is  obvious  that  the  Church  of  Corinth  was  now  in  a  state 
of  great  disorder.     A  partisan  spirit  had  crept  in  amongst  its  ' 
members ;  f  and  it  seems  probable  that  those  elders  |  who  \ 
were  anxious  to  maintain  wholesome  discipline  were  opposed 
and  overborne.     The  fornicator  had  in  some  way  contrived 
to  make  himself  so  popular  that  an  attempt  at  his  expulsion  i 
would,  it  was  feared,  throw  the  whole  society  into  hopeless 
confusion.     Under  these  circumstances  Paul  felt  it  neces-  I 
sary  to  interpose,  to  assert  his  apostolic  authority,  and  to  / 
insist  upon  the  maintenance  of  ecclesiastical  order.    Instead,' 
however,  of  consulting  the  people  as  to  the  course  to  be\ 
pursued,  he  peremptorily  delivers  \\h  judgment,  and  requires  I 
them  to  hold  a  solemn  assembly  that  they  may  listen  to  the  j 
public  announcement  §  of  a  sentence  of  excommunication.  \ 
He,  of  course,  expected  that  their  rulers  would  concur  with 
him  in  this  decision,  and  that  one  of  them  would  officially 
publish  it  when  they  were  "  gathered  together." 

*  In  the  above  passage  respecting  delivering  unto  Satan  there  may  be  a 
reference  to  Job  ii.  6,  7,  and  it  may  be  that  some  bodily  affliction  rested  on  the 
oflFender.  In  that  case  there  would  be  here  an  exercise  of  supernatural  i^ower 
on  the  part  of  Paul.  According  to  Tertullian,  to  deliver  to  Satan  was  simply 
to  excommunicate.  "  Do  ceteris  dixit  qui  illis  traditis  Satanaj,  id  est,  extra 
ecclesiam  projectis,  erudiri  haberent  blasphemandum  non  esse." — "  De  Pudi- 
citia,"  0.  xiii.  f  1  Cor.  i.  11, 12. 

X  That  the  Church  of  Corinth  at  this  time  was  organized  in  the  same  way 
as  other  Christian  communities  is  evident  from  various  allusions  in  the  first 
epistle.  See  1  Cor.  iv.  15,  vi.  5,  xii.  27,  28.  Crispus,  mentioned  Acts  xviii.  8, 
was,  no  doubt,  one  of  the  eldership.  There  is  a  reference  to  the  elders  in 
1  Cor.  xiv.  30.     See  Vitringa,  "  De  Synagoga,"  p.  600. 

§  In  the  apostolic  age,  censures  were  pronounced  in  presence  of  the  whole 
church.  See  1  Tim.  v.  20.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Paul  himself  does  not  excom- 
municate the  offender.  He  merely  delivers  his  apostolic  judgment  that  the 
thing  should  be  done,  and  calls  upon  the  Corinthians  to  do  it  ;  but  he  expects 
them  to  proceed  in  due  order,  the  rulers  and  the  people  performing  their 
respective  parts. 

P 


226  CHURCH  DISCIPLINE. 

When  the  case  is  tlius  stated,  it  is  easy  to  understand 
why  the  apostle  required  all  the  disciples  to  "  put  away  " 
from  among  themselves  "  that  wicked  person."  '  Had  they 
continued  to  cherish  the  spirit  which  they  had  recently 
displayed,  they  might  either  have  encouraged  the  fornicator 
to  refuse  submission  to  the  sentence,  or  they  might  have 
rendered  it  comparatively  powerless.  He  therefore  reminds 
them  that  they  too  should  seek  to  promote  the  purity  of 
ecclesiastical  fellowship ;  and  that  they  were  bound  to  co- 
operate in  carrying  out  a  righteous  discipline.  They  were 
to  cease  to  recognize  this  fallen  disciple  as  a  servant  of 
Christ ;  they  were  to  withdraw  themselves  from  his  society ; 
they  were  to  decline  to  meet  him  on  the  same  terms,  as 
heretofore,  in  social  intercourse ;  and  they  were  not  even  to 
eat  in  his  company.  Thus  would  the  reputation  of  the 
Church  be  vindicated;  for  in  this  way  it  would  be  im- 
mediately known  to  all  who  were  without  that  he  was  no 
longer  considered  a  member  of  the  brotherhood. 

The  Corinthians  were  awakened  to  a  sense  of  duty  by 
this  apostolic  letter,  and  acted  up  to  its  instructions.  The 
result  was  most  satisfactory.  When  the  offender  saw  that 
he  was  cut  off  from  the  Church,  and  that  its  members 
avoided  his  society,  he  was  completely  humbled.  The  sen- 
tence of  the  apostle,  or  the  eldership,  if  opposed  or  neglected 
by  the  people,  might  have  produced  little  impression;  but 
"the  punishment  which  was  inflicted  of  many" — the  im- 
I  mediate  and  entire  abandonment  of  all  connexion  with 
him  by  the  disciples  at  Corinth — overwhelmed  him  with 
shame  and  terror.  He  felt  as  a  man  smitten  by  the  judg- 
ment of  Cod ;  he  renounced  his  sin ;  and  he  exhibited  the 
most  unequivocal  tokens  of  genuine  contrition.  In  due 
time  he  was  restored  to  Church  fellowship ;  and  the  apostle 
then  exhorted  his  brethren  to  readmit  him  to  intercourse, 
and  to  treat  him  with  kindness  and  confidence.  "  Ye 
ought,"  says  he,  "  rather  to  forgive  him  and  comfort  him, 


CHURCH  DISCIPLINE.  227 

lest  perhaps  such  an  one  should  be  swallowed  up  with 
overmuch  sorrow.  Wherefore  I  beseech  you  that  ye  would 
confirm  your  love  toward  him."  * 

This  case  of  the  Corinthian  fornicator  has  been  recorded 
for  the  admonition  and  guidance  of  believers  in  all  genera- 
tions. It  teaches  that  every  member  of  a  Christian  Church 
is  bound  to  use  his  best  endeavours  to  promote  a  pure  com- 
munion; and  that  he  is  not  guiltless  if,  prompted  by  mis- 
taken charity  or  considerations  of  selfishness,  he  is  not 
prepared  to  co-operate  in  the  exclusion  of  false  brethren. 
Many  an  immoral  miuister  has  maintained  his  position, 
and  has  thus  continued  to  bring  discredit  on  the  gospel, 
simply  because  those  who  had  witnessed  his  misconduct 
were  induced  to  suppress  their  testimony;  and  many  a 
church  court  has  been  prevented  from  enforcing  discipline 
by  the  clamours  or  intimidation  of  an  ignorant  and  excited 
congregation.  The  command — "  Put  away  from  among 
yourselves  that  wicked  person,"  is  addressed  to  the  people, 
as  well  as  to  the  ministry;  and  all  Christ's  disciples  should 
feel  that,  in  vindicating  the  honour  of  His  name,  they  have 
a  common  interest,  and  share  a  common  responsibility. 
Every  one  cannot  be  a  member  of  a  church  court;  but 
every  one  can  aid  in  the  preservation  of  church  discipline. 
He  may  supply  information,  or  give  evidence,  or  encourage 
a  healthy  tone  of  public  sentiment,  or  assist,  by  petition  or 
remonstrance,  in  quickening  the  zeal  of  lukewarm  judica- 
tories. Aud  discipline  is  never  so  influential  as  when  it  is 
known  to  be  sustained  by  the  approving  verdict  of  a  pious/ 
and  intelligent  community.     The  punishment  "  inflicted  of 

*  2  Cor.  ii.  7,  8.  The  mode  of  proceeding  here  indicated  is  illustrated  by 
what  took  place  in  the  Church  of  Rome  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century. 
There  certain  penitents  first  appeared  before  the  presbytery  to  express  their 
contrition,  and  then  it  was  arranged  that  "  this  whole  ]3roceeding  should  be 
communicated  to  the  'people,  that  they  might  see  those  established  in  the 
Chm'ch,  whom  they  had  so  long  seen  and  mourned  wandering  and  straying." 
— Cyprian,  Ejiist.  xlvi.  p.  136.     Edit.  Baluzius,  Venice,  1728. 


228  EXCOMMUNICATION. 

many  " — the  withdrawal  of  the  confidence  and  countenance 
of  a  whole  church — is  a  most  impressive  admonition  to  a 
proud  sinner. 

In  the  apostolic  age  the  sentence  of  excommunication 
had  a  very  different  significance  from  that  which  was 
attached  to  it  at  a  subsequent  period.  Our  Lord  pointed 
out  its  import  with  equal  precision  and  brevity  when  he 
said — "  If  thy  brother  ....  neglect  to  hear  the  church,''^ 
let  him  be  unto  thee  as  an  heathen  man  and  a  publican."  f 
The  Israelites  could  have  no  religious  fellowship  with 
heathens,  or  the  worshippers  of  false  gods;  and  they  could 
have  no  jDcrsonal  respect  for  publicans,  or  Roman  tax- 
gatherers,  who  were  regarded  as  odious  representatives  of 
the  oppressors  of  their  country.  To  be  "  unto  them  as  an 
heathen"  was  to  be  excluded  from  the  privileges  of  their 
church ;  and  to  be  "  unto  them  as  a  publican ''  was  to  be 
shut  out  from  their  society  in  the  way  of  domestic  inter- 
course. When  the  apostle  says — "  Now  we  command  you, 
brethren,  that  ye  withdraw  yourselves  from  every  brother 
that  walketh  disorderly  and  not  after  the  ordinance  \  which 
he  received  of  us,"  §  he  doubtless  designed  to  intimate  that 
those  who  were  excommunicated  should  be  admitted  neither 
to  the  intimacy  of  private  friendship  nor  to  the  sealing 
ordinances  of  the  gospel.  But  it  did  not  follow  that  the 
disciples  were  to  treat  such  persons  with  insolence  or 
inhumanity.  They  were  not  at  liberty  to  act  thus  towards 
heathens  and  publicans;  for  they  were  to  love  even  their 
enemies,  and  they  were  to  imitate  the  example  of  their 
Father  in  heaven  who  "  maketh  his  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil 
and  on  the  good,  and  sendeth  rain  on  the  just  and  on  the 
unjust."  II     It  is  obvious  from  the  address  of  the  apostle  to 

*  That  "  the  church "  here  signifies  the  eldership,  see  Vitringa,  "  De 
Synagoga,"  p.  724.  t  Matt,  xviii.  15,  17. 

t  In  our  Enghsh  version  the  original  word  (TropuSocrii/)  is  improperly  ren- 
dered tradition. 
§    2   Thess.  iii.  6.  ||  Matt.  v.  45. 


EXCOMMUNICATION.  229 

the  Thessalonians  that  the  members  of  the  Church  were  not 
forbidden  to  speak  to  those  who  were  separated  from  com- 
munion ;  and  that  they  were  not  required  to  refuse  them 
the  ordinary  charities  of  life.  They  were  simply  to  avoid 
such  an  intercourse  as  implied  a  community  of  faith,  of 
feeling,  and  of  interest.  "  If  any  man,"  says  he,  "  obey  not 
our  word  by  this  ejDistle,  note  that  man,  and  have  no  com- 
Ijcmy  ivith  him,  that  he  may  be  ashamed.  Yet  count  him  not 
as  an  enemy,  hut  admonish  him  as  a  hr other  "'^ 

How  different  was  this  discipline  from  that  which  was 
established,  several  centuries  afterwards,  in  the  Latin 
Church!  The  spirit  and  usages  of  paganism  then  sup- 
planted the  regulations  of  the  New  Testament,  and  the 
excommunication  of  Christianity  was  converted  into  the 
excommunication  of  Druidism.t  Our  Lord  taught  that 
"  whoever  would  not  hear  the  church "  should  be  treated 
as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican ;  but  the  time  came  when 
he  who  forfeited  his  status  as  a  member  of  the  Christian 
commonwealth  was  denounced  as  a  monster  or  a  fiend. 
Paul  declared  that  the  person  excommunicated,  instead  of 
being  counted  as  an  enemy,  should  be  admonished  as  a 
brother;  but  the  Latin  Church,  in  a  long  list  of  horrid 
imprecations,|  invoked  a  curse  upon  every  member  of  the 
body  of  the  offender,  and  commanded  every  one  to  refuse 
to  him  the  civility  of  the  coldest  salutation  !  The  early 
Church  acted  as  a  faithful  monitor,  anxious  to  reclaim  the 
sinner  from  the  error  of  his  ways :  the  Latin  Church,  like  a 
tyrant,  refuses  to  the  transgressor  even  that  which  is  his 
due,  and  seeks  either  to  reduce  him  to  slavery,  or  to  drive 
him  to  despair. 

*  2  Thess.  iii.  14,  15. 

t  For  an  account  of  the  excommunication  of  the  Druids,  see  Cresar,  "  De 
Bello  Gallico,"  vi.  13.  Many  things  in  the  Latin  excommunication  are  doubt- 
less borrowed  from  paganism. 

J  As  an  example  of  this,  see  an  old  form  of  excommunication  in  Collier's 
"  Ecclesiastical  History,"  ii.  273.      Edit.  London,  1840. 


CHAPTER  11. 

THE  EXTRAORDINARY  TEACHERS  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH ; 

AND  ITS  ORDINARY  OFFICE-BEARERS,  THEIR 

APPOINTMENT,  AND  ORDINATION. 

Paul  declares  tliat  Christ  "  gave  some,  apostles ;  and  some, 
prophets;  and  some,  evangelists;  and  some,  pastors  and 
teachers;  for  the  perfecting  of  the  saints,  for  the  work  of 
the  ministry,  for  the  edifying  of  the  body  of  Christ."'"'  In 
another  place  the  same  writer,  when  speaking  of  those 
occupying  positions  of  prominence  in  the  ecclesiastical  com- 
munity, makes  a  somewhat  similar  enumeration.  "  God," 
says  he,  "hath  set  some  in  the  church,  first,  apostles; 
secondarily,  prophets ;  thirdly,  teachers;  after  that,  miracles; 
then,  gifts  of  healings,  helps,  governments,  diversities  of 
tongues."  t 

These  two  passages,  presenting  something  like  catalogues 
of  the  most  prominent  characters  connected  with  the 
Apostolic  Church,  throw  light  upon  each  other.  They 
mention  the  ordinary,  as  well  as  the  extraordinary,  ecclesi- 
astical functionaries.  Under  the  class  of  ordinary  office- 
bearers must  be  placed  those  described  as  "pastors  and 
teachers,"  "helps,"  and  "governments."  The  evangelists, 
such  as  Timothy,J  Titus,  and  Phi]ip,§  seem  to  have  had 
a  special  commission  to  assist  in  organizing  the  infant 
Church; II  and,  as  they  were  furnished  with  supernatural 

*  Epk  iv.  11,  12.  t  1  Cor.  xii.  28.  J  2  Tim.  iv.  5. 

§  Acts  xxi.  8,  viii.  5.  ||  1  Tim.  i.  3,  v.  1,  7,  17;  Tit.  i.  5. 


CHUECH  OFFICERS.  231 

endowments,'"  tliey  may  be  considered  extraordinary  func- 
tionaries. The  ajiostles  themselves  clearly  belong  to  the 
same  denomination.  They  all  possessed  the  gift  of  inspira- 
tion ;t  they  all  received  their  authority  immediately  from 
Christ ;  J  they  all  "  went  in  and  out  with  Him  "  during  His 
personal  ministry;  and,  as  they  all  saw  Him  after  He  rose 
from  the  dead,  they  could  all  attest  His  resurrection.§  It 
is  plain,  too,  that  the  ministrations  of  "  the  prophets,"  as 
well  as  of  those  who  wrought  "miracles,"  who  possessed 
"  gifts  of  heahngs,"  and  who  had  "  diversities  of  tongues," 
must  also  be  designated  extraordinary. 

It  is  probable  that  by  the  "  helps,"  of  whom  Paul  here 
speaks,  he  understands  the  deacons, \\  who  were  originally 
appointed  to  relieve  the  apostles  of  a  portion  of  labour 
which  they  felt  to  be  inconvenient  and  burdensome.lT  The 
duties  of  the  deacons  were  not  strictly  of  a  spiritual  charac- 
ter ;  these  ministers  held  only  a  subordinate  station  among 
the  office-bearers  of  the  Church;  and,  even  in  dealing  with 
its  temporalities,  they  acted  under  the  advice  and  direction 
of  those  who  were  properly  entrusted  with  its  government. 
Hence,  perhaps,  they  were  called  "helps"  or  attendants.'"'^'' 

When  these  helps  and  the  extraordinary  functionaries 
are  left  out  of  the  apostolic  catalogues,  it  is  rather  singular 
that,  in  the  passage  addressed  to  the  Ephesians,  we  have 
nothing  remaining  but  "pastors  and  teachers;"  and,  in 
that  to  the    Corinthians,   nothing   but    "teachers"    and 

*  Acts  viii.  13;  2  Tim.  i.  6.  This  latter  text  is  often  quoted,  though 
erroneously,  as  if  it  referred  to  the  ordination  of  Timothy.  The  ordainer 
usually  laid  on  only  his  right  hand.  See  "  Con.  Carthag."  iv.  can.  iii.  iv.  In 
conferring  extraordinary  endowments  both  hands  were  imposed.  See  Acts 
xix.  G. 

t  John  xiv.  26,  xvi.  13,  xx.  22.  J  Matt.  x.  1,  xxviii.  18,  19. 

§  John  XX.  26,  xxi.  1 ;  Acts  i.  3  ;  1  Cor.  ix.  1. 

II  Such  is  the  opinion  of  Chrysostom  and  others.  See  Alford  on  this 
passage.  IT  Acts  vi.  2-4. 

**  In  the  Peshito  version  helps  and  governments  are  translated  helpers  and 
governors. 


232  ELDERS  OR  BISHOPS. 

"  GOVERNMENTS."  Tliere  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that 
these  two  residuary  elements  are  identical, — the  "  pastors," 
mentioned  before '""  the  teachers  in  one  text,  being  equiva- 
lent to  the  "governments"  mentioned  after  them  in  the 
other.t  Nor  is  it  strange  that  those  entrusted  with  the 
ecclesiastical  government  should  be  styled  pastors  or 
shepherds;  for  they  are  the  guardians  and  rulers  of  "the 
flock  of  God."  J  Thus,  it  appears  that  the  ordinary  office- 
bearers of  the  Apostolic  Church  were  pastors,  teachers,  and 
helps;  or,  teachers,  rulers,  and  deacons. 

In  the  apostolic  age  we  read  likewise  of  elders  and 
bishops ;  and  in  the  New  Testament  these  names  are  often 
used  interchangeably.§  The  elders  or  bishops,  were  the 
same  as  the  pastors  and  teachers;  for  they  had  the  charge 
of  the  instruction  and  government  of  the  Church.  ||  Hence 
elders  are  required  to  act  as  faithful  pastors  under  Christ, 
the  Chief  Shepherd.H  It  appears,  too,  that  whilst  some  of 
the  elders  were  only  pastors,  or  rulers,  others  were  also 
teachers.  The  apostle  says  accordingly — "Let  the  elders 
that  rule  well,  be  counted  worthy  of  double  honour,  especially 
those  that  labour  in  the  word  and  doctrine."  *"''"'■  We  may 
thus  see  that  the  teachers,  governments,  and  helps,  men- 
tioned by  Paul  when  writing  to  the  Corinthians,  are  the 

*  It  is  remarkable  that  the  lay  council  of  the  modern  synagogue  are  called 
Parnasim  or  Pastors.     See  Vitringa,  "  De  Synagoga,"  pp.  578,  635. 

t  Mr  Alford  observes  that  in  1  Cor.  xii.  28,  "  we  must  not  seek  for  a  classi- 
fied arrangement " — the  arrangement  being  "  rather  suggestive  than  logical." 
Hence  "belles"  are  mentioned  6e/ore  "governments."  In  the  same  way  in 
Eph.  iv.  11,  "pastors"  precede  "teachers." 

X  Acts  XX.  28  ;  1  Pet.  v.  2. 

§  Acts  XX.  17,  28;  Titus  i.  5,  7 ;  1  Pet.  v.  1,  2. 

II  1  Tim.  iii.  1,  2,  5. 

1"  1  Pet.  V.  1,  2,  4.  The  identity  of  elders  and  pastors  is  more  distinctly 
exhibited  in  the  original  here,  and  in  Acts  xx.  17,  28,  as  the  word  translated 
feed  signifies  literally  to  act  as  a  shepherd  or  pastor. 

**  1  Tim.  V.  17.  Mr  EUicott,  in  his  work  on  the  "Pastoral  Epistles,"  thus 
speaks  of  this  passage — "  The  concluding  words,  iv  \6ym  kqI  StSao-K.,  certainly 
seem  to  imply  two  kinds  of  ruling  presbyters,  those  who  preached  and  taught 
and  those  who  did  not." 


BISHOPS  AND  DEACONS.  233 

same  as  the  "bishops  and  deacons"  of  whom  he  speaks 
elsewhere.'"' 

In  primitive  times  there  were,  generally,  a  plurality  of 
elders,  as  well  as  a  plurality  of  deacons,  in  every  church  or 
congregation ;  t  and  each  functionary  was  expected  to 
apply  himself  to  that  particular  department  of  his  office 
w^hich  he  could  manage  most  efficiently.  Some  elders 
possessed  a  peculiar  talent  for  expounding  the  gospel  in  the 
way  of  preaching,  or,  as  it  was  occasionally  called,  pro- 
phesying; J  others  excelled  in  delivering  hortatory  addresses 
to  the  people ;  others  displayed  great  tact  and  sagacity  in 
conducting  ecclesiastical  business,  or  in  dealing  personally 
with  offenders,  or  with  penitents ;  whilst  others  again  were 
singularly  successful  in  imparting  private  instruction  to 
catechumens.  Some  deacons  were  frequently  commissioned 
to  administer  to  the  wants  of  the  sick;  and  others,  who 
were  remarkable  for  their  shrewdness  and  discrimination, 
were  employed  to  distribute  alms  to  the  indigent.  In  one 
of  his  epistles  Paul  pointedly  refers  to  the  multiform  duties 
of  these  ecclesiastical  office-bearers — "Having  then,"  says 
he,  "  gifts,  differing  according  to  the  grace  that  is  given  to 
us,  whether  prophecy,  let  us  prophesy  according  to  the  pro- 
portion of  faith ;  or  ministry  (of  the  deacon),  let  us  wait 
on  our  ministerino; ;  or  he  that  teacheth,  on  teachino;;  or 
he  that  exhorteth,  on  exhortation;  he  that  giveth,  let  him 
do  it  w^th  simplicity;  he  that  rideth,  with  diligence;  he 
that  sheweth  mercy,  with  cheerfulness."  § 

It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  all  the  primitive 
elders,  or  bishops,  were  preachers;  but  the  records  of 
apostolic  times  warrant  no  such  conclusion.  These  elders 
were  appointed  simply  to  "take  care  of  the  Church  of 
God;"li    and   it    was  not  necessary  that  each  individual 

*  Compare  1  Cor.  xii.  28,  and  Philip,  i.  1 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  1-8. 

t  Acts  vi.  3,  xiv.  23  ;  Titus  i.  5  ;  James  v.  14. 

t  1  Cor.  xiv.  1,  5,  6,  31.  §  Rom.  xii.  6-8. 

II  1  Tim.  iii.  5.     Liglitf oot  says  that,  "  in  every  synagogue  there  was  a  civil 


234         ELDERS  SHOULD  BE  APT  TO  TEACH. 

should  perform  all  tlie  functions  of  tlie  pastoral  office. 
Even  at  tlie  present  day  a  single  preacher  is  generally  suffi- 
cient to  minister  to  a  single  congregation.  When  Paul 
requires  that  the  elders  who  rule  well,  though  they  may  not 
"labour  in  the  word  and  doctrine/'  shall  be  counted 
worthy  of  double  honour,'"'  his  language  distinctly  indicates 
that  there  were  then  persons  designated  elders  who  did 
not  preach,  and  who,  notwithstanding,  were  entitled  to 
respect  as  exemplary  and  efficient  functionaries.  It  is  re- 
markable that  when  the  apostle  enumerates  the  qualifica- 
tions of  a  bishop,  or  elder,  t  he  scarcely  refers  to  oratorical 
endowments.  He  states  that  the  ruler  of  the  Church  should 
be  grave,  sober,  prudent,  and  benevolent;  but,  as  to  his 
ability  to  propagate  his  principles,  he  employs  only  one 
word — rendered  in  our  version  "  apt  to  teach.'' J  This  does 
not  imply  that  he  must  be  qualified  to  preach,  for  teacliing 
and  loreaching  are  repeatedly  distinguished  in  the  New 
Testament ;  §  neither  does  it  signify  that  he  must  become  a 
professional  tutor,  for,  as  has  already  been  intimated,  all 
elders  are  not  expected  to  labour  in  the  word  and  doctrine ; 
it  merely  denotes  that  he  should  be  able  and  wilhng,  as 

triumvirate,  that  is,  tliree  magistrates  who  judged  of  matters  in  contest  aris- 
ing within  that  synagogue." — "  Works,"  xi.  179.  The  same  writer  declares  that 
"  in  every  synagogue  there  were  elders  that  ruled  in  civil  affairs,  and  elders 
that  laboured  in  the  word  and  doctrine." — "  Works,"  iii.  242,  243. 

*  BmXrjs  Ti/iris.  Those  who  adduce  this  passage  to  prove  that  the  apostle 
here  defines  the  pecuniary  remuneration  of  elders  involve  themselves  in  much 
difficulty  ;  for,  if  limited  to  the  matter  of  payment,  and  literally  interpreted, 
it  would  lead  to  the  inference  that,  irrespective  of  the  amount  of  service  ren- 
dered, all  the  elders  should  receive  the  same  compensation  ;  and  that  no 
church  teacher,  though  the  father  of  a  large  family,  should  be  allowed  more 
than  twice  the  gratuity  of  a  poor  widow  !  Compare  1  Tim.  v.  3,  and  17.  The 
"  double  honour"  of  1  Tim.  v.  17,  is  evidently  equivalent  to  the  "  all  honour" 
of  1  Tim.  vi.  1.  In  the  latter  case  there  can  be  no  reference  to  payment. 
Paul  obviously  means  to  say  that  the  claims  of  elders  should  be  fully 
recognized  ;  and  in  tlje  following  verse  (1  Tim.  v.  18)  he  refers  pointedly  to 
the  temporal  suj^port  to  which  church  teachers  are  entitled. 

f  1  Tim.  iii.  2-7.  i  BiBaKTiKov. 

§  Matt.  iv.  23  ;  Acts  v.  42,  xv.  35. 


ELDERS  SHOULD  BE  APT  TO  TEACH.         235 

often  as  an  opportunity  occurred,  to  communicate  a  know- 
ledge of  divine  truth.  All  believers  are  required  to  "  ex- 
hort one  another  daily,"'"'  "  teaching  and  admonishing  one 
another,"!  being  "  ready  always  to  give  an  answer  to  every 
man  that  asketh  them  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in  them;"  J 
and  those  who  "  watch  for  souls"  sliould  be  specially  zealous 
in  performing  these  duties  of  their  Christian  vocation.  The 
word  which  has  been  supposed  to  indicate  that  every  elder 
should  be  a  public  instructor  occurs  in  only  one  other  in- 
stance in  the  New  Testament ;  and  in  that  case  it  is  used  in 
a  connexion  which  serves  to  illustrate  its  meaning.  Paul 
there  states  that  whilst  such  as  minister  to  the  Lord  should 
avoid  a  controversial  spirit,  they  should  at  the  same  time 
be  wilhng  to  supply  explanations  to  objectors,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  information.  "The  servant  of  the 
Lord,"  says  he,  "  must  not  strive,  but  be  gentle  unto  all 
men,  apt  to  teach,  patient,  in  meekness  instructing  those 
that  oppose  themselves,  if  God  peradventure  will  give  them 
repentance  to  the  acknowdedging  of  the  truth."  §  Here  the 
ai:)tness  to  teach  refers  apparently  to  a  talent  for  winning 
over  gainsayers  by  means  of  instruction  communicated  in 
private  conversation.  || 

But  still  preaching  is  the  grand  ordinance  of  God,  as  well 
for  the  edification  of  saints  as  for  the  conversion  of  sinners ; 
and  it  was,  therefore,  necessary  that  at  least  some  of  the 
session  or  eldership  connected  with  each  flock  should  be 
competent  to  conduct  the  congregational  worship.  As 
spiritual  gifts  were  more  abundant  in  the  apostolic  times 
than  afterwards,  it  is  probable  that  at  first  several  of  the 


*  Heb.  iii.  13.  +  Col.  iii.  16. 

X  1  Pet.  iii.  15.  §  2  Tim.  ii.  24,  25. 

II  Even  a  female,  thougli  not  permitted  to  speak  in  ^he  Church,  had  often 
this  aptness  for  teaching.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  excellent  Priscilla, 
Acts  xviii.  26.  The  aged  women  were  required  to  be  "  teachers  of  good 
things,"  Titus  ii.  3. 


236  THE  APOSTLES. 

elders ""'  were  found  ready  to  take  part  in  its  celebration. 
By  degrees,  however,  nearly  the  whole  service  devolved  on 
one  individual ;  and  this  preaching  elder  was  very  properly 
treated  with  peculiar  deference,  t  He  was  accordingly  soon 
recognized  as  the  stated  president  of  the  presbytery,  or 
eldership. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  preaching  elder  held  the  most 
honourable  position  amongst  the  ordinary  fimctionaries  of 
the  Apostolic  Church.  Whilst  his  office  required  the  highest 
order  of  gifts  and  accomplishments,  and  exacted  the  largest 
amount  of  mental  and  even  physical  exertion,  the  prosperity 
of  the  whole  ecclesiastical  community  depended  mainly  on 
his  acceptance  and  efficiency.  The  people  are  accordingly 
frequently  reminded  that  they  are  bound  to  respect  and 
sustain  their  spiritual  instructors.  "  Let  him  that  is  taught 
in  the  word,"  says  Paul,  "communicate  unto  him  that 
teacheth  in  all  good  things."!  "  The  Scripture  saith — 
Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  ox  that  treadeth  out  the  corn; 
and.  The  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  reward." §  "So  hath 
the  Lord  ordained  that  they  which  preach  the  gospel  should 
live  of  the  gospel."  || 

The  apostles  held  a  position  which  no  ministers  after  them 
could  occupy,  for  they  were  appointed  by  our  Lord  him- 
self to  organize  the  Church.  As  they  were  to  carry  out 
instructions  which  they  had  received  from  His  own  lips, 
and  as  they  were  armed  with  the  power  of  working 
miracles,^^  they  possessed  an  extraordinary  share  of  per- 
sonal authority.  Aware  that  their  circumstances  were 
peculiar,  and  that  their  services  would  be  available  until 
the  end  of  time,'"""'  they  left  the  ecclesiastical  government,  as 

*  In  the  Church,  of  Corinth  several  speakers  were  in  the  habit  of  addressing 
the  same  meeting.     1  Cor.  xiv.  26,  27,  29,  31.  f  1  Tim.  v.  17. 

X  Gal.  vi.  6.  ,  §   1  Tim.  v.  18.  |1  1  Cor.  ix.  14. 

IT  Matt.  X.  1 ;  1  Cor.  xiv.  18. 
**  "  The  place  which  the  apostles  occupied  while  they  lived  is  now  filled, 
not  by  a  living  order  of  ministers,  but  by  their  own  inspired  writings,  which 


THE  APOSTLES.  237 

they  passed  away  one  after  another,  to  the  care  of  the 
elders  who  had  meanwhile  shared  in  its  administration."^'' 
As  soon  as  the  Church  began  to  assume  a  settled  form,  they 
mingled  with  these  elders  on  terms  of  equality ;  and,  as  at 
the  Council  of  Jerusalem,t  sat  with  them  in  the  same 
deliberative  assemblies.  When  Paul  addressed  the  elders 
of  Ephesus  for  the  last  time,  and  took  his  solemn  farewell 
of  them, J  he  commended  the  Church  to  their  charge,  and 
emphatically  pressed  upon  them  the  importance  of  fidelity 
and  Yigilance.§  In  his  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy,  written 
in  the  prospect  of  his  martyrdom,  he  makes  no  allusion  to 
the  expediency  of  selecting  another  individual  to  fill  his 
place.  The  apostles  had  fully  executed  their  commission 
when,  as  wise  master-builders,  they  laid  the  foundation  of 
the  Church  and  fairly  exhibited  the  divine  model  of  the 
glorious  structure;  and  as  no  other  parties  could  produce 
the  same  credentials,  no  others  could  pretend  to  the  same 
authority.  But  even  the  apostles  repeatedly  testified  that 
they  regarded  the  preaching  of  the  Word  as  the  highest 
department  of  theii'  office.  It  was,  not  as  church  rulers, 
but  as  church  teachers,  that  they  were  specially  distin- 
guished. "  We  will  give  ourselves,"  said  they,  "  continually 
to  prayer,  and  to  the  ministry  of  the  Word!'  \\     "  Christ  sent 

constitute,  or  ought  to  constitute,  the  supreme  authority  in  the  Church  of 

God The  Xew  Testament  Scriptures,  as  they  are  the  only  real  apos- 

tolate  now  in  existence,  so,  are  sufficient  to  supply  to  us  the  place  of  the 
inspired  Twelve." — Litton's  Church  of  Christ,  p.  410. 

*  "  While  it  is  clearly  recorded  that  the  apostles  instituted  the  orders  of 
presbyters  and  deacons,  it  is  not  so  clearly  recorded,  indeed  it  is  not  recorded 
at  all,  that  they  instituted  the  order  of  bishops." — Litton,  p.  426.  Such  a 
testimony  from  a  Fellow  of  Oxford  is  creditable  alike  to  his  candour  and 
his  intelhgence. 

t  Acts  XV.  6,  xvi.  4,  xxi.  18,  25.  %  Acts  xx.  17,  25. 

§  Acts  XX.  29-31. 

II  Acts  vi.  4.  "Here,"  says  Mr  Litton,  "no  mention  is  made  of  government 
or  of  ordination,  as  the  special  prerogative  of  the  apostolic  office ;  and  if  it 
were  not  dangerous  to  lay  too  much  stress  upon  a  single  passage,  it  might  from 
this  one  be  plausibly  inferred  that  the  special  function  of  the  apostles,  as 
representatives  of  the  ordinary  Christian  ministry,  has   desce^ided,  not  to 


238  THE  APOSTLES. 

me,"  said  Paul,  "  not  to  baptize,  but  to  preach  the  gosjoel."  * 
"  Unto  me,  who  am  less  than  the  least  of  all  saints,  is  this 
grace  given,  that  I  should  preach  among  the  Gentiles  the 
unsearchable  riches  of  Christ."  t 

But  thouo;h,  accordins;  to  the  New  Testament,  the 
business  of  ruling  originally  formed  only  a  subordinate  part 
of  the  duty  of  the  church  teacher,  some  have  maintained 
that  ecclesiastical  government  pertains  to  a  higher  func- 
tion than  ecclesiastical  instruction;  and  that  the  apostles 
instituted  a  class  of  spiritual  overseers  to  whose  jurisdiction 
all  other  preachers  are  amenable.  They  imagine  that,  in 
the  Pastoral  Epistles,  they  find  proofs  of  the  existence  of 
such  functionaries; J  and  they  contend  that  Timothy  and 
Titus  were  diocesan  bishops,  respectively  of  Ephesus  and 
Crete.     But  the  arguments  by  which  they  endeavour  to 

bishops,  but  to  presbyters,  to  whom  it  specially  pertains  to  give  themselves  to 
prayer  and  the  ministry  of  the  Word." — Litton^ s  Cliurch  of  Christ,  p.  407.  It 
is  certainly  not  dangerous  to  lay  as  much  stress  upon  any  Scripture  as  it  will 
legitimately  bear,  and  the  inference  here  drawn  is  in  accordance  with  the 
rules  of  the  most  exact  logic. 

*  1  Cor.  i.  17. 

t  Eph.  iii.  8.  In  dealing  with  individuals,  the  apostles  seldom  challenged 
obedience  on  the  ground  of  their  divine  authority.  When  they  are  repre- 
sented as  directing  the  movements  of  ministers,  the  language  generally 
implies  simply  that  the  parties  in  question  undertook  cei-tain  services  at  their 
instigation  or  request,  or  by  their  advice.  Thus,  Paul  says  that  he  besought 
Timothy  to  abide  at  Ephesus,  that  he  left  Titus  in  Crete,  and  that  he  sent 
Epaphroditvis  to  the  Philippians  (1  Tim.  i.  3 ;  Titus  i.  5 ;  Philip,  ii.  25).  But 
Paul  himself  is  said  to  have  been  sent  forth  to  Tarsus  by  the  brethren  (Acts 
ix.  30).  When  Mark  refused  to  accompany  Paul  and  Silas  into  Asia  Minor 
he  did  not  therefore  forfeit  his  ecclesiastical  status  (Acts  xiii.  13,  xv.  37-39). 
Apart  from  their  special  commission,  the  apostles  were  entitled  to  deference 
from  other  ministers  on  account  of  their  superior  age  and  experience ;  and 
Paul  sometimes  refers  to  this  claim.  See  Philem.  8,  9.  On  the  same  ground 
all  who  have  recently  entered  the  ministry  are  bound  to  yield  precedence  to 
aged  pastors,  and  to  respect  their  advice.     See  1  Pet.  v.  5. 

X  It  can  scarcely  be  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that  the  postscripts  to 
these  epistles  setting  forth  that  Timothy  was  "  ordained  the  first  bishop  of 
the  Church  of  the  Ephesians,"  and  that  Titus  was  "  ordained  the  first  bishop 
of  the  Church  of  the  Cretians,"  are  spurious.  See  Period  i.  sec.  ii.  chap,  i, 
p.  181. 


TIMOTHY.  239 

sustain  tliese  views  are  quite  inconclusive.  Paul  says  to 
Timothy — "  I  besouglit  thee  to  abide  still  at  Ephesus,  when 
I  went  into  Macedonia,  that  iliou  mightest  charge  some  that 
they  teach  no  other  doctrine;"  ^''  and  it  has  hence  been  in- 
ferred that  the  evangelist  was  the  only  minister  in  the  capital 
of  the  Proconsular  Asia  who  was  sufficiently  authorized  to 
oppose  heresiarchs.  It  happens,  however,  that  in  this 
epistle  the  writer  says  also  to  his  correspondent — "  Charge 
them  that  are  rich  in  this  Avorld  that  they  be  not  high- 
minded,  nor  trust  in  uncertain  riches;" f  so  that,  according 
to  the  same  method  of  interpretation,  it  would  follow  that 
Timothy  was  the  only  preacher  in  the  place  who  was  at 
liberty  to  admonish  the  opulent.  When  Paul  subsequently 
stood  face  to  face  with  the  elders  of  Ephesus,|  he  told  them 
that  it  was  their  common  duty  to  discountenance  and  resist 
false  teachers  ;§  and  he  had  therefore  now  no  idea  of 
entrusting  that  responsibility  to  any  solitary  individual. 
The  reason  why  the  service  was  pressed  specially  on  Timothy 
is  sufficiently  apparent.  He  had  been  trained  up  by  Paul 
himself;  he  was  a  young  minister  remarkable  for  intelli- 
gence, abihty,  and  circumspection;  and  he  was  accordingly 
deemed  eminently  qualified  to  deal  with  the  errorists. 
Hence  at  this  juncture  his  presence  at  Ephesus  was  con- 
sidered of  importance;  and  the  apostle  besought  him  to 
remain  there  whilst  he  himself  was  absent  on  another 
mission. 

*  1  Tim.  i.  3.    Paul  says  (1  Cor.  iv.  17)  to  the  Corinthians — "  I  have  sent 

unto  you  Timotheus who  shall  bring  you  into  remembrance  of  my 

ways  which  be  in  Christ;"  and,  according  to  the  mode  of  reasoning  employed 
by  some,  we  might  infer  from  this  text  that  Timothy  was  bishop  of  Corinth. 
"  It  is  a  suspicious  circumstance,"  says  Dr  Burton,  "  that  several  persons  who 
are  mentioned  in  the  New  Testament,  are  said  to  have  been  bisliops  of  the 
places  connected  with  their  names.  Thus  Cornelius  is  said  to  have  been 
bishop  of  Cajsarea,  and  to  have  succeeded  Zacchseus,  though  it  is  highly  im- 
probable that  either  of  them  filled  such  an  ofl&ce." — "Lectures,"  i.,  p.  182. 

t  1  Tim.  vi.  17.  %  See  Period  i.  sect.  i.  chap.  ix.  p.  131. 

§  Acts  XX.  30,  31. 


240  TITUS. 

The  argument  founded  on  the  instructions  addressed  to 
Titus  is  equally  unsatisfactory.  Paul  says  to  him — "  For 
this  cause  left  I  thee  in  Crete,  that  thou  shouldest  set  in 
order  the  things  that  are  wanting,  and  ordain '"'  elders  in 
every  city  as  I  had  appointed  thee;"t  and  from  these 
words  the  inference  has  been  drawn  that  to  Titus  alone  was 
committed  the  ecclesiastical  oversight  of  all  the  churches  of 
the  island.  But  the  words  of  the  apostle  warrant  no  such 
sweeping  conclusion.  Apollos,J  and  probably  other  minis- 
ters equal  in  authority  to  the  evangelist,  were  now  in  Crete, 
and  were,  no  doubt,  ready  to  co-operate  with  him  in  the 
business  of  church  organization.  Titus,  iDcsides,  had  no 
right  to  act  without  the  concurrence  of  the  people ;  for,  in 
all  cases,  even  when  the  apostles  were  officiating,  the 
church  members  were  consulted  in  ecclesiastical  appoint- 
ments.§  It  is  probable  that  the  evangelist  had  much 
administrative  ability,  and  this  seems  to  have  been  the 
great  reason  why  he  was  left  behind  Paul  in  Crete.  The 
apostle  expected  that,  with  his  peculiar  energy  and  tact,  he 
would  stimulate  the  zeal  of  the  people,  as  well  as  of  the 
other  preachers;  and  thus  complete,  as  speedily  as  possible, 
the  needful  ecclesiastical  arrangements. 

When  Paul  once  said  to  the  high  priest  of  Israel — "  Sit- 
test  thou  to  judge  me  after  the  law,  and  commandest  me  to 
be  smitten  contrary  to  the  law"  1| — he  had  no  intention  of 
declaring  that  the  dignitary  he  addressed  was  the  only 
member  of  the  Jemsh  council  who  had  the  right  of  adjudi- 
cation.1I  The  court  consisted  of  at  least  seventy  individuals, 
every  one  of  whom  had  a  vote  as  effective  as  that  of  the 
personage  with  whom  he  thus  remonstrated.     It  is  said 

*  The  word  Karaa-Trjarji,  here  translated  "ordain,"  should  rather  be  rendered 
constitute,  or  establish. 

t  Titus  i.  5.  +  Titus  iii.  13. 

§  Acts  vi.  3,  xiv.  23  ;  2  Cor.  viii.  19,  23.  ||  Acts  xxiii.  3. 

U  "  The  whole  Sanhedrim  were  the  judges,  and  sitting  to  judge  him  accord- 
ing to  the  law." — Alford  on  Acts  xxiii.  3. 


TIMOTHY  AND  TITUS.  241 

that  the  high  priest  at  this  period  was  not  even  the  presi- 
dent of  the  Sanhedrim.^'  Paul  was  perfectly  aware  of  the 
constitution  of  the  tribunal  to  which  Ananias  belonged; 
and  he  merely  meant  to  remind  his  oppressor  that  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  was  placed  added  greatly  to  the 
iniquity  of  his  present  procedure.  Though  only  one  of 
the  members  of  a  large  judicatory  he  was  not  the  less 
accountable.  Thus  too,  when  Jesus  said  to  Paul  himself — 
"  I  send  thee  "  to  the  Gentiles,  "  to  open  their  eyes,  and  to 
turn  them  from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  power  of 
Satan  unto  God  "  t — it  was  certainly  not  understood  that 
the  apostle  was  to  be  the  only  labourer  in  the  wide  field  of 
heathendom.  The  address  simply  intimated  that  he  was 
individually  commissioned  to  undertake  the  service.  And 
though  there  w^ere  other  ministers  at  Ephesus  and  Crete, 
Paul  reminds  Timothy  and  Titus  that  he  had  left  them 
there  to  perform  specific  duties,  and  thus  urges  upon  them 
the  consideration  of  their  personal  responsibility.  Though 
surrounded  by  so  many  apostles  and  evangelists,  he  tells  us 
that  there  rested  on  himself  daily  "  the  care  of  all  the 
churches ; "  J  for  he  believed  that  the  whole  commonwealth 
of  the  saints  had  a  claim  on  his  prayers,  his  sympathy,  and 
his  services;  and  he  desired  to  cherish  in  the  hearts  of  his 
young  brethren  the  same  feeling  of  individual  obligation. 
Hence,  in  these  Pastoral  Epistles,  he  gives  his  correspon- 
dents minute  instructions  respecting  all  the  departments 
of  the  ministerial  office,  and  reminds  them  how  much 
depends  on  their  personal  faithfulness.  Hence  he  here 
points  out  to  them  how  they  are  to  deport  themselves  in 
public  and  in  private ;  §  as  preachers  of  the  Word,  and  as 
members  of  church  judicatories  ;  ||  towards  the  rich  and  the 

*  See  Prideaux's  "  Connections,"  part  ii.  books  1  and  8. 
t  Acts  xxvi.  17,  18.     See  also,  as  another  illustration,  Matt.  xvi.  19. 
+  2  Cor.  xi.  28. 

§  1  Tim.  iv,  12,  13  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  22,  23  ;  Titus  ii.  7,  8. 

II  1  Tim.  ii.  1,  2,  iv.  16,  v.  19,  20,  22  ;  2  Tim.  ii.  2, 15,  iv.  2,  6  ;  Titus  iii.  8,  9, 
Q 


242  TIMOTHY  AND  TITUS. 

poor,  masters  and  slaves,  young  men  and  widows."'  But 
there  is  not  a  single  advice  addressed  to  Timothy  and  Titus 
in  any  of  these  three  epistles  which  may  not  be  appro- 
priately given  to  any  ordinary  minister  of  the  gospel,  or 
which  necessarily  implies  that  either  of  these  evangelists 
exercised  exclusive  ecclesiastical  authority  in  Ephesus  or 
Crete.t 

The  legend  that  Timothy  and  Titus  were  the  bishops 
respectively  of  Ephesus  and  Crete  appears  to  have  been 
invented  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  and  at 
a  time  when  the  original  constitution  of  the  Church  had 
been  completely,  though  silently,  revolutionized.^  It  is 
obvious  that,  when  the  Pastoral  Epistles  were  written,  these 
ministers  were  not  permanently  located  in  the  places  with 
which  their  names  have  been  thus  associated.§  The  apostle 
John  resided  principally  at  Ephesus  during  the  last  thirty 
years  of  the  first  century;  ||  so  that,  according  to  this  tale, 
the  beloved  disciple  must  have  been  nearly  all  this  time 
under  the  ecclesiastical  supervision  of  Timothy  !  The  story 
otherwise  exhibits  internal  marks  of  absurdity  and  fabrica- 
tion. It  would  lead  us  to  infer  that  Paul  must  have  distri- 
buted most  unequally  the  burden  of  ofiicial  labour;  for 
whilst  Timothy  is  said  to  have  presided  over  the  Christians 
of  a  single  city,  Titus  is  represented  as  invested  with  the 
care  of  a  whole  island  celebrated  in  ancient  times  for  its 


*  1  Tim.  V.  5,  16,  vi..l,  2,  9,  17  ;  Titus  ii.  6,  9,  10. 

+  One  of  the  most  remarkable  instances  of  an  appeal  to  the  sense  of  indivi- 
dual obligation  in  a  case  where  many  were  concerned  may  be  found  in  Gal. 
vi.  1. 

t  Whitby,  in  his  "  Preface  to  the  Epistle  to  Titus,"  says  candidly  of  the 
allegation  that  Timothy  and  Titus  were  bishops  resjoectively  of  Ephesus  and 
Crete — "  Now,  of  this  matter,  I  confess  I  can  find  nothing  in  any  writer  of 
the  first  three  centuries,  nor  any  intimation  that  they  bore  that  name." 

§  1  Tim.  i.  3  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  10,  12,  21  ;  Titus  i.  5,  iii.  12. 

il  Hence  Fulgentius  speaks  of  "  cathedra  Joannis  Evangelistee  Ephesi." 
Lib.  "  De  Trinitate,"  c.  1.  Contradictory  traditions  sometimes  happily  anni- 
hilate each  other. 


THE  GREATEST  AMONG  THE  BRETHllEK.  243 

hundred  cities."  It  is  well  known  that  long  after  this 
period,  and  when  the  distinction  between  the  president  of 
the  presbytery  and.  his  elders  was  fully  established,  a  bishop 
had  the  charge  of  only  one  church,  so  that  the  account  of 
the  episcopate  of  Titus  over  all  Crete  must  be  rejected  as  a 
monstrous  fiction. 

On  the  occasion  of  an  ambitious  request  from  James  and 
John,  our  Lord  expounded  to  His  apostles  one  of  the  great 
principles  of  His  ecclesiastical  polity.  "  Jesus  called  them 
to  him,  and  saith  unto  them — Ye  know  that  they  which  are 
accounted  to  rule  over  the  Gentiles  exercise  lordship  over 
them;  and  their  great  ones  exercise  authority  upon  them. 
But  so  shall  it  not  he  among  you,  but  whosoever  will  be 
great  among  you,  shall  be  your  minister,  and.  whosoever  of 
you  will  be  ckiefest,  shall  be  servant  of  all.  For  even  the 
Son  of  man  came  not  to  be  ministered  unto,  but  to  minister, 
and  to  give  his  life  a  ransom  for  many."  t  The  teaching- 
elder  holds  the  most*  honourable  position  in  the  Church, 
simply  because  his  office  is  the  most  laborious,  the  most 
responsible,  and  the  most  useful.  And  no  minister  of  the 
Word  is  warranted  to  exercise  lordship  over  his  brethren, 
for  all  are  equally  the  servants  of  the  same  Divine  Master. 
He  is  the  greatest  who  is  most  willing  to  humble  himself, 
to  spend,  and  to  be  spent,  that  Christ  may  be  exalted. 
Even  the  Son  of  man  came,  not  to  be  ministered  unto,  but  to 
minister;  it  was  His  meat  and  His  drink  to  do  the  will  of 
His  Father  in  heaven ;  He  was  ready  to  give  instruction  to 
many  or  to  few;  at  the  sea  or  by  the  wayside;  in  the 
house,  the  synagogue,  or  the  corn-field ;  on  the  mountain  or 
in  the  desert ;  when  sitting  in  the  company  of  publicans,  or 
when  He  had  not  where  to  lay  His  head.  He  who  exhibits 
most  of  the  spirit  and  character  of  the  Great  Teacher  is  the 
most  illustrious  of  Christ's  ministers. 

The  primitive  Church  was  pre-eminently  a  free  society; 

*  Homer,  "  Iliad,"  ii.  v.  156.  f  Mark  x.  42-45. 


244  ELECTION  BY  THE  PEOPLE. 

and,  with  a  view  to  united  action,  its  members  were  taught 
to  consult  together  respecting  all  matters  of  common  inte- 
rest. Whilst  the  elders  were  required  to  beware  of  attempt- 
ing to  domineer  over  each  other,  they  were  also  warned 
against  deporting  themselves  as  "  lords  over  God's  heri- 
tage."* All  were  instructed  to  be  courteous,  forbearing, 
and  conciliatory;  and  each  individual  was  made  to  under- 
stand that  he  possessed  some  importance.  Though  the 
apostles,  as  inspired  rulers  of  the  Christian  commonwealth, 
might  have  done  many  things  on  their  own  authority,  yet, 
even  in  concerns  comparatively  trivial,  as  well  as  in  affairs 
of  the  greatest  consequence,  they  were  guided  by  the  wishes 
of  the  people.  When  an  apostle  was  to  be  chosen  in  the  place 
of  Judas,  the  multitude  were  consulted,  t  When  deputies 
were  required  to  accompany  Paul  in  a  journey  to  be  under- 
taken for  the  public  service,  the  apostle  did  not  himself  select 
his  fellow-travellers,  but  the  chm^ches  concerned,  proceeded, 
by  a  regular  vote,  to  make  the  appointinent.  J  When  deacons 
or  elders  were  to  be  nominated,  the  choice  rested  with  the 
congregation.  §  The  records  of  the  apostolic  age  do  not 
mention  any  ordinary  church  functionary  who  was  not 
called  to  his  office  by  popular  suffrage.  || 

But  though,  in  apostohc  times,  the  communicants  were 
thus  freely  entrusted  with  the  elective  franchise,  the  con- 
stitution of  the  primitive  Church  was  not  purely  democratic ; 
for  while  its  office-bearers  were  elected  for  life,  and  whilst 
its  elders  or  bishops  formed  a  species  of  spiritual  aristo- 
cracy, the  powers  of  the  people  and  the  riders  were  so 
balanced  as  to  check  each  other's  aberrations,  and  to  pro- 
mote the  healthful  action  of  all  parts  of  the  ecclesiastical 

*  1  Pet.  V.  3.  +  Acts  i.  15,  21-23,  26. 

t  2  Cor.  viii,  19,  23.     See  also  1  Cor  xvi.  3. 

§  Acts  vi.  3,  xiv.  23.     See  also  1  Tim.  iii.  10,  compared  with  1  John  iv.  1. 

II  Clemens  Romanus  states  that,  in  the  apostolic  age,  ecclesiastical  appoint- 
ments were  made  "  with  the  approbation  of  the  whole  church."  "  Epist. 
to  Corinthians,"  §  44. 


ORDINATION  BY  THE  PEESBYTEEY.  245 

body.  When  a  deacon  or  a  bishop  was  elected,  he  was  not 
permitted,  mthout  farther  ceremony,  to  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  his  vocation.  He  was  bound  to  submit  himself  to 
the  presbytery,  that  they  might  ratify  the  choice  by  ordi- 
nation; and  this  court,  by  refusing  the  imposition  of  hands, 
could  protect  the  Church  against  the  intrusion  of  incompe- 
tent or  unworthy  candidates/"" 

Among  the  Jews  every  ordained  elder  was  considered 
qualified  to  join  in  the  ordin^ition  of  othei-s.t  The  same 
principle  was  acknowledged  in  the  early  Christian  Church; 
and  when  any  functionary  was  elected,  he  was  introduced 
to  his  office  by  the  presbytery  of  the  city  or  district  with 
which  he  was  connected.  There  is  no  instance  in  the  apos- 
tolic age  in  which  ordination  was  conferred  by  a  single 
individual.  Paid  and  Barnabas  were  separated  to  the  work 
to  which  the  Lord  had  called  them  by  the  ministers  of 
Antioch;J  the  first  elders  of  the  Christian  Churches  of  Asia 
Minor  were  set  apart  by  Paul  and  Barnabas  ;§  Timothy  was 
invested  with  ecclesiastical  authority  by  "  the  laying  on  of 
the  hands  of  the  presbytery ; "  ||  and  even  the  seven  deacons 
were  ordained  by  the  twelve  apostles  acting,  for  the  time, 
as  the  presbytery  of  Jerusalem. H 

Towards  the  conclusion  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Eomans,'''"^* 
Paul  mentions  Phoebe,  "  a  servant  tt  of  the  Church  which  is 
at  Cenchrea;"  and  from  this  passage  some  have  inferred 
that  the  apostles  instituted  an  order  of  deaconesses.  It  is 
scarcely  safe  to  build  such  an  hypothesis  on  the  foundation 

*  Acts  vi.  6  ;  1  Tim.  v.  22. 

t  See  Selden,  "De  Synedriis,"  lib.  i.  c.  14. 

X  Acts  xiii.  1-3.  §  Acts  xiv.  23. 

II  1  Tim.  iv.  14.  That  the  preposition  /xera  here  indicates  the  instrumental 
cause,  see  Acts  xiii.  17,  xiv.  27. 

IF  Acts  vi.  6.  Some  have  thought  it  strange  that  Paul  gives  no  instructions 
to  Titus  respecting  the  ordination  of  deacons  in  Crete.  See  Titiis  i.  8.  This 
was  unnecessary,  as  the  elders,  when  ordained,  could  afterwards  ordain 
deacons, 

**  Rom.  x\n.  1,  tt  hUiKovov. 


246  EVERY  CHURCH  MEMBER  USEFUL. 

of  a  solitary  text  of  doubtful  significance.  It  may  be  that 
Phoebe  was  one  of  the  poor  widows  supported  by  the 
Church;'"'  and  that,  as  such,  she  was  employed  by  the  elders 
in  various  little  services  of  a  confidential  or  benevolent 
character.  It  is  probable  that,  at  one  period,  she  had  been 
in  more  comfortable  circumstances,  and  that  she  had  then 
distinguished  herself  by  her  humane  and  obliging  disposi- 
tion ;  for  Paul  refers  apparently  to  this  portion  of  her  history 
when  he  says,  "  she  hath  been  a  succourer  of  many,  and  of 
myself  also/'t 

In  the  primitive  age  all  the  members  of  the  same  Church 
were  closely  associated.  As  brethren  and  sisters  in  the 
faith,  they  took  a  deep  interest  in  each  other's  prosperity ; 
and  they  regarded  the  afflictions  of  any  single  disciple  as  a 
calamity  which  had  befallen  the  whole  society.  Each  indi- 
vidual was  expected  in  some  way  to  contribute  to  the  well- 
being  of  all.  Even  humble  Phoebe  could  be  the  bearer  of 
an  apostolic  letter  to  the  Eomans ;  and,  on  her  return  to 
Cenchrea,  could  exert  a  healthful  influence  among  the 
younger  portion  of  the  female  disciples,  by  her  advice,  her 
example,  and  her  prayers.  The  industrious  scribe  could 
benefit  the  brotherhood  by  writing  out  copies  of  the  gos- 
pels or  epistles;  and  the  pleasant  singer,  as  he  joined  in  the 
holy  psalm,  could  thrill  the  hearts  of  the  faithful  by  his 
notes  of  grave  sweet  melody.  By  establishing  a  plurality 
of  both  elders  and  deacons  in  every  worshipping  society, 
the  apostles  provided  more  efficiently,  as  well  for  its  tem- 
poral, as  for  its  spiritual  interests ;  and  the  most  useful  mem- 
bers of  the  congregation  were  thus  put  into  positions  in 
which  their  various  graces  and  endowments  were  better 
exhibited  and  exercised.  One  deacon  attested  his  fitness 
for  his  office  by  his  delicate  attentions  to  the  sick ;  another, 
by  his  considerate  kindness  to  the  poor;  and  another,  by 
his  judicious  treatment  of  the  indolent,  the  insincere,  and 

*  1  Tim.  V.  3,  4,  9.  +  Kom.  xvi  2. 


EVERY  CHUUCH  MEMBER  USEFUL.  247 

the  improvident.  One  elder  excelled  as  an  awakening- 
preacher;  another,  as  a  sound  expositor;  and  another,  as  a 
sagacious  counsellor:  whilst  another  still,  who  never  ven- 
tured to  address  the  congregation,  and  whose  voice  was 
seldom  heard  at  the  meetings  of  the  eldership,  could  go  to 
the  house  of  mourning,  or  the  chamber  of  disease,  and  there 
pour  forth  the  fulness  of  his  heart  in  most  appropriate  and 
impressive  supplications.  Every  one  was  taught  to  aj)pre- 
ciate  the  talents  of  his  neighbour,  and  to  feel  that  he  was, 
to  some  extent,  dependent  on  others  for  his  own  edification. 
The  preaching  elder  could  not  say  to  the  ruling  elders,  "  I 
have  no  need  of  you;"  neither  could  the  elders  say  to  the 
deacons,  "  We  have  no  need  of  you."  When  the  sweet 
singer  was  absent,  every  one  admitted  that  the  congrega- 
tional music  was  less  interesting;  when  the  skilful  penman 
removed  to  another  district,  the  Church  soon  began  to  com- 
plain of  a  scarcity  of  copies  of  the  sacred  manuscripts ;  and 
even  when  the  pious  widow  died  in  a  good  old  age,  the 
blank  was  visible,  and  the  loss  of  a  faithful  servant  of  the 
Church  was  acknowledged  and  deplored.  "  As  the  body  is 
one,  and  hath  many  members,  and  all  the  members  of  that 
one  body,  being  many,  are  one  body;  so  also  is  Christ. 
And  the  eye  cannot  say  unto  the  hand,  I  have  no  need  of 
thee :  nor  again  the  head  to  the  feet,  I  have  no  need  of  you. 
And  whether  one  member  suffer,  all  the  members  suffer 
with  it,  or  one  member  be  honoured,  all  the  members  rejoice 
with  it.'"'' 

*  1  Cor.  xii.  12,  21,26. 


CHAPTER  III. 

l^HE  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 

The  Israelites  were  emphatically  "  a  peculiar  people." 
Though  amounting,  in  the  clays  of  our  Lord,  to  several 
millions  of  individuals,  they  were  all  the  lineal  descendants 
of  Abraham  ;  and  though  two  thousand  years  had  passed 
away  since  the  time  of  their  great  progenitor,  they  had  not 
meanwhile  intermingled,  to  any  considerable  extent,  with 
the  rest  of  the  human  family.  The  bulk  of  the  nation  stiU 
occupied  the  land  which  had  been  granted  by  promise  to 
the  "father  of  the  faithful;"  the  same  farms  had  been  held 
by  the  same  families  from  age  to  age  ;  and  probably  some 
of  the  proprietors  could  boast  that  their  ancestors,  fifteen 
hundred  years  before,  had  taken  possession  of  the  very 
fields  which  they  now  cultivated.  They  had  all  -one  form 
of  worship,  one  high  priest,  and  one  place  of  sacrifice.  At 
stated  seasons  every  year  all  the  males  of  a  certain  age 
were  required  to  meet  together  at  Jerusalem ;  and  thus  a 
full  representation  of  the  whole  race  was  frequently  collected 
in  one  great  congregation. 

The  written  law  of  Moses  was  the  sacred  bond  which 
united  so  closely  the  Church  of  Israel.  The  ritual  observ- 
ances <i)f  the  Hebrews,  which  had  aU  a  typical  meaning, 
are  described  by  the  inspired  lawgiver  with  singular  minute- 
ness ;  and  xiny  deviation  from  them  was  forbidden,  not  only 
because  it  involved  an  impeachment  either  of  the  authority 
or  the  wisdom  of  Jehovah,  but  also  because  it  was  calculated 
to  mar  their  significance.     Under  the  Mosaic  economy  the 


MEANING  OF  THE  WORD  "  CHURCH,''  249 

posterity  of  Abraham  were  taught  to  regard  each  other  as 
members  of  the  same  family,  interested,  as  joint  heirs,  in 
the  blessings  promised  to  their  distinguished  ancestor. 
The  Israelites  were  knit  together  by  innumerable  ties,  as 
well  secular  as  religious  ;  and  when  they  appeared,  in  one 
multitudinous  assemblage  on  occasions  of  peculiar  solem- 
nity,'"' they  presented  a  specimen  of  ecclesiastical  unity  such 
as  the  world  has  never  since  contemplated. 

Some,  however,  have  contended  that  the  Christian  com- 
munity was  originally  constructed  upon  very  different  prin- 
ciples. According  to  them  the  word  church\  in  the  New 
Testament  is  always  used  in  one  of  two  senses — either  as 
denoting  a  single  worshipping  society,  or  the  whole  com- 
monwealth of  the  faithful ;  and  from  this  they  infer  that, 
in  primitive  times,  every  Christian  congregation  was  inde- 
pendent of  every  other.  But  such  allegations,  which  are 
exceedingly  improbable  in  themselves,  are  found,  when 
carefully  investigated,  to  be  totally  destitute  of  foundation. 
The  Chm-cli  of  Jerusalem,  \  with  the  tens  of  thousands  of 
individuals  belonging  to  it,  §  must  have  consisted  of  several 
congregations  ;  1|  the  Church  of  Antioch,  to  which  so  many 
prophets  and  teachers  ministered,ir  was  probably  in  a  simi- 
lar position ;  and  the  Church  of  Palestine '"'''  obviously  com- 

*  Such  as  we  find  described  in  Deut.  xxxi.  10-12. 

+  In  Greek  iKKkrjcria.  The  reference  in  the  text  is  to  its  ecclesiastical  use, 
for  in  the  New  Testament  it  sometimes  signifies  a  mob.     See  Acts  xix.  32. 

X  Acts  si.  22,  XV.  4. 

§  Acts  xxi.  20,  iroa-M  /xvptaSe* — literally,  "  how  many  tens  of  thousands." 

II  One  of  these  is  mentioned  Acts  xii.  12.  IT  Acts  xiii.  1. 

**  Acts  ix.  31.  The  tl-ue  reading  here  is,  ■*'  Then  had  the  ehurch  {eKKXrja-ia) 
rest  throughout  all  Judea  and  Galilee  and  Samaria."  This  reading  is  sup- 
ported by  the  most  ancient  manuscripts,  including  ABC;  by  the  Vulgate, 
and  nearly  all  the  ancient  versions,  including  the  old  Syriac,  Coptic,  Sahidic, 
Ethiopian,  Arabic  of  Erpenius,  and  Armenian  ;  and  by  the  most  distinguished 
critics,  such  as  Kuinoel,  Lachmann,  Tischendorf ,  Alf ord,  and  Tregelles.  It  is 
likewise  sustained  by  the  authority  of  what  is  believed  to  be  by  far  the  most 
valuable  cursive  MS.  in  existence.  See  Scrivener's  "  Ood'ex  Augiensis,"  Introd. 
Ixviii.,  and  p.  42o.     Cambridge,  1859. 


250        CONGREGATIONS  NOT  INDEPENDENT. 

preliended  a  large  number  of  associated  churches.  When 
our  Saviour  prayed  that  all  His  people  "may  be  one/''"''  He 
evidently  indicated  that  the  unity  of  the  Church,  so  strik- 
ingly exhibited  in  the  nation  of  Israel,  should  still  be 
studied  and  maintained ;  and  when  Paul  describes  the 
household  of  faith,  he  speaks  of  it,  not  as  a  loose  mass  of 
independent  congregations,  but  as  a  "  body  fitly  joined  to- 
gether and  compacted  by  that  which  evevj  joi7it  supplieth/'t 
The  apostle  here  refers  to  the  vital  union  of  believers  by 
the  indwelling  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  but  he  apparently 
alludes  also  to  those  "bands"  of  outward  ordinances,  and 
"joints"!  ^^  visible  confederation,  by  which  their  com- 
munion is  upheld ;  for,  were  the  Church  split  up  into  an 
indefinite  number  of  insulated  congregations,  even  the  unity 
of  the  spirit  could  neither  be  distinctly  ascertained  nor  pro- 
perly cultivated.  When  oiled  by  the  spirit  of  Divine  love, 
the  machinery  of  the  Church  moves  with  admirable  harmony, 
and  accomplishes  the  most  astonishing  results  ;  but,  when 
pervaded  by  another  spirit,  it  is  strained  and  dislocated,  and 
in  danger  of  dashing  itself  to  pieces. 

Those  who  hold  that  every  congregation,  however  small, 
is  a  complete  church  in  itself,  are  quite  unable  to  explain 
why  the  system  of  ecclesiastical  organization  should  be  thus 
circumscribed.  The  New  Testament  inculcates  the  unity  of 
all  the  faithful,  as  well  as  the  unity  of  particular  societies  ; 
and  the  same  principle  of  Christian  brotherhood  which 
prompts  a  number  of  individuals  to  meet  together  for  reli- 
gious fellowship,  should  also  lead  a  number  of  congregations 
in  the  same  locality  to  fraternize.  The  twelve  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  representatives  of  the  doctrine  of  ecclesiastical 
confederation  ;  for  though  they  were  commanded  to  go  into 
all  the  world  and  to  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature, 
yet,  as  long  as  circumstances  permitted,  they  continued  to 
co-operate.     "  When  the  apostles  which  were  at  Jerusalem 

*  John  svii.  21.  t  Eph.  iv.  16.  %  See  Col.  ii.  19. 


CONGREGATIOXS  NOT  INDEPENDENT.        251 

heard  that  Samaria  had  received  the  word  of  God,  they  sent 
unto  them  Peter  and  John  ;"''  and,  at  a  subsequent  period, 
they  concurred  in  sending  "forth  Barnabas,  that  he  should 
go  as  far  as  Antioch."t  These  facts  distinctly  prove  that 
they  had  a  common  interest  in  everything  pertaining  to 
the  well-being  of  the  whole  Christian  commonwealth  ;  and 
that,  hke  Paul,  they  were  entrusted  with  "  the  care  of  all 
the  churches."  Nor  did  the  early  Christian  congregations 
act  independently.  They  believed  that  union  is  strength, 
and  they  were  "  knit  together  "  in  ecclesiastical  relationship. 
Hence,  we  read  of  the  brother  who  was  "  chosen  of  the 
churches"  J  to  travel  with  the  Apostle  Paid.  It  is  now  im- 
possible to  determine  in  what  way  this  choice  was  made — 
whether  at  a  general  meeting  of  deputies  from  different 
congregations,  or  by  a  separate  vote  in  each  particular 
society — but,  in  whatever  way  the  election  was  accomplished, 
the  appointment  of  one  representative  for  several  churches 
was  itself  a  recognition  of  their  ecclesiastical  unity. 

We  have  seen  that  the  worship  of  the  Church  was  much 
the  same  as  the  worship  of  the  synagogue,  §  and  it  would 
seem  that  its  polity  also  was  borrowed  from  the  institutions 
of  the  chosen  people.  ||  Every  Jewish  congregation  was 
governed  by  a  bench  of  elders  ;  and  in  every  city  there  was 
a  smaller  sanhedrim,  or  presbytery,  consisting  of  twenty- 
three  members,1[  to   which  the  neighbouring  synagogues 

*  Acts  viii.  14. 

+  Acts  xi.  22.  "  No  notion  is  more  at  variance  with  the  spirit  of  apostolic 
Christianity  than  that  of  societies  of  Christians  existing  in  the  same  neigh- 
bourhood, but  not  in  communion  with  each  other,  and  not  under  a  common 
government." — Litton,  p.  450.  %  2  Cor.  viii.  19. 

§  Period  I.  sec.  iii.  chaj).  i.  p.  214. 

II  "  That  the  Church  did  really  derive  its  polity  from  the  synagogue  is  a 
fact  upon  the  proof  of  which,  in  the  present  state  of  theological  learning,  it  is 
needless  to  expend  many  woi-ds." — Litton's  Church  of  Christ,  p.  254. 

IT  See  Selden,  "  De  Synedriis,"  lib.  ii.  c.  5 ;  Lightfoot's  "  Works,"  iii.  242, 
and  xi.  179.  Josephus  says  that  Moses  appointed  only  seveia  judges  in  every 
city.  "  Antiq."  book  iv.  c.  8,  §  14.  See  also  "  Wars  of  the  Jews,"  ii. 
c.  20,  S  5. 


252  THE  GREAT  SANHEDRIM. 

were  subject.  Jerusalem  is  said  to  have  had  two  of  these 
smaller  sanhedrims,  as  it  was  found  that  the  multitudes  of 
cases  arising  among  so  vast  a  population  were  more  than 
sufficient  to  occupy  the  time  of  any  one  judicatory.  Ap- 
peals lay  from  all  these  tribunals  to  the  Great  Sanhedrim, 
or  "  Council,"  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment.'"' This  court  consisted  of  seventy  or  seventy-two 
members,  made  up,-  perhaps,  in  equal  portions,  of  chief 
priests,  scribes,  and  elders  of  the  people,  t  The  chief 
priests  were  probably  twenty-four  in  number- — each  of  the 
twenty-four  courses,  into  which  the  sacerdotal  order  was 
divided, J  thus  furnishing  one  representative.  The  scribes 
were  the  men  of  lea,rmng,  like  Gamaliel,  §  who  had  devoted 
themselves  to  the  study  of  the  Jewish  law,  and  who  pos- 
sessed recondite,  as  well  as  extensive  information.  The 
elders  were  laymen  of  reputed  wisdom  and  experience,  who, 
in  practical  matters,  might  be  expected  to  give  sound 
advice.  ||  It  was  not  strange  that  the  Jews  had  so  profound 
a  regard  for  their  Great  Sanhedrim.  In  the  days  of  our 
Lord  and  His  apostles  it  had,  indeed,  miserably  degene- 
rated ;  but,  at  an  earlier  period,  its  members  must  have 
been  eminently  entitled  to  respect,  as  in  point  of  intelli- 
gence, prudence,  piety,  and  patriotism,  they  held  the  very 
highest  place  among  their  countrymen. 

The  details  of  the  ecclesiastical  polity  of  the  ancient 
Israelites  are  now  involved  in  much  obscurity  ;  but  the  pre- 
ceding statements  may  be  received  as  a  pretty  accurate 
description  of  its  chief  outlines.  Our  Lord  himself,  in  the 
sermon  on  the  mount,  is  understood  to  refer  to  the  great 
council  and  its  subordinate  judicatories  jH  and  in  the  Old 

*  Luke  xxii.  66  ;  Acts  v.  21,  vi.  15.  See  also  Prideaux,  part  ii.  book  vii., 
and  Lightfoot's  "  Works,"  ix.  342. 

t  Matt.  xvi.  21,  xxvi.  59  ;  Mark  xv.  1.    See  also  Lightfoot's  "  Works,"  iv.  223. 

J  1  Chron.  xxiv.  4,  7-18.  §  Acts  v.  34. 

II  As  they  represented  the  people,  and  were  probably  twenty-four  in  num- 
ber, there  may  be  a  reference  to  them  in  Rev.  iv.  4.  T  Matt.  v.  22, 


THE  PKESBYTERY.  253 

Testament  appeals  from  inferior  trilmnals  to  the  autho- 
rities in  the  holy  city  are  explicitly  enjoined/"'  All  the 
synagogues,  not  only  in  Palestine  but  in  foreign  countries, 
obeyed  the  orders  of  the  Sanhedrim  at  Jerusalem  ;t  and  it 
constituted  a  court  of  review  to  which  all  other  ecclesi- 
astical arbiters  yielded  submission. 

In  the  government  of  the  Apostolic  Church  we  may  trace 
a  resemblance  to  these  arrangements.  Every  Christian  con- 
gregation, like  every  synagogue,  had  its  elders  ;  and  every 
city  had  its  presbytery,  consisting  of  the  spiritual  rulers  of 
the  district.  In  the  introductory  chapters  of  the  book  of  the 
Acts  we  discover  the  germ  of  this  ecclesiastical  constitution  ; 
for  we  there  find  the  apostles  ministering  to  thousands  of 
converts,  and,  as  the  presbytery  of  Jerusalem,  ordaining 
deacons,  exercising  discipline,  and  sending  out  missionaries.  J 
The  prophets  and  teachers  of  Antioch  obviously  performed 
the  same  functions  ;  §  Titus  was  instructed  to  have  elders 
established,  or  a  presbytery  constituted,  in  every  city  of 
Crete  ;  ||  and  Timothy  was  ordained  by  such  a  judicatory. H 
For  the  first  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  our  Lord  a  large 
proportion  of  the  ministers  of  the  gospel  were  Jews  by 
birth,  and  as  they  were  in  the  habit  of  going  up  to  Jeru- 
salem to  celebrate  the  great  festivals,  they  appear  to  have 
taken  advantage  of  the  opportunity,  and  to  have  held  meet- 
ings in  the  holy  city  for  consultation  respecting  the  afiairs 
of  the  Christian  commonwealth.  Prudence  and  convenience 
consjDired  to  dictate  this  course,  as  they  could  then  reckon 
upon  finding  there  a  considerable  number  of  able  and  ex- 
perienced elders,  and  as  their  presence  in  the  Jewish  metro- 
polis on  such  occasions  was  fitted  to  awaken  no  suspicion.'''''" 

*  Deut.  xvii.  8-10  ;  2  Chron.  xix.  8-11  ;  Ps.  cxxii.  5. 

+  Acts  ix.  1,  2,  14. 

X  Acts  ii.  14,  41,  42,  iv.  4,  32,  33,  35,  v.  14,  42,  vi.  6,  7,  viii.  14. 

§  Acts  xiii.  1,  3.  ||  Titus  i.  5.  IT  1  Tim.  iv.  14. 

**  In  the  same  way  the  Puritans,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  fre- 
quently held  meetings  in  London  during  the  sittings  of  Parliament.  See 
Collier,  vii.  33,  64. 


254  THE  COUNCIL  OF  JERUSALEM. 

We  may  thus  see  that  the  transaction  mentioned  in  the 
1 5th  chapter  of  the  Acts  admits  of  a  simple  and  satisfactory 
explanation.  When  the  question  respecting  the  circum- 
cision of  the  Gentile  converts  began  to  be  discussed  at 
Antioch,  there  were  individuals  in  that  city  quite  as  well 
qualified  as  any  in  Jerusalem  to  pronounce  upon  its  merits  ; 
for  the  Church  there  enjoyed  the  ministry  of  prophets  ;  and 
Paul,  its  most  distinguished  teacher,  was  "  not  a  whit  be- 
hind the  very  chiefest  apostles."  But  the  parties  proceeded 
in  the  matter  in  much  the  same  way  as  Israelites  were 
accustomed  to  act  under  similar  circumstances.  Had  a 
controversy  relative  to  any  Mosaic  ceremony  divided  the 
Jewish  population  of  Antioch,  they  would  have  appealed 
for  a  decision  to  their  Great  Sanhedrim ;  and  now,  when 
this  dispute  distracted  the  Christians  of  the  capital  of  Syria, 
they  had  recourse  to  another  tribunal  at  Jerusalem  which 
they  considered  competent  to  pronounce  a  deliverance.""' 
This  tribunal  consisted  virtually  of  the  rulers  of  the  imi- 
versal  Church ;  for  the  apostles,  who  had  a  commission  to  all 
the  world,  and  elders  from  almost  every  place  where  a  Chris- 
tian congregation  existed,  were  in  the  habit  of  repairing  to 
the  capital  of  Palestine.  In  one  respect  this  judicatory  dif- 
fered from  the  Jewish  council,  for  it  was  not  limited  to 
seventy  members.  In  accordance  with  the  free  spirit  of 
the  gospel  dispensation,  it  appears  to  have  consisted  of  as 
many  ecclesiastical  rulers  as  could  conveniently  attend  its 
meetings.  But  the  times  were  somewhat  perilous  ;  and  it 
is  probable  that  the  ministers  of  the  early  Christian  Church 
did  not  deem  it  expedient  to  congregate  in  very  large 
numbers. 

A  single  Scripture  precedent  for  the  regulation  of  the 
Church  is  as  decisive  as  a  multitude ;  and  though  the  New 
Testament  distinctly  records  only  one  instance  in  which  a 

*  For  a  more  particular  account  of  the  constitution  of  the  meeting  men- 
tioned in  the  15th  chapter  of  the  Acts,  see  Period  I.  sec.  i.  chap.  v.  j).  82. 


APOSTLES  AND  ELDEES  SIT  TOGETHER.  255 

question  of  difficulty  was  referred  by  a  lower  to  a  higher 
ecclesiastical  tribunal,  this  case  sufficiently  illustrates  the 
character  of  the  primitive  polity.  A  very  substantial  rea- 
son can  be  given  why  Scripture  takes  so  little  notice  of  the 
meetings  of  Christian  judicatories.  The  different  portions  of 
the  New  Testament  were  put  into  circulation  as  soon  as 
written ;  and  though  it  was  most  important  that  the  heathen 
should  be  made  acquainted  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Church, 
it  was  not  by  any  means  expedient  that  their  attention 
should  be  particularly  directed  to  the  machinery  by  which 
it  was  reo;ulated.  An  accurate  knowledsfe  of  its  constitution 
would  only  have  exposed  it  more  fearfully  to  the  attacks 
of  persecuting  Emperors.  Every  effort  would  have  been 
made  to  discover  the  times  and  places  of  the  meetings  of 
pastors  and  teachers,  and  to  inflict  a  deadly  wound  on  the 
Church  by  the  destruction  of  its  office-bearers.  Hence,  in 
general,  its  courts  appear  to  have  assembled  in  profound 
secrecy;  and  thus  it  is  that,  for  the  first  three  centuries,  so 
little  is  known  of  the  proceedings  of  these  conventions. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that,  in  the  first  century,  when  the 
rulers  of  the  Church  met  for  consultation,  they  all  sat  in 
the  same  assembly.  When  the  ecclesiastical  constitution 
was  fairly  settled,  even  the  Twelve  were  disposed  to  waive 
their  personal  claims  to  precedence,  and  to  assume  the 
status  of  ordinary  ministers.  We  find  accordingly  that 
there  were  then  no  higher  and  lower  houses  of  convocation ; 
for  "the  apostles  and  elders  came  together.""""  Some,  who 
suppose  that  James  was  the  first  bishop  of  the  holy  city, 
imagine  that  in  his  manner  of  giving  the  advice  adopted  at 
the  Synod  of  Jerusalem,  they  can  detect  marks  of  his  pre- 
latic  influence,  t     But  the  sacred  narrative,  when  candidly 

*  Acts  XV.  6. 

t  Acts  XV.  19.  "James,  according  to  the  somewhat  pompous  reudering  in  our 
Enghsh  version,  says — 'Wherefore  my  sentence  is'' — in  the  original — bio  iyw 
Kpiva — a  common  formula  by  which  the  members  of  the  Greek  assemblies 
introduced  the  expression  of  their  individual  opinion,  as  appears  from  its 


256  WHY  JAMES  WAS  SETTLED  AT  JERUSALEM. 

interpreted,  merely  shews  that  he  acted  on  the  occasion  as 
a  judicious  counsellor.  He  was,  assuredly,  not  entitled  to 
dictate  to  Paul  or  Peter.  The  reasoning  of  those  who  main- 
tain that,  as  a  matter  of  right,  he  expected  the  meeting  to 
yield  to  the  weight  of  his  official  authority,  would  go  to 
prove,  not  that  he  was  bishop  of  the  Jewish  capital,  but  that 
he  was  the  prince  of  the  apostles. 

The  New  Testament  history  speaks  frequently  of  James, 
and  extends  over  the  whole  period  of  his  public  career ;  but 
it  never  once  hints  that  he  was  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  He  him- 
self has  left  behind  him  an  epistle  addressed  "  to  the  twelve 
tribes  which  are  scattered  abroad,"  in  which  he  makes  no 
allusion  to  his  possession  of  any  such  office.  Paul,  who  was 
well  acquainted  with  him,  and  who  often  visited  the  mother 
Church  during  the  time  of  his  alleged  episcopate,  is  equally 
silent  upon  the  subject.  But  it  is  easy  to  understand  how 
the  story  originated.  The  command  of  our  Lord  to  the 
apostles,  "  Go  ye  unto  all  the  world  and  preach  the  gospel  to 
every  creature,"""'  did  not  imply  that  their  countrymen  at 
home  were  not  to  enjoy  a  portion  of  their  ministrations; 
and  it  was  probably  considered  expedient  that  one  of  their 
number  should  reside  in  the  Jewish  capital.  This  field  of 
exertion  seems  to  have  been  assigned  to  James.  His 
colleagues  meanwhile  travelled  to  distant  countries  to  dis- 
seminate the  truth;  and  as  he  was  the  only  individual  of 
the  apostolic  company  who  could  ordinarily  be  consulted 
in  the  holy  city,  he  soon  became  the  ruling  spirit  among 
the  Christians  of  that  crowded  metropolis.  In  all  cases  of 
importance  and  of  difficulty  his  advice  would  be  sought 
and  appreciated;  and  his  age,  experience,  and  rank  as  one 
of  the  Twelve,  would  suggest  the  propriety  of  his  appoint- 
ment as  president  of  any  ecclesiastical  meeting  he  would 

repeated  occurrence  in  Thucydides,  with  which  may  be  compared  the  corre- 
sponding Latin  phrase  {sic  censeo)  of  frequent  use  in  Cicero's  orations." — 
Alexa^ider  on  the  Acts,  ii.  p.  83.  *  Mark  xvi.  15. 


CONFEDERATION  OF  APOSTOLIC  CHURCHES.  257 

attend.  The  precedence  tlius  so  generally  conceded  to  him 
would  be  remembered  in  after-times  when  the  hierarchical 
spirit  began  to  dominate ;  and  would  afford  a  basis  for  the 
legend  that  he  was  the  first  bishop  of  Jerusalem.  And  as 
he,  perhaps,  commonly  occupied  the  chair  when  the  rulers 
of  the  Church  assembled  there  at  the  annual  festivals,  we 
can  see  too  why  he  is  also  called  "  bishop  of  bishops "  in 
documents  of  high  antiquity.''^ 

During  a  considerable  part  of  the  first  century  Jerusalem 
probably  contained  a  much  greater  number  of  disciples 
than  any  other  city  in  the  Eoman  Empire  ;  and  until 
shortly  before  its  destruction  by  Titus  in  a.d.  70,  it  con- 
tinued to  be  the  centre  of  Christian  influence.  There  is 
every  reason  to  believe  that,  for  some  time,  all  matters  in 
dispute  throughout  the  Church,  which  could  not  be  settled 
by  inferior  judicatories,  were  decided  by  the  apostles  and 
elders  there  convened.  But  the  rapid  propagation  of  Chris- 
tianity, the  rise  of  persecution,  and  the  progress  of  political 
events,  soon  rendered  such  procedure  inconvenient,  if  not 
impracticable.  Persons  of  Gentile  extraction  who  lived  in 
distant  lands,  and  who  were  in  humble  circumstances,  could 
not  be  expected  to  travel  for  redress  of  their  ecclesiastical 
grievances  to  the  ancient  capital  of  Palestine';  and,  when  the 
temple  was  destroyed,  the  myriads  who  had  formerly  repaired 
to  it  to  celebrate  the  sacred  feasts,  of  course  discontinued 
their  attendance.  The  Christian  communities  throughout 
the  Empire  about  this  period  began  to  assume  that  form 
which  they  present  in  the  following  century,  the  congrega- 
tions of  each  province  associating  together  for  their  better 
government  and  discipline.  There  are  not  wanting  evi- 
dences, as  we  shall  now  endeavour  to  shew,  that  the  apostles 
themselves  suggested  the  arrangement. 

It  has  been  taken  for  granted  by  many  that  when  Paul, 

*  See  the  spurious  epistle  of  Clement  to  James,  prefixed  to  the  Clementine 
Homilies.     Cotelerius,  "  Pat.  Apost."  vol.  i.  p.  617. 

R 


258  ASSEMBLY  OF  ELDERS  AT  MILETUS. 

on  his  arrival  at  Miletus,  "  sent  to  Epliesus  and  called  tlie 
elders  of  the  Chiu-ch," '"'  he  convoked  a  meeting  only  of  the 
ecclesiastical  rulers  of  the  chief  city  of  the  Proconsular 
Asia.  But  a  more  attentive  examination  of  the  passage  in 
which  the  transaction  is  described  may  lead  us  to  doubt 
the  correctness  of  such  an  interpretation.  It  is  probable 
that,  when  the  apostle  sent  to  Ephesus,  the  Christian  elders 
of  the  surrounding  district,  as  well  as  of  the  capital,  were 
requested  to  meet  him  at  Miletus,  Such  a  conclusion  is 
sustained  by  the  reason  assigned  for  his  mode  of  proceeding 
at  this  juncture.  Ephesus  was  a  seaport  about  thirty  miles 
from  Miletus,  and  it  is  said  he  did  not  touch  at  it  on  his 
voyage  "  because  he  would  not  spend  the  time  in  Asia,  for 
he  hasted,  if  it  were  possible  for  him,  to  be  at  Jerusalem 
the  day  of  Pentecost."  t  But,  had  he  merely  wished  to  see 
the  elders  of  this  provincial  metropolis,  his  visit  to  it  need 
have  created  no  delay,  for  he  might  have  gone  to  it  as 
quickly  as  the  messeuger  who  was  the  bearer  of  his  com- 
munication. He  seems,  however,  to  have  felt  that,  had  he 
appeared  there,  he  would  have  given  offence  had  he  not 
also  favoured  the  Christian  communities  in  its  neighbour- 
hood with  his  presence ;  and  as  he  could  not  afford  to  spend 
so  much  time  in  Asia  as  would  thus  have  been  required,  he 
adopted  the  expedient  of  inviting  all  the  elders  of  the  dis- 
trict to  repair  to  him  in  the  place  where  he  now  sojourned. J 
From  Ephesus,  the  capital,  his  invitation  could  be  readily 
transmitted  to  other  provincial  cities.  The  address  which 
he  delivered  to  the  assembled  elders  certainly  conveys  the 
impression  that  they  did  not  all  belong  to  the  metropolis,  and 
its  very  first  sentence  suggests  such  an  inference.  "  When 
they  were  come  to  him,  he  said  unto  them.  Ye  know  from 

*  Acts  XX.  17.  t  Acts  XX.  16. 

t  The  view  here  taken  is  corroborated  by  the  authority  of  Irenseus,  iii.  c. 
14,  §  2  : — "  In  Mileto  enim  coiivocatis  episcopis  et  presbyteris,  qui  erant  ab 
Epheso,  et  a  reliquis  proximis  civitatibus,"  &c. 


CONSOCIATION  OF  PRIMITIVE  CHURCHES.  259 

the  first  day  tliat  I  came  into  Asia  after  wliat  manner  I  liave 
been  ivitli  you  at  all  seasons." '""  The  evangelist  informs  us 
that  he  had  spent  only  two  years  and  three  months  at 
Ephesus,  t  and  yet  he  here  tells  his  audience  that  "  by 
the  space  of  three  years  "  he  had  not  ceased  to  warn  every 
one  night  and  day  with  tears.J  He  says  also  "  I  know  that 
ye  all  among  whom  I  have  gone  preaching  the  kingdom  of 
God,  shall  see  my  face  no  more,"  § — thereby  intimating 
that  his  auditors  were  not  resident  in  one  locality.  We 
have  also  distinct  evidence  that  when  Paul  formerly  minis- 
tered at  Ephesus,  there  were  Christian  societies  throughout 
the  province,  for  in  his  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
T\^-itten  from  that  city,l|  he  sends  his  correspondents  the 
salutations  of  "  the  Churches  of  Asia."  IF  These  Churches 
must  obviously  have  been  united  by  the  ties  of  Christian 
fellowship;  and  the  apostle  must  have  been  in  close  com- 
munication with  them  when  he  was  thus  employed  as  the 
medium  of  conveyance  for  the  expression  of  their  evan- 
gelical attachment. 

In  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament  we  may  discern 
traces  of  consociation  among  the  primitive  Churches.  Thus, 
Paul,  their  founder,  sends  to  "  the  Churches  of  Galatia  "  '''"'■  a 
common  letter  in  which  he  requires  them  to  "  serve  one 
another,"  tt  and  to  "  bear  one  another's  burdens."  \\  With- 
out some  species  of  united  action,  the  Galatians  could  not 
well  have  obeyed  such  admonitions.  Peter  also,  when 
writing  to  the  disciples  "  scattered  throughout  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia,  and  Bithynia,"  §§  represents  them 
as  an  associated  body.     "  The  elders,"  says  he,  "  which  are 

*  Acts  XX,  18.  t  Acts  xix.  8,  10.  %  Acts  xx.  31. 

§  Acts  XX.  25.  Demetrius  says  to  the  craftsmen — "  Ye  see  and  hear  that 
not  alone  at  Ephesus,  hut  almost  throvyhout  all  Jsi'a,  this  Paul  hath  persuaded 
and  turned  away  much  people."     Acts  xix.  26. 

II  See  Period  I.  sec.  i.  chap.  viii.  p.  123.  IF  1  Cor.  xvi.  19. 

**  Gal.  i.  2.  tt  Gal.  v.  13.  %%  Gal.  vi.  2. 

§§  1  Pet.  i.  1. 


260  INTERCOURSE  BETWEEN  DISTANT  CHURCHES. 

among  you  I  exhort,  who  am  also  an  elder  ....  feed  the 
fiock  of  God  which  is  among  yoa  taking  the  oversight 
thereof."  ^''  This  "  flock  of  God,"  which  was  evidently  equi- 
valent to  the  "  Church  of  God,"  t  was  spread  over  a  large 
territory ;  and  yet  the  apostle  suggests  that  the  elders  were 
conjointly  charged  with  its  supervision.  Had  the  Churches 
scattered  throughout  so  many  provinces  been  a  multitude 
of  independent  congregations,  Peter  would  not  have  de- 
scribed them  as  one  "  flock"  of  which  these  rulers  had  the 
oversight. 

But,  though  the  elders  of  congregations  in  adjoining  pro- 
vinces could  maintain  ecclesiastical  intercourse,  and  meet 
together  at  least  occasionally  or  by  delegates,  it  was  other- 
wise with  Churches  in  difi'erent  countries.  Even  these, 
however,  cultivated  the  communion  of  saints ;  for  there  are 
evidences  that  they  corresponded  with  each  other  by  letters 
or  deputations.  The  attentive  reader  of  the  inspired  epistles 
must  have  observed  how  the  apostles  contrived  to  keep 
open  a  door  of  access  to  their  converts  by  means  of  itine- 
rating preachers;  J  and  the  same  agency  seems  to  have 
been  continued  in  succeeding  generations.  Disciples  tra- 
velling into  strange  lands  were  furnished  with  "  epistles  of 
commendation " §  to  the  foreign  Churches;  and  Christian 
teachers,  who  had  these  credentials,  were  permitted  freely 

*  1  Pet.  V.  1,  2. 

t  In  Acts  XX.  28,  these  designations  are  identical.  Tlie  exhortation  in 
1  Pet.  V.  5 — "  Yea,  all  of  you  be  subject  one  to  another " — is  obviously  ad- 
dressed to  ministers,  and  implies  their  mutual  subordination.  This  command 
can  be  acted  upon  only  by  ministers  who  are  confederated  and  who  hold  the 
same  ecclesiastical  status.  Lachmann  adopts  a  somewhat  diiFerent  reading 
of  this  verse  without  changing  the  sense,  for  he  jsuts  a  semi-period  after 
dXXrjXois.  According  to  his  Larger  Edition  of  the  Greek  Testament,  the 
commencement  of  the  verse  should  be  rendered  thus — "  Likewise  ye  younger 
(presbyters)  submit  yourselves  unto  the  elder,  and  all  to  one  another." 
I  here  suppose  presbyters  to  be  understood,  as  the  apostle  is  speaking  to  them 
in  all  the  preceding  part  of  the  chapter. 

X  2  Cor.  viii.  5,  18,  22 ;  Phil.  ii.  25,  28  ;  Col.  iv.  7-9  ;  2  Tim.  iv.  9-12. 

S  2  Cor.  iii.  1. 


LETTERS  OF  COMMENDATION.  261 

to  officiate  in  the  congregations  which  they  visited.  It  is 
an  extraordinary  fact  that,  during  the  lives  of  the  apostles, 
there  were  preachers,  in  whom  they  had  no  confidence,  who 
were  yet  in  full  standing,  and  who  went  from  place  to  place 
addressing  apostolic  Churches.  Having  found  their  way 
into  the  ministry  in  a  particular  locality,  they  set  out  to 
other  regions  provided  with  their  "  letters  of  commenda- 
tion;" and,  on  the  strength  of  these  testimonials,  they  were 
readily  recognised  as  heralds  of  the  cross.  The  apostles 
deemed  it  prudent  to  advise  their  correspondents  not  to 
rest  satisfied  with  the  certificates  of  these  itinerant  evan- 
gehsts,  but  to  try  them  by  a  more  certain  standard.  "  If 
there  come  any  unto  you,"  says  John,  "  and  hinng  7iot  this 
doctrine,  receive  him  not  into  your  house,  neither  bid  him 
God  speed."  * — "  Beloved,  believe  not  every  spirit,  but  try 
the  spirits  whether  they  are  of  God,  because  many  false 
prophets  are  gone  out  into  the  world."  t  Strange  as  it  may 
now  appear,  even  some  of  the  apostles  had  personal  enemies 
among  the  primitive  preachers,  and  yet  when  these  pro- 
claimed the  truth,  they  were  sufi'ered  to  proceed  without 
interruption.  "  Some  indeed,"  says  Paul,  "  preach  Christ 
even  of  envy  and  strife ;  and  some  also  of  good  will.  The 
one  preach  Christ  of  contention,  not  sincerely,  supposing  to 
add  affliction  to  my  bonds ;  but  the  other  of  love,  knowing 
that  I  am  set  for  the  defence  of  the  gospel.  What  then^ 
notwithstanding,  every  way,  whether  in  pretence  or  in 
truth,  Christ  is  preached;  and  I  therein  do  rejoice,  yea,  and 
Avill  rejoice."  J 

The  preceding  statements  may  enable  us  to  appreciate 
the  unity  of  the  Apostolic  Church.  This  unity  was  not 
perfect ;  for  there  were  false  brethren  who  stirred  up  strife, 
and  false  teachers  who  fomented  divisions.  But  these  ele- 
ments of  discord  no  more  disturbed  the  general  unity  of  the 
Church  than  the  presence  of  a  few  empty  or  blasted  ears  of 

*  2  John  10.  t  1  John  iv.  1.  t  Phil.  i.  15-18. 


262  UNITY  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC  CHURCH. 

corn  affects  tlie  productiveness  of  an  abundant  liarvest. 
As  a  body,  the  disciples  of  Christ  were  never  so  united  as 
in  the  first  century.  Heresy  had  yet  made  Httle  impres- 
sion; schism  was  scarcely  known;  and  charity,  exerting 
her  gentle  influence  with  the  brotherhood,  found  it  compa- 
ratively easy  to  keep  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the  bond  of 
peace.  The  members  of  the  Church  had  "  one  Lord,  one 
faith,  one  baptism."  But  their  unity  was  very  different 
from  uniformity.  They  had  no  canonical  hours,  no  clerical 
costume,  no  liturgies.  The  prayers  of  ministers  and  people 
varied  according  to  circumstances,  and  were  dictated  by 
their  hopes  and  fears,  their  wants  and  sympathies.  When 
they  met  for  worship,  the  devotional  exercises  were  con- 
ducted in  a  language  intelligible  to  all;  when  the  Scrip- 
tures were  read  in  their  asseml^lies,  every  one  heard  in  his 
own  tongue  the  wonderful  works  of  God.  The  unity  of 
the  Apostolic  Church  did  not  consist  in  its  subordination  to 
any  one  visible  head  or  supreme  pontiff;  for  neither  Peter 
nor  Paid,  James  nor  John  pretended  to  be  the  governor  of 
the  household  of  faith.  Its  unity  was  not  like  the  unity  of 
a  jail  where  all  the  prisoners  must  wear  the  same  dress,  and 
receive  the  same  rations,  and  dwell  in  cells  of  the  same 
construction,  and  submit  to  the  orders  of  the  same  keeper; 
but  like  the  unity  of  a  cluster  of  stalks  of  corn,  all  springing 
from  one  prolific  grain,  and  all  rich  with  a  golden  produce. 
Or  it  may  be  likened  to  the  unity  of  the  ocean,  where  all 
the  parts  are  not  of  the  same  depth,  or  the  same  colour,  or 
the  same  temperature ;  but  where  all,  pervaded  by  the  same 
saline  preservative,  ebb  and  flow  according  to  the  same 
heavenly  laws,  and  concur  in  bearing  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth  the  blessings  of  civilisation  and  of  happiness. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES. 

The  Apocal}qDse  is  a  book  of  symbols.  The  light  which  we 
obtain  from  it  may  well  remind  us  of  the  instruction  com- 
municated to  the  Israelites  by  the  ceremonies  of  the  law. 
The  Mosaic  institutions  imparted  to  a  Jew  the  knowledge 
of  an  atonement  and  a  Saviour ;  but  he  could  scarcely  have 
undertaken  to  explain,  with  accuracy  and  precision,  their 
individual  significance,  as  their  meaning  was  not  fully 
developed  until  the  times  of  the  Messia;h.  So  is  it  with 
"  the  Eevelation  of  Jesus  Christ  which  God  gave  unto  him 
to  shew  unto  his  servants  things  which  must  shortly  come 
to  pass,"  and  which  "  he  sent  and  signified  by  his  angel 
unto  his  servant  John."'"  The  Church  here  sees,  as 
"  through  a  glass  darkly,"  the  transactions  of  her  future 
history;  and  she  can  here  distinctly  discern  the  ultimate 
triumph  of  her  principles,  so  that,  in  days  of  adversity,  she 
is  encouraged  and  sustained;  but  she  cannot  speak  with 
confidence  of  the  import  of  much  of  this  mysterious  record ; 
and  it  woidd  seem  as  if  the  actual  occurrence  of  the  events 
foretold  were  to  supply  the  only  safe  key  for  the  interpre- 
tation of  some  of  its  strange  imagery. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  book  we  have  an  account  of  a 

glorious  vision  presented  to  the  beloved  disciple.     He  was 

instructed  to  write  down  what  he  saw,  and  to  send  it  to 

the  Seven  Churches    in  Asia,  "  unto  Ephesus,  and   unto 

*  Rev.  i.  1. 


264  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES. 

Smyrna,  and  unto  Pergamos,  and  unto  Thyatira,  and  unto 
Sardis,  and  unto  Philadelphia,  and  unto  Laodicea."*  A 
vision  so  extraordinary  as  that  which  he  describes,  must 
have  left  upon  his  mind  a  permanent  and  most  vivid 
impression.  "  I  saw,"  says  he,  "  seven  golden  candlesticks, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  seven  candlesticks  one  like  unto  the 
Son  of  Man  clothed  with  a  garment  down  to  the  foot,  and 
girt  about  the  paps  with  a  golden  girdle.  His  head  and 
his  hair  were  white  like  wool,  as  white  as  snow;  and  his 
eyes  were  as  a  flame  of  fire ;  and  his  feet  like  unto  fine  brass, 
as  if  they  burned  in  a  furnace ;  and  his  voice  as  the  sound 
of  many  waters — and  he  had  in  his  right  hand  seven  stars, 
and  out  of  his  mouth  went  a  sharp  two-edged  sword,  and 
his  countenance  was  as  the  sun  shineth  in  his  strength."  t 

In  the  foreground  of  this  picture  the  Son  of  God  stands 
conspicuous.  His  dress  corresponds  to  that  of  the  Jewish 
high  priest,  and  the  whole  description  of  His  person  has 
obviously  a  reference,  either  to  His  own  divine  perfections, 
or  to  His  ofiices  as  the  Saviour  of  sinners.  He  himself  is 
the  expositor  of  two  of  the  most  remarkable  of  the  symbols. 
*'  The  seven  stars,"  says  He,  "  are  the  angels  of  the  Seven 
Churches,  and  the  seven  candlesticks  which  thou  sawest, 
are  the  Seven  Churches."  J 

But  though  the  symbol  of  the  stars  has  been  thus  inter- 
preted by  Christ,  the  interpretation  itself  has  been  the 
subject  of  considerable  discussion.  Much  difficulty  has 
been  experienced  in  identifying  the  angels  of  the  Seven 
Churches;  and  there  have  been  various  conjectures  as  to 
the  station  which  they  occupied,  and  the  duties  wliich 
they  performed.  According  to  some  they  were  literally 
angelic  beings  who  had  the  special  charge  of  the  Seven 
Churches.  §     According  to  others,  the  angel  of  a  Church 

*  Rev.  i.  11.  t  Rev.  i.  12-16.  J  Rev.  i.  20. 

§  This  was  the  opinion  of  Gregory  Nazianzen,  as  well  as  others.  There  is 
an  ingenious  article  on  this  subject  in   the  "Bibliotheca  Sacra"  for  April 


ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES.  265 

betokens  the  collective  body  of  ministers  connected  with 
the  society.  But  such  explanations  are  very  far  from  satis- 
factory. The  Scriptures  nowhere  teach  that  each  Christian 
community  is  under  the  care  of  its  own  angelic  guardian; 
neither  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  an  angel  represents  the 
ministry  of  a  Church,  for  one  symbol  would  not  be  inter- 
preted by  another  symbol  of  dubious  signification.  It  seems 
clear  that  the  angel  of  the  Church  is  a  single  individual, 
and  that  he  must  have  been  a  personage  well  known  to  the 
body  with  wiiich  he  was  connected  at  the  time  when  the 
Apocalypse  was  written. 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that  the  title  "  The  angel  of 
the  Church"  is  borrowed  from  the  designation  of  one  of  the 
ministers  of  the  synagogue.*  This  point,  however,  has 
never  been  fairly  demonstrated.  In  later  times  there  was, 
no  doubt,  in  the  synagogue  an  individual  known  by  the 
name  of  the  legate,  or  the  angel;  but  there  is  no  decisive 
evidence  that  an  official  with  such  a  designation  existed  in 
the  first  century.  In  the  New  Testament  we  have  repeated 
references  to  the  office-bearers  of  the  synagogue;  we  are 
told  of  the  rulers  t  or  elders,  the  reader,  J  and  the  minister  § 
or  deacon ;  but  the  angel  is  never  mentioned.  Philo  and 
Josephus  are  equally  silent  upon  the  subject.  It  is,  there- 
fore, extremely  doubtful  whether  a  minister  with  this  title 
was  known  among  the  Jews  in  the  days  of  the  apostles. 

Even  granting,  what  is  so  very  problematical,  that  there 
w^ere  in  the  synagogues  in  the  first  century  individuals  dis- 
tinguished by  the  designation  of  angels,  it  is  still  exceed- 
ingly doubtful  whether  the  angels  of  the  Seven  Churches 
borrowed  their  names  from  these  functionaries.  If  so,  the 
angel  of  the  Church  mnst  have  occupied  the  same  position 

1855.  Its  authoi',  the  Rev.  Isaac  Jennings,  advocates  tlie  view  propounded 
in  this  chapter. 

*  This  is  the  opinion  of  Prideaus,  Vitriuga,  and  many  others.  See  Prid. 
"  Connec."  part.  i.  book  vi. ;  and  Vitringa,  "  De  Synagoga,"  lib.  iii.  par.  2,  cap.  3. 

t  Acts  xiii.  15.  %  Luke  iv.  16.  §  Luke  iv.  20. 


266  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CIIUrtCHES. 

as  the  angel  of  tlie  synagogue,  for  tlie  adoption  of  tlie  same 
title  indicated  the  possession  of  the  same  office.  But  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  angel  of  the  synagogue  to  offer  up  the 
prayers  of  the  assembly;*  and  as,  in  all  the  synagogues, 
there  was  worship  at  the  same  hour,t  he  could,  of  course, 
be  the  minister  of  only  one  congregation.  If  then  the  angel 
of  the  Church  discharged  the  same  functions  as  the  angel 
of  the  synagogue,  it  would  follow  that,  towards  the  termi- 
nation of  the  first  century,  there  was  only  one  Christian 
congregation  in  each  of  the  seven  cities  of  Ephesus,  Smyrna, 
Pergamos,  Thyatira,  Sardis,  Philadelphia,  and  Laodicea. 
It  may,  however,  be  fairly  questioned  whether  the  number 
of  disciples  in  every  one  of  these  places  was  then  so  limited 
as  such  an  inference  would  suggest.  In  Laodicea,  and 
perhaps  in  one  or  two  of  the  other  cities, J  there  may  have 
been  only  a  single  congregation ;  but  it  is  scarcely  probable 
that  all  the  brethren  in  Ephesus  still  met  together  in  one 
assembly.  About  forty  years  before,  the  Word  of  God 
"grew  mightily  and  prevailed "§  in  that  great  metropolis; 
and,  among  its  inhabitants,  Paul  had  persuaded  "  much 
people"  II  to  become  disciples  of  Christ.  But  if  the  angel  of 
the  Church  derived  his  title  from  the  angel  of  the  synagogue, 
and  if  the  position  of  these  two  functionaries  was  the  same, 
we  are  shut  up  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  now  only 
one  congregation  in  the  capital  of  the  Proconsular  Asia. 
The  angel  could  not  be  in  two  places  at  the  same  time; 
and,  as  it  was  his  duty  to  offer  up  the  prayers  of  the 
assembled  worshippers,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  minister 
to  two  congregations. 

*  Prideaux,  part  i.  book  vi.  vol.  i.  p.  385.     Edit.  London,  1716. 

t  "  The  hours  of  pubhc  devotions  in  them  on  their  synagogue  days  were,  as 
to  morning  and  evening  prayers,  the  same  hours  in  which  the  morning  and 
evening  sacrifices  were  oft'ered  up  at  the  temple." — Prideaux,  jiart  i.  book  vi. 

X  Maurice,  in  his  work  on  Diocesan  Episcoijacy  in  reply  to  Clarkson,  admits 
(p.  257)  that  in  our  Saviour's  time,  Laodicea  had  "but  few  inhabitants."  Phi- 
ladelphia is  described  by  Strabo  as  a  place  with  a  small  population. 

§  Acts  six.  20.  II  Acts  xix.  26. 


ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES.  267 

These  considerations  abundantly  attest  the  futility  of 
the  imao-ination  that  the  ano-el  of  the  Church  was  a  dio- 
cesan  bishop.  The  office  of  the  angel  of  the  synagogue  had, 
in  fact,  no  resemblance  whatever  to  that  of  a  prelate.  The 
rank  of  the  ancient  Jewish  functionary  seems  to  have  been 
similar  to  that  of  a  precentor  in  some  of  our  Protestant 
churches ;  and  when  set  forms  of  prayer  were  introduced 
among  the  Israelites,  it  was  his  duty  to  read  them  aloud  in 
the  congregation.  The  angel  was  not  the  chief  ruler  of  the 
synagogue ;  he  occupied  a  subordinate  position ;  and  was 
amenable  to  the  authority  of  the  bench  of  elders.*  It  is  in 
vain  then  to  attempt  to  recognise  the  predecessors  of  our 
modern  diocesans  in  the  angels  of  the  Seven  Churches. 
Had  bishops  been  originally  called  angels,  they  never  would 
have  parted  with  so  complimentary  a  designation.  Had 
the  Spirit  of  God  in  the  Apocalypse  bestowed  upon  them 
such  a  title,  it  never  would  have  been  laid  aside.  When, 
about  a  century  after  this  period,  we  begin  to  discover 
distinct  traces  of  a  hierarchy,  an  extreme  anxiety  is  dis- 
cernible to  find  for  it  something  like  a  footing  in  the  days 
of  the  apostles  ;  but,  strange  to  say,  the  earliest  prelates  of 
whom  we  read  are  not  known  by  the  name  of  angels.t  If 
such  a  nomenclature  existed  in  the  time  of  the  Apostle 
John,  it  must  have  passed  away  at  once  and  for  ever !  No 
trace  of  it  can  be  detected  even  in  the  second  century.  It 
is  thus  apparent  that,  whatever  the  angels  of  the  Seven 

*  Prideaux  speaks  of  the  angel  of  the  synagogue,  in  relation  to  the  rulers, 
as  "  next  to  them,  or  perchance  one  of  them." — Part  i.  book  vi.  vol.  i.  p.  385. 

t  It  a.ppears  never  to  have  occurred  to  TertuUian  that  the  angels  of  the 
Chiu-ches  were  bishops.  He  obviously  considered  the  angel  of  the  Church 
an  invisible  intelligence.  Thus  he  says  of  Paul — "  Lusit  igitur  et  de  sue 
spiritu,  et  de  ecclesiae  angelo,  et  de  virtute  Domini,  si  quod  de  consilio  eorum 
pronimciaverat  rescidit." — De  Pudicitia,  c.  xiv.  ad  finem.  See  also  TertuUian 
"  De  Baptismo,"  c.  vi.  Such,  too,  was  the  opinion  of  Origen. — "  De  Principiis," 
lib.  i.  0.  8,  and  "  De  Oratione,"  11.  The  fact  that,  long  after  the  hierarchy  was 
formed,  in  two  or  three  rare  cases  a  bishop  is  called  an  angel,  in  reference  to 
the  angels  of  the  Apocalypse, is  nothing  to  the  purpose.     See  Bingham,  i.  79. 


268         ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHUECHES. 

Churches  may  have  been,  they  certainly  were  not  diocesan 
bishops. 

The  place  where  these  angels  are  to  be  found  in  the 
apocalyptic  scene  also  suggests  the  fallacy  of  the  interpre- 
tation that  they  are  the  chief  pastors  of  the  Seven  Churches. 
The  stars  are  seen,  not  distriljuted  over  the  seven  candle- 
sticks, but  collected  together  in  the  hand  of  Christ.  Though 
the  angels  seem  to  be  in  some  way  related  to  the  Churches, 
the  relation  is  such  that  they  may  be  separated  without  in- 
convenience. What,  then,  can  tliese  angels  be  %  How  do 
they  happen  to  possess  the  name  they  bear?  Why  are 
they  gathered  into  the  right  hand  of  the  Son  of  Man  1  All 
these  questions  admit  of  a  very  plain  and  satisfactory 
solution. 

An  angel  literally  signifies  a  messenger,  and  these  angels 
were  simply  the  messengers  of  the  Seven  Churches.  John 
had  long  resided  at  Ephesus  ;  and  now  that  he  was  banished 
to  the  Isle  of  Patmos  "  for  the  word  of  God  and  for  the 
testimony  of  Jesus  Christ,"  it  would  appear  that  the  Chris- 
tian communities  among  which  he  had  ministered  so  many 
years,  sent  trusty  deputies  to  visit  him,  to  assure  him  of 
their  sympathy,  and  to  tender  to  him  their  friendly  offices. 
In  primitive  times  such  angels  were  often  sent  to  the 
brethren  in  confinement  or  in  exile.  Thus,  Paul,  when  in 
imprisonment  at  Rome,  says  to  the  Philippians — "Ye  have 
well  done  that  ye  did  communicate  with  my  afiliction.  .  .  . 
I  am  full,  having  received  of  Epaphroditus  the  things  which 
Avere  sent  from  you."'"'  Here,  Epaphroditus  is  presented 
to  us  as  the  angel  of  the  Church  of  Philippi.  This  minister 
seems,  indeed,  to  have  now  spent  no  small  portion  of  his 
time  in  travelling  between  Rome  and  Macedonia.  Hence 
Paul  observes — "  I  supposed  it  necessary  to  send  to  you 
Epaphroditus,  my  brother  and  companion  in  labour  and 
fellow-soldier,  but  your  messenger  and  he  that  ministered 

*  Phil.  iv.  14,  18. 


ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES.  269 

to  my  wants."  *  In  like  manner,  the  individuals  selected 
to  convey,  to  tlie  poor  saints  Id  Jerusalem,  tlie  contribu- 
tions of  the  Gentile  converts  in  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  are 
called  "  the  messengers  of  the  Churches."  t  The  practice  of 
sending  messengers  to  visit  and  comfort  the  saints  in  poverty, 
in  confinement,  or  in  exile,  may  be  traced  for  centuries  in 
the  history  of  the  Church.  It  also  deserves  notice  that,  in 
other  parts  of  the  New  Testament  as  well  as  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse, an  individual  sent  on  a  special  errand  is  repeatedly 
called  an  angel.  Thus,  John  the  Baptist,  who  was  com- 
missioned to  announce  the  approach  of  the  Messiah,  is 
styled  God's  angel,  |  or  messenger,  and  the  spies,  sent  to 
view  the  land  of  Canaan,  are  distinguished  by  the  same 
designation.  § 

Towards  the  close  of  the  first  century  the  Apostle  John 
must  have  been  regarded  with  extraordinary  veneration  by 
his  Christian  brethren.  He  was  the  last  survivor  of  a  band 
of  men  who  had  laid  the  foundations  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment Church  ;  and  he  was  himself  one  of  the  most  honoured 
members  of  the  little  fraternity,  for  he  had  enjoyed  pecu- 
liarly intimate  fellowship  with  his  Divine  Master.  Our 
Lord,  "  in  the  days  of  His  flesh,"  had  permitted  him  to  lean 
upon  His  bosom ;  and  he  has  been  described  by  the  pen  of 
inspiration  as  "  tJie  disciple  whom  Jesus  loved."  ||  All  ac- 
counts concur  in  representing  him  as  most  amiable  and 
warm-hearted ;  and  as  he  had  now  far  outlived  the  ordi- 
nary term  of  human  existence,  the  snows  of  age  must  have 
imparted  additional  interest  to  a  personage  otherwise  exceed- 
ingly attractive.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  such  a  man 
was  permitted  in  apostolic  times  to  pine  away  unheeded  in 

*  Phil.  ii.  25. 

t  2  Cor.  viii.  23,  dnoaroXoL  iKKKrjaicov.  In  after-times  it  was  deemed  proper 
that  these  messengers  should  be  of  the  clerical  order. — See  Cyprian,  epist.  xxiv., 
Ixxv.,  and  Ixxix. 

X  Luke  vii.  27,  t6v  uyyiKuv  fiov.  §  James  ii,  25,  rovs  dyye\ovs. 

11  John  xxi.  7,  20. 


270  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHUECHES. 

solitary  exile.  The  small  island  which  was  the  place  of  his 
banishment  Avas  not  far  from  the  Asiatic  metropolis,  and 
the  other  six  cities  named  in  the  Apocalypse  were  all  in 
the  same  district  as  Ephesus.  It  was,  therefore,  by  no 
means  extraordinary  that  seven  messengers  from  seven 
neighbouring  Churches,  to  all  of  which  he  was  well  known, 
are  found  too;ether  in  Patmos  on  a  visit  to  the  venerable 
confessor. 

This  explanation  satisfies  all  the  conditions  required  by 
the  laws  of  interpretation.  AVhilst  it  reveals  a  concern  for 
the  welfare  of  John  quite  in  keeping  with  the  benevolent 
spirit  of  apostolic  times,  it -is  also  simple  and  sufficient. 
In  prophetic  language  a  star  usually  signifies  a  ruler,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  angels  sent  to  Patmos  were  selected 
from  among  the  elders,  or  rulers,  of  the  Churches  with 
which  they  were  respectively  connected ;  for,  it  is  well 
known  that,  at  an  early  period,  elders,  or  presbyters,  were 
frequently  appointed  to  act  as  messengers  or  commissioners.'"' 
"We  may  thus  perceive,  too,  why  the  letters  are  addressed 
to  the  angels,  for  in  this  case  they  were  the  official  organs 
of  communication  between  the  apostle  and  the  religious 
societies  which  they  had  been  deputed  to  represent.  It  is 
obvious  that  the  instructions  contained  in  the  epistles  were 
designed,  not  merely  for  the  angels  individually,  but  for 
the  communities  of  which  they  were  members  ;  and  hence 
the  exhortation  with  which  each  of  them  concludes — "  He 
that  hath  an  ear,  let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  unto 
the  Churches."  t  When  the  apostle  was  honoured  with  the 
vision,  he  was  directed  to  write  out  an  account  of  what  he 
saw,  and  to  "  send  it  unto  the  Seven  Churches  which  are  in 
Asia;"  J  and  this  interpretation  explains  how  he  transmitted 

*  Thus  Hippolytus  speaks  of  a  cei-tain  elder,  named  Hyacinthus,  who  was 
sent  to  the  governor  of  Sardinia  with  a  letter  for  the  release  of  the  Christians 
banished  there.  "  Philosophumeua,"  p.  288.  The  legate  of  the  bishop  of  Kome 
is  a  species  of  memorial  of  the  angel  of  the  ancient  Church. 

t  Kev.  ii.  7, 11,  17,  29,  iii.  6, 13,  22.  J  Rev.  i.  11. 


ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHURCHES.  271 

\tlie  communication  ;  for,  as  Christ  is  said  to  have  "  sent  and 
signified "  His  Eevehition  "  hy  his  angel  unto  his  servant 
John,""'  so  John,  in  his  turn,  conveyed  it  by  the  seven 
angels  to  the  Seven  Churches.  It  was,  no  doubt,  thought 
that  the  messengers  undertook  a  most  perilous  errand  when 
they  engaged  to  visit  a  distinguished  Christian  minister 
Avho  had  been  driven  into  banishment  by  a  jealous  tyrant ; 
but  they  are  taught  by  the  vision  that  they  are  under  the 
special  care  of  Him  who  is  "  the  Prince  of  the  kings  of  the 
earth  ; "  for  the  Saviour  appears  holding  them  in  His  right 
hand  as  He  walks  in  the  midst  of  the  seven  golden  candle- 
sticks. When  bearing  consolation  to  the  aged  minister, 
each  one  of  them  could  enjoy  the  comfort  of  the  promise — 
"  Can  a  woman  foro;et  her  suckino;  child  that  she  should 
not  have  comjDassion  on  the  son  of  her  womb  1  Yea,  they 
may  forget,  yet  will  not  I  forget  thee.  Behold,  /  have 
graven  thee  upon  tJie  palms  of  my  JkcokIs."  t 

It  has  often  been  thought  singular  that  only  seven 
Churches  of  the  Proconsular  Asia  are  here  addressed,  as  it 
is  well  known  that,  at  this  period,  there  were  several  other 
Christian  societies  in  the  same  province.  Thus,  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Laodicea  were  the  Churches 
of  Colosse  and  Hierapolis  ;  J  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Ephesus, 
perhaps  the  Churches  of  Tralles  and  Magnesia,  But  the 
seven  angels  mentioned  bj  John  may  have  been  the  only 
ecclesiastical  messengers  in  Patmos  at  the  time  of  the 
vision ;  and  they  may  have  been  the  organs  of  communi- 
cation with  a  greater  number  of  Churches  than  those  which 
they  directly  represented.  Seven  was  regarded  by  the  Jews 
as  the  symbol  of  perfection ;  and  it  is  somewhat  remark- 
able that,  on  another  occasion  noticed  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, §  we  find  exactly  seven  messengers  deputed  by  the 
Churches  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  to  convey  their  contri- 

*  Rev.  i.  1.  t  Isa.  xlix.  15,  16. 

:|:  The  Christians  of  Hicrai^olis  aro  mentioned  Col.  iv.  13. 
§  Acts  sx.  4. 


272  ANGELS  OF  THE  SEVEN  CHUECHES. 

biitions  to  the  indigent  disciples  in  Jerusalem.  There  are, 
too,  grounds  for  believing  that  these  seven  religious  societies, 
in  their  varied  character  and  prospects,  are  emblems  of  the 
Church  universal.  The  instructions  addressed  to  the  dis- 
ciples in  these  seven  cities  of  Asia  were  designed  for  the 
benefit  of  "  the  Churches  "  of  all  countries  as  well  as  of 
all  succeeding  generations ;  and  the  whole  imagery  indi- 
cates that  the  vision  is  to  be  thus  interpreted.  The  Son 
of  Man  does  not  confine  His  care  to  the  Seven  Churches  of 
Asia,  for  He  who  appears  walking  in  the  midst  of  the  seven 
golden  candlesticks  is  the  same  who  said  of  old  to  the 
nation  of  Israel — "  I  will  set  up  my  tabernacle  among  you, 
and  my  soul  shall  not  abhor  you,  and  I  will  walk  among 
you,  and  will  be  your  God,  and  ye  shall  be  my  people." ''' 
In  the  vision,  the  "  countenance  "  of  the  Saviour  is  said  to 
have  been  "  as  the  sun  shineth  in  his  strength  ; ''  t  and  the 
prayer  of  the  Church  catholic  is — "  God  be  merciful  unto 
us,  and  bless  us,  and  cause  his  face  to  shine  upon  us,  that 
tfea^  thy  way  may  be  known  upon  earth,  thy  saving  health 
among  all  nations."  \ 

The  preceding  statements  demonstrate  the  folly  of  at- 
tempting to  construct  a  system  of  ecclesiastical  polity  from 
such  a  highly-figurative  portion  of  Scripture  as  the  Apoca- 
lypse. In  the  angel  of  the  Church  some  have  believed 
they  have  discovered  the  moderator  of  a  presbytery  ;  others, 
the  bishop  of  a  diocese ;  and  others,  the  minister  of  an 
Irvingite  congregation.  But  the  basis  on  which  all  such 
theories  are  founded  is  a  mere  blunder  as  to  the  signifi- 
cance of  an  ecclesiastical  title.  The  angels  of  the  Seven 
Churches  were  neither  moderators,  nor  diocesans,  nor  pre- 
centors, but  messengers  sent  on  an  errand  of  love  to  an 
apostle  in  tribulation. 

*  Lev.  xxvi,  11,  12.  +  Rev.  i.  16.  %  Ps.  Ixvii.  1,  2. 


PEEIOD  11. 

FEOM  THE  DEATH  OF  THE  APOSTLE  JOHN  TO  THE 

CONYEESION  OF  CONSTANTINE, 

A.D.  100  TO  A.  D.  312. 


» 


SECTION  I. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

The  dawn  of  tlie  second  century  was  full  of  promise  to  the 
Church.  On  the  death  of  Domitian  in  a.d.  96,  the  Roman 
Empire  enjoyed  for  a  short  time''  the  administration  of 
the  mild  and  equitable  Nerva.  This  prince  repealed  the 
sanguinary  laws  of  his  predecessor,  and  the  disciples  had  a 
respite  from  persecution.  Trajan,  who  succeeded  him,t  and 
who  now  occupied  the  throne,  seemed  not  unwilling  to 
imitate  his  policy,  so  that,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
the  Christians  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  imperial  op- 
pression. All  accounts  concur  in  stating  that  their  affairs, 
at  this  period,  presented  a  most  hopeful  aspect.  They  yet 
displayed  a  united  front,  for  they  had  hitherto  been  almost 
entirely  free  from  the  evils  of  sectarianism ;  and  now,  that 
they  were  relieved  from  the  terrible  incubus  of  a  ruthless 
tyranny,  their  spirits  were  as  buoyant  as  ever ;  for  though 
intolerance  had  thinned  their  ranks,  it  had  also  exhibited 
their  constancy  and  stimulated  their  enthusiasm.  Their 
intense  attachment  to  the  evangelical  cause  stood  out  in 
strange  and  impressive  contrast  with  the  apathy  of  poly- 

*  A.D.  96  to  A.D.  98.  t   A.D.  98  to  A.D.  117. 


276  MORALITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 

tlieism.  A  lieatlien  repeated,  not  without  scepticism,  the 
tales  of  his  mythology,  and  readily  passed  over  from  one 
form  of  superstition  to  another ;  but  the  Christian  felt^him- 
self  strong  in  the  truth,  and  was  prepared  to  peril  all  that 
was  dear  to  him  on  earth  rather  than  abandon  his  cherished 

■  principles.  "Well  might  serious  pagans  be  led  to  think 
favourably  of  a  creed  which  fostered  such  decision  and 
magnanimity. 

The  wonderful  improvement  produced  by  the  gospel  on 
the  lives  of  multitudes  by  whom  it  was  embraced,  was, 
however,  its  most  striking  and  cogent  recommendation. 
The  Christian  authors  who  now  published  works  in  its 
defence,  to  many  of  which  they  gave  the  designation  of 
apologies,  and  who  sought,  by  means  of  these  productions, 
either  to  correct  the  misrepresentations  of  its  enemies,  or 
to  check  the  \dolence  of  persecution,  always  appeal  with 
special  confidence  to  this  weighty  testimonial.  A  veteran 
profligate  converted  into  a  sober  and  exemplary  citizen  was 
a  witness  for  the  truth  whose  evidence  it  was  difficult  either 
to  discard  or  to  depreciate.  Nor  were  such  vouchers  rare 
either  in  the  second  or  third  century.  A  learned  minister 
of  the  Church  could  now  venture  to  affirm  that  Christian 
communities  were  to  be  found  composed  of  men  "  reclaimed 

from  ten  thousand  vices,'"'''  and  that  these  societies,  com- 
pared mth  others  around  them,  were  "  as  lights  in  the 
world."  t  The  practical  excellence  of  the  new  faith  is 
attested,  still  more  circumstantially,  by  another  of  its  advo- 
cates who  wrote  about  half  a  century  after  the  age  of  the 
apostles.  "  We,"  says  he,  "  who  formerly  delighted  in 
vicious  excesses  are  now  temperate  and  chaste ;  we,  who 
once  practised  magical  arts,  have  consecrated  ourselves  to 
the  good  and  unbegotten  God ;  we,  who  once  prized  gain 
above  all  things,  give  even  what  we  have  to  the  common 

*  Origen,  "  Contra  Celsum,"  i.  §  67.     See  also  i.  §  26. 
t  Origen,  "  Contra  Celsum,"  iii.  §  29. 


TRANSLATIONS  OF  THE  NEW  TESTAMENT.  2v7 

use,  and  sliare  it  with  such  as  are  in  need ;  we,  who  once 
hated  and  murdered  one  another,  who,  on  account  of  differ- 
ence of  customs,  would  have  no  common  hearth  with  stran- 
gers, now,  since  the  appearance  of  Christ,  live  together  with 
them  ;  we  pray  for  our  enemies  ;  we  seek  to  persuade  those 
who  hate  us  without  cause  to  live  conformably  to  the  goodly 
precepts  of  Christ,  that  they  may  become  partakers  with  us 
of  the  joyful  hope  of  blessings  from  God,  the  Lord  of  all."  '^' 
When  we  consider  that  all  the  old  superstitions  had  now  \ 
become  nearly  efiete,  we  cannot  be  surprised  at  the  signal  /' 
triumphs  of  a  system  which  could  furnish  such  noble  ere-./ 
dentials. 

Whilst  Christianity  demonstrated  its  divine  virtue  by 
the  good  fruits  which  it  produced,  it,  at  the  same  time,  in- 
vited all  men  to  study  its  doctrines  and  to  judge  for  them- 
selves. Those  who  were  disposed  to  examine  its  internal 
evidences  were  supplied  with  facilities  for  pursuing  the  in- 
vestigation, as  the  Scriptures  of  the  New  Testament  were 
pubhcly  read  in  the  assemblies  of  the  faithful,  and  copies 
of  them  were  diligently  multiplied,  so  that  these  divine 
guides  could  be  readily  consulted  by  every  one  who  really 
wished  for  information.  The  importance  of  the  writings  of 
the  apostles  and  evangelists  suggested  the  propriety  of  making 
them  available  for  the  instruction  of  those  who  were  igno- 
rant of  Greek ;  and  versions  in  the  Latin,  the  Syriac,  and 
other  langiiageSjt  soon  made  their  appearance.  Some  com- 
positions are  stripped  of  their  charms  when  exhibited  in 
translations,  as  they  owe  their  attractiveness  to  the  mere 
embellishments  of  style  or  expression ;  but  the  Word  of 

*  Justin  Martyr,  "Apol."  ii.  61.     Edit.,  Paris,  1615. 

t  The  Peshito,  or  old  Syriac  version,  is  supi^osed  to  have  been  made  in  the 
first  half  of  the  second  century. — Westcott  "  On  the  Canon,"  pp.  264, 265.  There 
are  traces  of  the  existence  of  a  Latin  version  in  the  time  of  Tertullian,  or  before 
the  close  of  the  second  century. — Ibid.,  j).  275.  "  Two  versions  into  the  dia^ 
lects  of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt — the  Thebaic  (Sahidic)  and  ]\Iemphitic — date 
from  the  close  of  the  third  century." — Ibid.  pp.  415,  41G. 


278  DISCONTINUANCE  OF  MIEACLES. 

God,  like  all  tlie  works  of  the  High  and  the  Holy  One, 
speaks  with  equal  power  to  every  kindred  and  tongue  and 
people.  When  correctly  rendered  into  another  language,  it 
is  still  full  of  grace  and  truth,  of  majesty  and  beauty.  In 
whatever  dialect  it  may  be  clothed,  it  continues  to  awaken 
the  conscience  and  to  convert  the  soul.  Its  dissemination 
at  this  period,  either  in  the  original  or  in  translations,  con- 
tributed greatly  to  the  extension  of  the  Church ;  and  the 
gospel,  issuing  from  this  pure  fountain,  at  once  revealed  its 
superiority  to  all  the  miserable  dilutions  of  superstition  and 
absurdity  presented  in  the  systems  of  heathenism. 

When  accounting  for  the  rapid  diffusion  of  the  new  faith 
in  the  second  and  third  centuries,  many  have  laid  much 
stress  on  the  miraculous  powers  of  the  disciples ;  but  the 
aid  derived  from  this  quarter  seems  to  have  been  greatly 
over-estimated.  The  days  of  Christ  and  His  apostles  were 
properly  the  times  of  "  wonders  and  mighty  deeds  f  and 
though  the  lives  of  some,  on  whom  extraordinary  endow- 
ments were  conferred,  probably  extended  far  into  the  second 
century,  it  is  remarkable  that  the  earliest  ecclesiastical 
writers  are  almost,  if  not  altogether,  silent  upon  the  subject 
of  contemporary  miracles.'"'  Supernatural  gifts  perhaps 
ceased  with  those  on  whom  they  were  bestowed  by  the  in- 
spired founders  of  the  Church  ;  t  but  many  imagined  that 
their  continuance  was  necessary  to  the  credit  of  the  Chris- 
tian cause,  and  were,  therefore,  slow  to  admit  that  these 
tokens  of  the  divine  recognition  had  completely  disappeared. 
It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  prodigies  attributed  to 
this  period  are  very  indifferently  authenticated  as  compared 
with  those  reported  by  the  pen  of  inspiration.  J     In  some 

*  See  Middleton's  "Inquiry,"  pp.  3,  9. 

t  See  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  pp.  98-101.    Edition,  Cambridge,  1826. 

:]:  Tertullian  states  that  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  became  friendly  to 
the  Christians,  in  consequence  of  a  remarkable  interposition  of  Providence  i)i 
favour  of  his  army,  in  a  war  with  the  Marcomanni  and  the  Quadi.  It  was 
alleged  that,  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  a  body  of  Christian  soldiers,  afterwards 


DISCONTINUANCE  OF  MIRACLES.  279 

cases  tliey  are  described  iu  ambiguous  or  general  terms, 
siicli  as  the  narrators  might  have  been  expected  to  employ 
when  detailing  vague  and  uncertain  rumours ;  and  not  a 
few  of  the  cures  now  di2;nified  with  the  title  of  miracles  are 
of  a  commonplace  character,  such  as  could  have  been 
accomplished  without  any  supernatural  interference,  and 
which  Jewish  and  heathen  quacks  frequently  performed.* 
No  writer  of  this  period  asserts  that  he  himself  possessed 
the  power  either  of  speaking  with  tongues,  t  or  of  healing 
the  sick,  or  of  raising  the  dead.|  Legend  now  began  to 
supply  food  for  popular  credulity ;  and  it  is  a  suspicious 
circumstance  that  the  greater  number  of  the  miracles  which 
are  said  to  have  happened  in  the  second  and  third  centuries 
are  recorded  for  the  first  time  about  a  hundred  years  after 
the  alleged  date  of  their  occurrence.  §  But  Christianity 
derived  no  substantial  advantage  from  these  fictitious  won- 
ders. Some  of  them  were  so  frivolous  as  to  excite  contempt, 
and  others  so  ridiculous  as  to  aff'ord  matter  for  merriment 
to  the  more  intelligent  pagans.  || 

known  as  the  Thundering  Legion,  the  imperial  troops  were  relieved  by  rain, 
whilst  a  thunderstorm  confounded  the  enemy.  It  is  quite  certain  that  the 
Eoman  army  was  rescued  from  imminent  peril  by  a  seasonable  shower  ;  but 
it  is  equally  clear  that  the  emperor  attributed  his  deliverance,  not  to  the  God 
of  the  Christians,  but  to  Jupiter  Pluvius,  and  that  a  certain  section  of  the 
Roman  soldiers  was  known  long  before  by  the  name  of  the  Thundering  Legion. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  Marcus  Aurelius  ever  became  friendly  to  the  Chris- 
tians.    See  Lardner.     "  Heathen  Testmionies,"  "Works,"  vii.  176-188. 

*  See  Middleton's  "Inquiry,"  p.  84.  Edition,  Dublin,  1749.  Bishop  Kaye 
has  remarked  that,  in  the  writings  of  TertuUian,  "  the  only  power  of  the  exer- 
cise of  which  specific  instances  are  alleged,  was  that  of  exorcising  evil  spirits." 
"  Kaye's  TertuUian,"  p.  461.  From  the  symptoms  mentioned  it  would  ajjpear 
that  the  incUviduals  with  whom  the  exorcists  succeeded  were  ei^ileptics. 

t  Irenacus,  who  seems  to  have  been  not  unfavourable  to  the  Montanists, 
speaks  of  the  gift  of  tongues  as  possessed  by  some  in  his  age,  and  yet  he  him- 
self, as  a  missionary,  was  obliged  to  struggle  with  the  difl&culties  of  a  foreigu 
language.     "  Adv.  Hoeres,"  v.,  c.  6,  and  "  Proef."  ad.  1. 

:|:  When  Theophilus  of  Antioch,  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century,  was 
invited  by  Autolycus  to  point  out  a  single  person  who  had  been  raised  from  the 
dead,  he  did  not  accept  the  challenge.     See  Kaye's  "  Justin  Martyr,"  p.  217. 

§  Middleton's'  '  Inquiry,"  Preface,  p.  iv.  |1  Middleton,  pp.  22,  23. 


280  SPREAD  OF  THE  GOSPEL. 

The  gospel  had  better  claims  than  any  furnished  by 
equivocal  miracles ;  and,  though  it  still  encountered  oppo- 
sition, it  now  moved  forward  in  a  triumphant  career.  In 
some  districts  it  produced  such  an  impression  that  it 
threatened  the  speedy  extinction  of  the  established  worship. 
In  Bithynia,  early  in  the  second  century,  the  temples  of 
the  gods  were  well-nigh  deserted,  and  the  sacrificial  victims 
found  very  few  purchasers/'"  The  pagan  priests  now  took 
the  alarm ;  the  poAver  of  the  magistrate  interposed  to  pre- 
vent the  spread  of  the  new  doctrine  ;  and  spies  were  found 
willing  to  dog  the  steps  and  to  discover  the  meeting-places 
of  the  converts.  Many  quailed  before  the  prospect  of  death, 
and  purchased  immunity  from  persecution  by  again  repair- 
ing to  the  altars  of  idolatry.  But,  notwithstanding  all  the 
arts  of  intimidation  and  chicanery,  the  good  cause  continued 
to  prosper.  In  Rome,  in  Antioch,  in  Alexandria,  and  in 
other  great  cities,  the  truth  steadily  gained  ground ;  and, 
towards  the  end  of  the  second  century,  it  had  acquired  such 
strength  even  in  Carthage — a  place  far  removed  from  the 
scene  of  its  original  proclamation — that,  according  to  the 
statement  of  one  of  its  advocates,  its  adherents  amounted 
to  a  tenth  of  the  inhabitants,  t  About  the  same  period 
Churches  were  to  be  found  in  various  parts  of  the  north  of 
Africa  between  Egypt  and  Carthage ;  and,  in  the  East, 
Christianity  soon  acquired  a  j^ermanent  footing  in  the  little 
state  of  Edessa,  J  in  Arabia,  in  Parthia,  and  in  India.  In 
the  West,  it  continued  to  extend  itself  throughout  Greece 
and  Italy,  as  weU  as  in  Spain  and  France.  In  the  latter 
country  the  Churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne  attract  attention 
in  the  second  century ;  and  in  the  third,  seven  eminent 
missionaries  are  said  to  have  formed  congregations  in 
Paris,  Tours,  Aries,  Narbonne,  Toulouse,  Limoges,  and  Cler- 

*  Plinii,  "Epist."  lib.  x.  epist.  97.  f  Tertullian,  "Ad  Scapulam,"  c.  5. 

X  "  Spicilegium  Syriacum  "  hj  Cureton,  p.  31.     The  correspoudence  between 
Abgar  and  our  Lord,  given  by  Eusebius,  is  manifestly  spurious. 


SPREAD  OF  THE  GOSPEL.  281 

mont.'""  Mean^Yllile  the  light  of  divine  truth  penetrated  into 
Germany  ;  and,  as  the  third  century  advanced,  even  the  rude 
Goths  inhabiting  Moesia  and  Thrace  were  partially  brought 
under  its  influence.  The  circumstances  which  led  to  the 
conversion  of  these  barbarians  are  somewhat  remarkable. 
On  the  occasion  of  one  of  their  predatory  incursions  into 
the  Empii-e,  they  carried  away  captive  some  Christian  pres- 
byters ;  but  the  parties  thus  unexpectedly  reduced  to  bond- 
age did  not  neglect  the  duties  of  their  spiritual  calling,  and 
commended  their  cause  so  successfully  to  those  by  whom 
they  had  been  enslaved,  that  the  whole  nation  eventually  em- 
braced the  gospel.t  Even  the  barriers  of  the  ocean  did  not 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  victorious  faith.  Before  the  end 
of  the  second  century  the  religion  of  the  cross  seems  to  have 
reached  Scotland  ;  for  though  Tertullian  certainly  speaks 
rhetorically  when  he  says  that  "  the  places  of  Britain  inac- 
cessible to  the  Eomans  were  subject  to  Christ," J  his  lan- 
guage at  least  implies  that  the  message  of  salvation  had 
already  been  proclaimed  with  some  measure  of  encourage- 
ment in  Caledonia. 

Though  no  contemporary  writer  has  furnished  us  with 
anything  like  an  ecclesiastical  history  of  this  period,  it  is 
very  clear,  from  occasional  hints  thrown  out  by  the  early 
apologists  and  controversialists,  that  the  progress  of  the 
Church  must  have  been  both  extensive  and  rapid.  A 
Christian  author,  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century,  asserts  that  there  was  then  "no  race  of 
men,  whether  of  barbarians  or  of  Greeks,  or  bearing  any 
other  name,  either  because  they  lived  in  waggons  without 
fixed  habitations,  or  in  tents  leading  a  pastoral  life,  among 
whom  prayers  and  thanksgivings  were  not  ofiered  up  to 
the  Father  and  Maker  of  all  things  through  the  name  of 

*  Gregory  of  Tours,  "  Hist.  Francorum,"  lib.  i.  c.  28. 

t  Sozomen,  "  Hist.  Eccles."  ii.  6,  aiid  Philostorgius,  "  Hist.  Eccles."  ii.  5. 

i  "  Adversus  Judasos,"  c.  7. 


282  THE  CHURCH  OBTAINS  TOLERATION. 

the  crucified  Jesus."  *  Another  father,  who  wrote  shortly 
afterwards,  observes  that,  "  as  in  the  sea  there  are  certain 
habitable  and  fertile  islands,  with  wholesome  springs,  pro- 
vided with  roadsteads  and  harbours,  in  which  those  who 
are  overtaken  by  tempests  may  find  refuge — in  like  manner 
has  God  placed  in  a  world  tossed  by  the  billows  and  storms 
of  sin,  congregations  or  holy  churches,  in  which,  as  in 
insular  harbours,  the  doctrines  of  truth  are  sheltered,  and 
to  which  those  who  desire  to  be  saved,  who  love  the  truth, 
and  who  wish  to  escape  the  judgment  of  God,  may  repair."  t 
These  statements  indicate  that  the  gospel  must  soon  have 
been  very  widely  disseminated.  Within  less  than  a  hun- 
dred years  after  the  apostolic  age  places  of  Christian  worship 
were  to  be  seen  in  the  chief  cities  of  the  Empire;  and  early 
in  the  third  century  a  decision  of  the  imjDcrial  tribunal 
awarded  to  the  faithful  in  the  great  Western  metropolis  a 
plot  of  ground  for  the  erection  of  one  of  their  religious 
edifices.|  At  length  about  a.d.  260  the  Emperor  Galli- 
enus  issued  an  edict  of  toleration  in  their  favour;  and, 
during  the  forty  years  which  followed,  their  numbers  so 
increased  that  the  ecclesiastical  buildings  in  which  they 
had  hitherto  assembled  were  no  longer  sufiicient  for  their 
accommodation.  New  and  spacious  churches  now  sup- 
planted the  old  meeting-houses,  and  these  more  fashionable 
structures  were  soon  filled  to  overflowing.§  But  the  spirit 
of  the  world  now  began  to  be  largely  infused  into  the 
Christian  communities ;  the  Church  was  distracted  by  its 
ministers  struggling  with  each  other  for  pre-eminence;  and 
even  the  terrible  persecution  of  Diocletian  which  succeeded, 
could  neither  quench  the  ambition,  nor  arrest  the  violence 
of  contending  pastors. 

*  Justin  Martyi',  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  Opera,  p.  345. 
t  Theophilus,  "  Ad  Autolycum,"  lib.  ii.     See  also  Origen,  "  In  Matthoaum," 
Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  858. 

X  "  Life  of  Alexander  Severus,"  by  Lampridius.  §  Euseb.  viii.  1. 


GRADUAL  ADVANCEMENT  OF  CHRISTIANITY,  283 

If  we  stand,  only  for  a  moment,  on  tlie  beacb,  we  may 
find  it  impossible  to  decide  wbetber  the  tide  is  ebbing  or 
flowing.  But  if  we  remain  there  for  a  few  hours,  the 
question  wiR  not  remain  unsettled.  The  sea  will  mean- 
while either  retire  into  its  depths,  or  compel  us  to  retreat 
before  its  advancing  waters.  So  it  is  with  the  Church. 
At  a  given  date  we  may  be  unable  to  determine  whether 
it  is  aggressive,  stationary,  or  retrograde.  But  when  we 
compare  its  circumstances  at  distant  intervals,  we  may 
easily  form  a  judgment.  From  the  first  to  the  fourth 
century,  Christianity  moved  forward  like  the  flowing  tide ; 
and  yet,  perhaps,  its  advance,  during  any  one  year,  was  not 
very  perceptible.  When,  however,  we  contrast  its  weak- 
ness at  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John  with  its  strength 
immediately  before  the  commencement  of  the  last  imperial 
persecution,  we  cannot  but  acknowledge  its  amazing  pro- 
gress. At  the  termination  of  the  first  century,  its  adherents 
were  a  little  flock,  thinly  scattered  over  the  empire.  In  \ 
the  reign  of  Diocletian,  such  was  even  their  numerical 
importance  that  no  prudent  statesman  would  have  thought 
it  safe  to  overlook  them  in  the  business  of  legislation. 
They  held  military  appointments  of  high  responsibility; 
they  were  to  be  found  in  some  of  the  most  honourable  civil 
ofiices;  they  w^ere  admitted  to  the  court  of  the  sovereign; 
and  in  not  a  few  cities  they  constituted  a  most  influential 
section  of  the  population.  The  w^ife  of  Diocletian,  and  his 
daughter  Valeria,  are  said  to  have  been  Christians.  The 
gospel  had  now  passed  over  the  boundaries  of  the  empire, 
and  had  made  conquests  among  savages,  some  of  whom  had, 
perhaps,  scarcely  ever  heard  of  the  majesty  of  Eome.  But 
it  did  not  establish  its  dominion  unopposed,  and,  in  tracing 
its  annals,  we  must  not  neglect  to  notice  the  history  of  its 
persecutions. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

THE  PEESECUTIONS  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

The  persecutions  of  the  early  Churcli  form  an  important 
and  deeply  interesting  portion  of  its  history.  When  its 
Great  Author  died  on  the  accursed  tree,  Christianity  was 
bajDtized  in  blood;  and  for  several  centuries  its  annals  con- 
sist largely  of  details  of  proscription  and  of  suffering.  God 
might  have  introduced  the  gospel  amongst  men  amidst  the 
shouts  of  applauding  nations,  but  "  He  doeth  all  things 
well;"  and  He  doubtless  saw  that  the  way  in  which  its 
reign  was  actually  inaugurated,  was  better  fitted  to  exhibit 
His  glory,  and  to  attest  its  excellence.  Multitudes,  who 
might  otherwise  have  trifled  with  the  great  salvation,  were 
led  to  think  of  it  more  seriously,  when  they  saw  that  it 
prompted  its  professors  to  encounter  such  tremendous  sacri- 
fices. As  the  heathen  bystanders  gazed  on  the  martyrdom 
of  a  husband  and  a  master,  and  as  they  observed  the  un- 
flinching fortitude  with  which  he  endured  his  anguish,  they 
often  became  deeply  pensive.  They  would  exclaim — "  The 
man  has  children,  we  believe — a  wife  he  has,  unquestion- 
ably— and  yet  he  is  not  unnerved  by  these  ties  of  kindred : 
he  is  not  turned  from  his  purpose  by  these  claims  of  affec- 
tion.- We  must  look  into  the  affair — we  must  get  at  the 
bottom  of  it.  Be  it  what  it  may,  it  can  be  no  trifle  which 
makes  one  ready  to  suffer  and  willing  to  die  for  it.'''  The 
effects  produced  on  spectators  by  the  heroism  of  the  Chris- 

*  Cyprian,  "  De  Laude  Martyrii,"  Opera,  pp.  G20,  621.     See  also  TertuUian, 
"  Ad  Scapulam,"  c.  5.  adfimm. 


GRACES  EXHIBITED  IN  PERSECUTION.  285 

tians  cannot  have  escaped  the  notice  of  the  heathen  magis- 
trates. The  Cliurch  herself  was  well  aware  of  the  credit 
she  derived  from  these  displays  of  the  constancy  of  her 
children ;  and  hence,  in  an  address  to  the  persecutors  which 
appeared  about  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  the 
ardent  writer  boldly  invites  them  to  proceed  with  the  work 
of  butchery.  "  Go  on,"  says  he  tauntingly,  "  ye  good 
governors,  so  much  better  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  if  ye 
sacrifice  the  Christians  to  them — rack,  torture,  condemn, 
grind  us  to  powder — our  numbers  increase  in  proportion  as 
you  mow  us  down.  The  blood  of  Christians  is  their  harvest 
seed — that  very  obstinacy  with  which  you  upbraid  us,  is 
a  teacher.  For  who  is  not  incited  by  the  contemplation  of 
it  to  inquire  what  there  is  in  the  core  of  the  matter'?  and 
who,  that  has  inquired,  does  not  jom  us?  and  who,  that 
joins  us,  does  not  long  to  sufi"er1 " '"" 

In  another  point  of  view  the  perils  connected  with  a 
profession  of  the  gospel  exercised  a  wholesome  influence. 
Comparatively  few  undecided  characters  joined  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church ;  and  thus  its  members,  as  a  body, 
displayed  much  consistency  and  steadfastness.  The  purity 
of  the  Christian  morality  was  never  seen  to  more  advantage 
than  in  those  days  of  persecution,  as  every  one  who  joined 
the  hated  sect  was  understood  to  possess  the  spirit  of  a 
martyr.  And  never  did  the  graces  of  the  religion  of  the 
cross  appear  in  more  attractive  lustre  than  when  its  dis- 
ciples were  groaning  under  the  inflictions  of  imperial 
tyranny.  As  some  plants  yield  their  choicest  odours  only 
under  the  influence  of  pressure,  it  would  seem  as  if  the 
gospel  reserved  its  richest  supplies  of  patience,  strength, 
and  consolation,  for  times  of  trouble  and  alarm.  Piety 
never  more  decisively  asserts  its  celestial  birth  than  when 
it  stands  unblenched  under  the  frown  of  the  persecutor,  or 
calmly  awaits  the  shock  of  death.     In  the  second  and  third 

*  Tertullian,  "Apol."50. 


286  DOMESTIC  AND  SOCIAL  GRIEVANCES. 

centuries  an  unbelieving  world  often  looked  on  with  wonder 
as  the  Christians  submitted  to  torment  rather  than  renounce 
their  faith.  Nor  were  spectators  more  impressed  by  the 
amount  of  suffering  sustained  by  the  confessors  and  the 
martyrs,  than  by  the  spirit  with  which  they  endured  their 
trials.  They  approached  their  tortures  in  no  temper  of 
dogged  obstinacy  or  sullen  defiance.  They  rejoiced  that 
they  were  counted  worthy  to  suffer  in  so  good  a  cause. 
They  manifested  a  self-possession,  a  meekness  of  wisdom, 
a  gentleness,  and  a  cheerfulness,  at  which  the  multitude 
were  amazed.  Nor  Avere  these  proofs  of  Christian  magna- 
nimity confined  to  any  one  class  of  the  sufferers.  Children 
and  delicate  females,  illiterate  artisans  and  poor  slaves, 
sometimes  evinced  as  much  intrepidity  and  decision  as 
hoary-headed  pastors.  It  thus  appeared  that  the  victims 
of  intolerance  were  upheld  by  a  power  Avhich  was  divine, 
and  of  which  philosophy  could  give  no  explanation. 

We  form  a  most  inadequate  estimate  of  the  trials  of  the 
early  Christians,  if  we  take  into  account  only  those  suffer- 
ings they  endured  from  the  hands  of  the  pagan  magistrates. 
Circumstances  which  seldom  came  under  the  eye  of  public 
observation  not  unfrequently  kept  them  for  life  in  a  state  of 
disquietude.  Idolatry  was  so  interwoven  with  the  very 
texture  of  society  that  the  adoption  of  the  new  faith  some- 
times abruptly  deprived  an  individual  of  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence. If  he  was  a  statuary,  he  could  no  longer  employ 
himself  in  carving  images  of  the  gods ;  if  he  was  a  painter, 
he  could  no  more  expend  his  skill  in  decorating  the  high 
places  of  superstition.  To  earn  a  livelihood,  he  must  either 
seek  out  a  new  sphere  for  the  exercise  of  his  art,  or  betake 
himself  to  some  new  occupation.  If  the  Christian  was  a 
merchant,  he  was,  to  a  great  extent,  at  the  mercy  of  those 
with  whom  he  transacted  business.  AVhen  his  property 
was  in  the  hands  of  dishonest  heathens,  he  was  often  unable 
to  recover  it,  as  the  pagan  oaths  administered  in  the  courts 


DOMESTIC  AND  SOCIAL  GRIEVANCES.  287 

of  justice  prevented  liim  from  appealing  for  redress  to  tlie 
laws  of  the  empire."'  Were  lie  placed  in  circumstances 
which  enabled  him  to  surmount  this  difficulty,  he  could  not 
afford  to  exasperate  his  debtors;  as  they  could  have  so 
easily  retaliated  by  accusing  him  of  Christianity.  The 
wealthy  disciple  could  not  accept  the  office  of  a  magistrate, 
for  he  would  have  thus  only  betrayed  his  creed;  neither 
could  he  venture  to  aspire  to  any  of  the  honours  of  the 
state,  as  his  promotion  would  most  certainly  have  aggra- 
vated the  perils  of  his  position.  Our  Saviour  had  said — 
"  I  am  come  to  set  a  man  at  variance  against  his  father,  and 
the  daughter  ao-ainst  her  mother,  and  the  dauo;hter-in-law 
against  her  mother-in-law ;  and  a  man's  foes  shall  be  they 
of  his  own  household."  t  These  words  were  now  verified 
with  such  woeful  accuracy  that  the  distrust  pervading 
the  domestic  circle  often  imbittered  the  whole  life  of  the 
believer.  The  slave  informed  against  his  Christian  master ; 
the  husband  divorced  his  Christian  wife ;  and  children  who 
embraced  the  gospel  were  sometimes  disinherited  by  their 
enraged  parents.  J:  As  the  followers  of  the  cross  contem- 
plated the  hardships  which  beset  them  on  every  side,  well 
might  they  have  exclaimed  in  the  words  of  the  apostle — 
"  If  in  this  life  only  we  have  hope  in  Christ,  we  are  of  all 
men  most  miserable."  § 

In  the  first  century  the  very  helplessness  of  the  Church 
served  partially  to  protect  it  from  persecution.  Its  adhe- 
rents were  then  almost  all  in  very  humble  circumstances; 
and  their  numbers  were  not  such  as  to  inspire  the  sovereign 
with  any  political  anxiety.  When  they  were  harassed  by 
the  unbelieving  Jews,  the  civil  magistrate  sometimes  inter- 
posed, and  spread  over  them  the  shield  of  toleration;  and 
though  Nero  and  Domitian  Avere  their  persecutors,  the 
treatment  they  experienced  from  two  princes  so  generally 

*  Tertullian,  "  De  Idololatria,"  c.  17.  t  Matt.  x.  35,  3fi. 

T.  Tertullian,  "  Apol."  c.  3,  and  "Ad  Nationes,"  i.  §  4.         §  1  Cor.  xv.  19. 


288  ROMAN  TOLERATION. 

abhorred  for  cruelty  elicited  a  measure  of  public  sympathy.^'' 
At  length,  however,  the  Eoman  government,  even  when 
administered  by  sovereigns  noted  for  their  political  virtues, 
began  to  assume  an  attitude  of  decided  opposition;  and,  for 
many  generations,  the  disciples  were  constantly  exposed  to 
the  hostility  of  their  pagan  rulers. 

The  Romans  acted  so  far  upon  the  principle  of  toleration 
as  to  permit  the  various  nations  reduced  under  their  domi- 
nion to  adhere  to  whatever  religion  they  had  previously 
professed.  They  were,  no  doubt,  led  to  pursue  this  pohcy 
by  the  combined  dictates  of  expediency  and  superstition ;  for 
whilst  they  were  aware  that  they  could  more  easily  preserve 
their  conquests  by  granting  indulgence  to  the  vanquished, 
they  believed  that  each  country  had  its  own  tutelary  guar- 
dians. But  they  looked  with  the  utmost  suspicion  upon 
all  new  systems  of  religion.  Such  novelties,  they  conceived, 
might  be  connected  with  designs  against  the  state;  and 
should,  therefore,  be  sternly  discountenanced.  Hence  it  was 
that  Christianity  so  soon  met  with  opposition  from  the  impe- 
rial government.  For  a  time  it  was  confounded  with  Judaism, 
and,  as  such,  was  regarded  as  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
the  laws;  but  when  its  true  character  was  ascertained,  the 
disciples  were  involved  in  all  the  penalties  attached  to  the 
adherents  of  an  unlicensed  worship. 

Very  early  in  the  second  century  the  power  of  the  State 
was  turned  against  the  gospel.  About  a.d.  107,  the  far- 
famed  Ignatius,  the  pastor  of  Antioch,  is  said  to  have  suf- 
fered martyrdom.  Soon  afterwards  our  attention  is  directed 
to  the  unhaj^py  condition  of  the  Church  by  a  correspond- 
ence between  the  celebrated  Pliny,  and  the  Emperor  Trajan. 
It  would  seem  that  in  Bithynia,  of  w^hich  Phny  was 
governor,  the  ncAv  faith  was  rapidly  spreading;  and  that 
those  who  derived  their  subsistence  from  the  maintenance 

*  The  Christians  long  gloried  in  the  fact  that  Nero  was  their  first  perse- 
cutor.   See  Tei-tuUian,  "  Apol."  c.  5. 


PERSECUTION  IN  BITHYNIA.  289 

of  superstition,  had  taken  the  alarm.  The  proconsul  had, 
therefore,  been  importuned  to  commence  a  persecution ;  and 
as  existing  statutes  supplied  him  mtli  no  very  definite  in- 
structions respecting  the  method  of  procedure,  he  deemed  it 
necessary  to  seek  directions  from  his  Imperial  master.  He 
stated,  at  the  same  time,  the  course  which  he  had  hitherto 
pursued.  If  individuals  arraigned  before  his  judgment- 
seat,  and  accused  of  Christianity,  refused  to  repudiate  the 
obnoxious  creed,  they  were  condemned  to  death;  but  if 
they  abjured  the  gospel,  they  were  permitted  to  escape  un- 
scathed. Trajan  approved  of  this  policy,  and  it  now  became 
the  law  of  the  Empire. 

In  his  letter  to  his  sovereign  "'  Phny  has  given  a  very 
favourable  account  of  the  Christian  morality,  and  has  vir- 
tually admitted  that  the  new  religion  was  admirably  fitted 
to  promote  the  good  of  the  community.  He  mentions  that 
the  members  of  the  Chm-ch  were  bound  by  solemn  obliga- 
tions to  abstain  from  theft,  robbery,  and  adultery ;  to  keep 
their  promises,  and  to  avoid  every  form  of  wickedness. 
When  such  was  their  acknowledged  character,  it  may 
appear  extraordinary  that  a  sagacious  prince  and  a  magis- 
trate of  highly  cultivated  mind  concurred  in  thinking  tliat 
they  should  be  treated  with  extreme  rigour.  We  have  / 
here,  however,  a  striking  example  of  the  military  spirit  of 
Roman  legislation.  The  laws  of  the  Empire  made  no 
proper  provision  for  the  rights  of  conscience;  and  they 
were  based  throughout  upon  tlie  principle  that  implicit 
obedience  is  the  first  duty  of  a  subject.  Neither  Pliny  nor 
Trajan  could  understand  why  a  Christian  should  not  re- 
noimce  his  creed  at  the  bidding  of  the  civil  governor.  In 
their  estimation,  "inflexible  obstinacy"  in  confessing  the 
Sa^dour  was  a  crime  which  deserved  no  less  a  penalty 
than  death. 

Though  the  rescript  of  Trajan  aAvarded  capital  punish- 

*  Plinii,  «  Epist."  lib.  X.  epist.  97. 
T 


290  SIMEON  OF  JERUSALEM. 

ment  to  the  man  wlio  persisted  in  acknowledging  himself  a 
Christian,  it  also  required  that  the  disciples  should  not  he 
inquisitively  sought  after.  The  zeal  of  many  of  the 
enemies  of  the  Church  was,  no  doubt,  checked  by  this 
provision ;  as  those  who  attempted  to  hunt  down  the  faith- 
ful expressly  violated  the  spirit  of  the  imperial  enactment. 
But  still,  some  Christians  now  suffered  the  penalty  of  a  good 
confession.  Pliny  himself  admits  that  individuals  who  were 
brought  before  his  own  tribunal,  and  who  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  recant,  were  caj)itally  punished  ;  and  elsewhere  the 
law  was  not  permitted  to  remain  in  abeyance.  About  the 
close  of  the  reign  of  Trajan,  Simeon,  the  senior  minister  of 
Jerusalem,  now  in  the  hundred  and  twentieth  year  of  his 
age,  fell  a  victim  to  its  severity.  This  martyr  was,  pro- 
bably, the  second  son  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  our  Lord.  He 
is,  perhaps,  the  same  who  is  enumerated  in  the  Gospels'"' 
among  the  brethren  of  Christ ;  and  the  chronology  accords 
with  the  supposition  that  he  was  a  year  younger  than  our 
Saviour,  t  His  relationship  to  Jesus,  his  great  age,  and  his 
personal  excellence  secured  for  him  a  most  influential  posi- 
tion in  the  mother  Church  of  Christendom;  and  hence,  by 
writers  who  flourished  afterwards,  and  who  expressed  them- 
selves in  the  language  of  their  generation,  he  has  been  called 
the  second  bishop  of  Jerusalem. 

Though  the  rescript  of  Trajan  served  for  a  time  to  restrain 
the  violence  of  persecution,  it  pronounced  the  profession  of 
Christianity  illegal ;  so  that  doubts,  which  had  hitherto 
existed  as  to  the  interpretation  of  the  law,  could  no  longer 
be  entertained.     The  heathen  priests,  and  others  interested 

*  Matt.  xiii.  55 ;  Mark  vi.  3.  That  Simon  and  Simeon  are  tlie  same,  see 
Acts  XV.  7,  14. 

t  Ti-ajan  died  a.d.  117,  and  if  Simeon  was  born  a  year  after  Jesus,  he 
entered  upon  the  120th  year  of  his  age  about  the  close  of  this  Emperor's 
reign.  See  Greswell's  "Dissertations,"  vol.  ii.  pp.  127,  128.  It  was  the  o'piniou 
of  TertuUian  that  Mary  had  other  sons  after  she  gave  birth  to  our  Lord.  See 
Neander's  "  Antignostikus,"  and  TertuUian  "  De  Monogamia,"  c.  8. 


CLAMOURS  OF  THE  MOB.  291 

in  the  support  of  idolatry,  did  not  neglect  to  proclaim  a 
fact  so  discoiu'aging  to  the  friends  of  the  gospel.  The  law, 
indeed,  still  presented  difficulties,  for  an  accuser  who  failed 
to  substantiate  his  charge  was  liable  to  punishment;  but 
the  wily  adversaries  of  the  Church  soon  contrived  to  evade 
this  obstacle.  When  the  people  met  together  on  great 
public  occasions,  as  at  the  celebration  of  their  games,  or 
festivals,  and  when  the  interest  in  the  sports  began  to  flag, 
attempts  were  often  made  to  provide  them  with  a  new  and 
more  exciting  pastime  by  raising  the  cry  of  "  The  Christians 
to  the  Lions;"  and  as,  at  such  times,  the  magistrates  had 
been  long  accustomed  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  the  multi- 
tude, many  of  the  faithful  were  sacrified  to  their  clamours. 
Here,  no  one  was  obliged  to  step  forward  and  hold  himself 
responsible  for  the  truth  of  an  indictment ;  and  thus,  with- 
out incurring  any  danger,  personal  malice  and  blind  bigotry 
had  free  scope  for  their  indulgence.  In  the  reign  of 
Hadrian,  the  successor  of  Trajan,  the  Christians  were  sadly 
harassed  by  these  popular  ebullitions;  and  at  length 
Quadratus  and  Aristides,  two  eminent  meml)ers  of  the 
Church  at  Athens,  presented  apologies  to  the  Emperor  in 
which  they  vividly  depicted  the  hardships  of  their  position. 
Serenius  Granianus,  the  Proconsul  of  Asia,  also  complained 
to  Hadrian  of  the  proceedings  of  the  mob;  and,  in  conse- 
quence, that  Prince  issued  a  rescript  requiring  that  the 
magistrates  should  in  future  refuse  to  give  way  to  the 
extempore  clamours  of  public  meetings. 

Antoninus  Pius,  who  inherited  the  throne  on  the  demise 
of  Hadrian,  was  a  mild  Sovereign;  and  under  him  the 
faithful  enjoyed  comparative  tranquillity;  but  his  successor 
Marcus  Aurehus,  surnamed  the  Philosopher,  pursued  a  very 
different  policy.  Marcus  is  commonly  reputed  one  of 
the  best  of  the  Roman  Emperors ;  at  a  very  early  period  of 
life  he  gave  promise  of  uncommon  excellence ;  and  through- 
out his  reign  he  distinguished  himself  as  an  able  and  accom- 


292  MARCUS  AURELIUS. 

plisliecl  monarch.  But  lie  was  proncl,  pedantic,  and  self- 
sufficient;  and,  like  every  other  individual  destitute  of 
sjm^itual  enlightenment,  his  character  presented  the  most 
glaring  inconsistencies;  for  he  was  at  once  a  professed 
Stoic,  and  a  devout  Pagan.  This  Prince  could  not  brook 
the  contemj)t  with  which  the  Christians  treated  his  philo- 
sojihy;  neither  could  he  tolerate  the  idea  that  they  should 
be  permitted  to  think  for  themselves.  He  could  conceive 
how  an  individual,  yielding  to  the  stern  law  of  fate,  could 
meet  death  with  unconcern ;  but  he  did  not  understand  how 
the  Christians  could  glory  in  tribulation,  and  hail  even 
martyrdom  with  a  song  of  triumph.  Had  he  calmly 
reflected  on  the  spirit  displayed  by  the  witnesses  for  the 
truth,  he  might  have  seen  that  they  were  partakers  of  a 
higher  wisdom  than  his  own ;  but  the  tenacity  with  which 
they  adhered  to  their  principles,  only  mortified  his  self- 
conceit,  and  roused  his  indignation.  It  is  remarkable  that 
this  philosophic  Emperor  was  the  most  systematic  and 
heartless  of  all  the  persecutors  who  had  ever  yet  oppressed 
the  Church.  When  Nero  lighted  up  his  gardens  with  the 
flames  which  issued  from  the  bodies  of  the  dying  Christians, 
he  wished  to  transfer  to  them  the  odium  of  the  burning  of 
Rome,  and  he  acted  only  with  the  caprice  and  cunning  of 
a  tyrant ;  and  when  Domitian  promulgated  his  cruel  edicts, 
he  was  haunted  with  the  dread  that  the  proscribed  sect 
would  raise  up  a  rival  Sovereign;  but  Marcus  Aurelius 
could  not  plead  even  such  miserable  apologies.  He  hated 
the  Christians  with  the  cool  acerbity  of  a  Stoic;  and  he 
took  measures  for  their  extirpation  which  betrayed  at  once 
his  folly  and  his  malevolence.  Disregarding  the  law  of 
Trajan  which  required  that  they  should  not  be  officiously 
sought  after,  he  encouraged  spies  and  informers  to  harass 
them  with  accusations.  He  caused  them  to  be  dragged 
before  the  tribunals  of  the  magistrates;  and,  under  pain  of 
death,  to  be  compelled  to  conform  to  the  rites  of  idolatry. 


JUSTIN  MARTYR  AND  POLYCARP.  293 

With  a  refinement  of  cruelty  unknown  to  liis  predecessors, 
lie  employed  torture  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  them  to 
recant.  If,  in  their  agony,  they  gave  way,  and  consented 
to  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  they  were  released ;  if  they  remained 
firm,  they  were  permitted  to  die  in  torment.  In  his  reign 
we  read  of  new  and  hideous  forms  of  punishment — evidently 
instituted  for  the  purpose  of  aggravating  pain  and  terror. 
The  Christians  were  stretched  upon  the  rack,  and  their 
joints  were  dislocated;  their  bodies,  when  lacerated  with 
scourges,  were  laid  on  rough  sea-shells,  or  on  other  most 
uncomfortable  supports;  they  were  torn  to  pieces  by  wild 
beasts;  or  they  were  roasted  alive  on  heated  iron  chairs. 
Ingenuity  was  called  to  the  ignoble  ofiice  of  inventing  new 
modes  and  new  instruments  of  torture. 

One  of  the  most  distinguished- sufierers  of  this  reign  was 
Justin,  surnamed  the  Martjrr."'  He  was  a  native  of  Sama- 
ria; Init  he  had  travelled  into  various  countries,  and  had 
studied  various  systems  of  philosphy,  with  a  view,  if  pos- 
sible, to  discover  the  truth.  His  attention  had  at  length 
been  directed  to  the  Scriptures,  and  in  them  he  had  found 
that  satisfaction  which  he  could  not  obtain  elsewhere. 
When  in  Rome  about  a.d.  165,  he  came  into  collision  with 
Crescens,  a  Cynic  philosopher,  whom  he  foiled  in  a  theo- 
logical discussion.  His  unscrupulous  antagonist,  annoyed  by 
this  discomfiture,  turned  informer;  and  Justin,  with  some 
others,  was  put  to  death.  Shortly  afterwards  Polycarp,  the 
aged  pastor  of  Smyrna,  was  committed  to  the  flames.t  This 
venerable  man,  who  had  been  acquainted  in  his  youth  with 
the  Apostle  John,  had  long  occupied  a  high  position  as  a 
prudent,  exemplary,  and  devoted  minister.  Informations 
Avere  now  laid  a2;ainst  him,  and  orders  were  siven  for  his 

*  The  account  of  the  trial  of  himself  and  his  companions,  as  given  in  the 
"  Acta  Sincera  IMartyi-um  "  by  Ruinart,  bears  all  the  marks  of  truth. 

t  An  account  of  his  martyrdom  is  given  in  a  circular  letter  of  the  Church 
of  Smyrna.     See  Jacobson's  "  Patres  Aiwstolici,"  torn.  ii.  p.  542.    Euseb.  iv.  15. 


294  roLYCARP. 

apprehension.  At  first  he  eudeavoiired  to  elude  his  pur- 
suers; but  when  he  saw  that  escape  was  impossible,  he  siu- 
rendered  himself  a  prisoner.  After  all,  he  would  have  l^een 
permitted  to  remain  unharmed  had  he  consented  to  re- 
nounce the  gospel.  In  the  sight  of  an  immense  throng  who 
gloated  over  the  prospect  of  his  execution,  the  good  old  man 
remained  unmoved.  When  called  on  to  curse  Christ  he 
returned  the  memorable  answer — "  Eighty  and  six  years 
have  I  served  Him,  and  He  has  done  me  nothing  but  good ; 
and  how  could  I  curse  Him  my  Lord  and  Saviour"?  "  "  I 
will  cast  you  to  the  Avild  beasts,"  said  the  Proconsul,  "  if 
you  do  not  change  your  mind."  "  Bring  the  wild  beasts 
hither,"  replied  Polycarp,  "  for  change  my  mind  from  the 
better  to  the  worse  I  will  not."  "  Despise  you  the  wild 
beasts'?"  exclaimed  the  magistrate — "  I  Avill  subdue  your 
spirit  by  the  flames."  "  The  flames  which  you  menace 
endure  but  for  a  time  and  are  soon  extinguished,"  calmly 
rejoined  the  prisoner,  "  but  there  is  a  fire  reserved  for  the 
wicked,  whereof  you  know  not;  the  fire  of  a  judgment  to 
come  and  of  punishment  everlasting."  These  answers  put 
an  end  to  all  hope  of  pardon ;  a  pile  of  faggots  w^as  speedily 
collected;  and  Polycarp  was  burned  alive. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  or 
about  A.D.  177,  the  Churches  of  Lyons  and  Vienne'"  in 
France  endured  one  of  the  most  horrible  persecutions 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  Christian  martyrdom.  A  dread- 
ful pestilence,  some  years  before,  had  desolated  the  Empire ; 
and  the  pagans  seem  to  have  been  impressed  with  the  con- 
viction that  the  new  religion  had  provoked  the  visitation. 
The  mob  in  various  cities  became,  in  consequence,  exaspe- 
rated; and  demanded,  with  loud  cries,  the  extirpation  of 
the  hated  sectaries.  In  the  south  of  France  a  considerable 
time  appears  to  have  elapsed  before  the  iU-will  of  the  mul- 
titude broke  out  into  open  violence.     At  first  the  disciples 

*  These  places  arc  distant  from  each  other  about  seventeen  miles. 


CHUECHES  OF  LYONS  AND  VIENNE.  295 

ill  Lyons  and  Yienne  were  insulted  in  places  of  public  con- 
course ;  they  were  then  pelted  with  stones  and  forced  to 
shut  themselves  up  in  their  own  houses;  they  were  subse- 
quently seized  and  thro^^Ti  into  prison ;  and  afterwards  their 
slaves  Avere  put  to  the  torture,  and  compelled  to  accuse 
them  of  crimes  of  which  they  were  innocent.  Pothinus, 
the  pastor  of  Lyons,  now  upwards  of  ninety  years  of  age, 
was  brought  before  the  governor,  and  so  roughly  handled 
by  the  populace  that  he  died  two  days  after  he  was  thrown 
into  confinement.  The  other  prisoners  were  plied  with 
hunger  and  thii'st,  and  then  put  to  death  with  wanton  and 
studied  cruelty.  Two  of  the  sufferers,  Blandina,. a  female, 
and  Ponticus,  a  lad  of  fifteen,  displayed  singular  calmness 
and  intrepidity.  For  several  days  they  were  obliged  to 
Avitness  the  tortures  inflicted  on  their  fellow-disciples,  that 
they  might,  if  possible,  be  intimidated  by  the  appaUing 
spectacle.  After  passing  through  this  ordeal,  the  torture 
was  applied  to  themselves.  Ponticus  soon  sunk  under  his 
sufferings;  but  Blandina  still  survived.  When  she  had 
sustained  the  agony  of  the  heated  iron  chair,  she  was  put 
into  a  net  and  thrown  to  a  wild  bull  that  she  mioht  be 
trampled  and  torn  by  him;  and  she  continued  to  breathe 
long  after  slie  had  been  sadly  mangled  by  the  infuriated 
animal.  While  subjected  to  these  terrible  inflictions,  she 
exhibited  the  utmost  patience ;  no  boasts  escaped  her  lips ; 
no  murmurs  were  uttered  by  her;  and  even  in  the  parox- 
ysms of  her  anguish  she  was  seen  to  be  full  of  faith  and 
courage.  But  such  touching  exhibitions  of  the  spirit  of  the 
gospel  failed  to  repress  the  fury  of  the  excited  populace. 
Their  hatred  of  the  gospel  was  so  intense  that  they  resolved 
to  deprive  the  disciples  who  survived  this  reign  of  terror  of 
the  melancholy  satisfaction  of  paying  the  last  tribute  of 
respect  to  the  remains  of  their  martyred  brethren.  They, 
accordingly,  burned  the  dead  bodies,  and  then  cast  the 
ashes  into  the  Pthone.     "  Now,"   said  they,   "  Ave  will  see 


296 


COMMODUS,  PERTTNAX,  AND  JULIAN. 


whetlier  they  will  rise  again,  and  whether  God  can  help 
them,  and  deliver  them  out  of  our  hands."  ''■ 

Under  the  brutal  and  bloody  Commodus,  the  son  and 
heir  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  the  Christians  had  some  repose. 
Marcia,  his  favourite  concubine,  was  a  member  of  the 
Church ;  t  and  her  influence  was  successfully  exerted  in 
protecting  her  co-religionists.  But  the  penal  statutes  were 
still  in  force,  and  they  were  not  everywhere  permitted  to 
remain  a  dead  letter.  In  this  reign  |  we  meet  with  some  of 
the  earliest  indications  of  that  zeal  for  martyrdom  which 
was  properly  the  spawn  of  the  fanaticism  of  the  Montanists. 
In  a  certain  district  of  Asia,  a  multitude  of  persons,  actu- 
ated by  this  absurd  passion,  presented  themselves  in  a  body 
before  the  proconsul  Arrius  Antoninus  ;  and  proclaimed 
themselves  Christians.  The  sight  of  such  a  crowd  of  vic- 
tims appalled  the  magistrate;  and,  after  passing  judgment 
on  a  few,  he  is  said  to  have  driven  the  remainder  from  his 
tribunal,  exclaiming — "  Miserable  men,  if  you  wish  to  kill 
yourselves,  you  have  ropes  or  precipices." 

The  reigns  of  Pertinax  and  Julian,  the  Emperors  next  in 
succession  after  Commodus,  amounted  together  only  to  a 
few  months;  and  the  faithful  had  meanwhile  to  strup-o^le 
with  many  discouragements ;  §  but  these  short-lived  sove- 
reigns were  so  much  occupied  with  other  matters,  that  they 

*  Euseb.  V.  1. 

f  Among  the  Romans  a  concubine  held  a  certain  legal  position,  and  was  in 
fact  a  wife  with  inferior  privileges.  Converted  concubines  were  admitted  to 
the  communion  of  the  ancient  Chm'ch.    See  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  iii.  7. 

i  Mosheim  ("  Commentaries  "  by  Vidal.  ii.  52,  note)  and  many  others,  refer 
the  transaction  recorded  in  the  text  to  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  but  without  any 
good  cause.  TertuUian,  who  tells  the  story  ("  Ad  Scapulam,"  c.  5),  evidently 
alludes  to  a  transaction  which  had  recently  occurred.  In  the  reign  of  Com- 
modus there  was  a  proconsul  named  Arrius  Antoninus  who  was  put  to  death. 
See  Lamprid,  "  Vita  Commodi,"  c.  6,  7.  See  also  Kaye's  "  Tertidlian,"  p.  146, 
note  ;  and  "  Neander's  General  History"  by  Torrey,  i.  162,  note. 

§  Clemens  Alexandrinus  apparently  refers  to  the  times  immechately  fol- 
lowing the  death  of  Commodus  when  he  says — "  Many  martyrs  are  daily 
burned,  crucified,  and  decapitated  before  our  eyes."     Strom,  lib.  ii.  p.  414. 


THE  LIBELLATICI.  297 

couki  not  afford  time  for  legislation  on  tlie  subject  of  religion. 
Septimius  Severus,  who  now  obtained  tbe  Imperial  dignity, 
was  at  first  not  unfriendly  to  tlieClnircli;  and  a  cure  performed 
on  him  by  Proculus,  a  Christian  slave,*  has  been  assigned 
as  the  cause  of  his  forbearance ;  but,  as  his  reign  advanced, 
he  assumed  an  offensive  attitude ;  and  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  the  disciples  suffered  considerably  under  his  adminis- 
tration. As  the  Christians  were  still  obliged  to  meet  at 
night  to  celebrate  their  worship,  they  were  accused  of  com- 
mitting unnatural  crimes  in  their  nocturnal  assemblies ;  and 
though  these  heartless  calumnies  had  been  triumphantly 
refuted  fifty  or  sixty  years  before,  they  were  now  revived 
and  circulated  with  fresh  industry.t  About  this  period, 
Leonides,  the  father  of  the  learned  Origen,  was  put  to 
death.  By  a  law,  promulgated  probably  in  a.d.  202,  the 
Emperor  interdicted  conversions  to  Christianity;  and  at  a 
time  when  the  Church  was  makins;  vio;orous  encroachments 
on  heathenism,  this  enactment  created  much  embarrassment 
and  anxiety.  Some  of  the  governors  of  provinces,  as  soon 
as  they  ascertained  the  disposition  of  the  Imperial  court, 
commenced  forthwith  a  persecution;  and  there  were  magis- 
trates who  proceeded  to  enforce  the  laws  for  the  base  pur- 
pose of  extorting  money  from  the  parties  obnoxious  to  their 
severity.  Sometimes  individuals,  and  sometimes  whole 
congregations  purchased  immunity  from  suffering  by  enter- 
ing into  pecuniary  contracts  "with  corrupt  and  avaricious 
rulers ;  and  by  the  payment  of  a  certain  sum  obtained  cer- 
tificates J  which  protected  them  from  all  farther  inquisition.^ 
The  purport  of  these  documents  has  been  the  subject  of 
much  discussion.  According  to  some  they  contained  a  dis- 
tinct statement  to  the  effect  that  those  named  in  them  had 

*  TertuUian,  "  Ad  Scapulam,"  c.  4. 

t  Compare  Justin  Martyr,  "  Apol."  ii.  pp.  70, 71,  and  "  Dial,  cum  Tryphone," 
p.  227,  -with  TertuUian,  "  Apol."  c.  7.  Z  Called  libellos. 

§  These  parties  sometimes  appealed  to  Acts  xvii.  9,  in  justification  of  their 
conduct. 


298  PERPETUA  AND  FELICITAS. 

sacrificed  to  tlie  gods,  and  had  tlius  satisfied  the  law ;  whilst 
others  allege  that,  though  they  guaranteed  protection,  they 
neither  directly  stated  an  untruth,  nor  compromised  the 
religious  consistency  of  their  possessors.  But  it  is  beyond 
all  controversy  that  the  more  scrupulous  and  zealous  Chris- 
tians uniformly  condemned  the  use  of  such  certificates. 
Their  o^\Tiers  were  known  by  the  suspicious  designation  of 
"  Libellatici,''  or  "  the  Certified ; "  and  were  considered  only 
less  criminal  than  the  "  Thurificati,"  or  those  who  had 
actually  apostatised  by  ofi'ering  incense  on  the  altars  of 
paganism.""' 

About  this  time  the  enforcement  of  the  penal  laws  in  a 
part  of  North  Africa,  probably  in  Carthage,  led  to  a  most 
impressive  display  of  some  of  the  noblest  features  of  the 
Christian  character.  Five  catechumens,  or  candidates  for 
baptism,  among  whom  were  Perpetua  and  Felicitas,t  had 
been  put  under  arrest.  Perpetua,  who  was  only  two  and 
twenty  years  of  age,  was  a  lady  of  rank  and  of  singularly 
prepossessing  appearance.  Accustomed  to  all  the  comforts 
which  wealth  could  procure,  she  was  ill  fitted,  with  a  child 
at  the  breast,  to  sustain  the  rigours  of  confinement — more 
especially  as  she  w\as  thrown  into  a  crowded  dungeon 
during  the  oppressive  heat  of  an  African  summer.  But, 
wdth  her  infant  in  her  arms,  she  cheerfully  submitted  to  her 
privations;  and  the  thought  that  she  was  persecuted  for 
Christ's  sake,  converted  her  prison  into  a  palace.  Her  aged 
father,  who  was  a  pagan,  was  overwhelmed  with  distress 
because,  as  he  conceived,  she  was  bringing  deep  and  lasting 
disgrace  upon  her  family  by  her  attachment  to  a  proscribed 
sect;  and  as  she  was  his  favourite  child,  he  emjDloyed  every 

*  The  sacrificati,  or  those  who  had  sacrificed,  as  well  as  offered  incense, 
were  considered  still  more  guilty. 

+  "  Acta  Perpetuse  et  Felicitatis."  The  martys  appear  to  have  been  Mon- 
tanists.  See  Gieseler,  by  Cunningham,  i.  125,  note.  Tertullian  mentions 
Perpetua,  and  his  language  countenances  the  supposition  that  she  was  a 
Montanist.     "  De  A-nima,"  c.  55. 


PERPETUA  AND  FELICITAS.  299 

expedient  whicli  paternal  tenderness  and  anxiety  conld 
dictate  to  lead  her  to  a  recantation.  When  she  was  con- 
dncted  to  the  jndgment-seat  with  the  other  prisoners,  the 
old  gentleman  appeared  there,  to  try  the  effect  of  another 
appeal  to  Iier;  and  the  presiding  magistrate,  touched  with 
pity,  entreated  her  to  listen  to  his  arguments,  and  to  change 
her  resolution.  But,  though  deeply  moved  by  the  anguish 
of  her  aged  parent,  all  these  attempts  to  shake  her  con- 
stancy were  in  vain.  At  the  place  of  execution  she  sung  a 
jjsalm  of  victory,  and,  before  she  expired,  she  exhorted  her 
brother  and  another  catechumen,  named  Eusticus,  to  con- 
tinue in  the  faith,  to  love  each  other,  and  to  be  neither 
affrighted  nor  offended  by  her  sufferings.  Her  companion 
Felicitas  exhibited  quite  as  illustrious  a  specimen  of  Chris- 
tian heroism.  AVlien  arrested,  she  was  far  advanced  in 
pregnancy,  and  during  her  imprisonment,  the  pains  of  labour 
came  upon  her.  Her  cries  arrested  the  attention  of  the 
jailer,  wdio  said  to  her — "If  your  present  sufferings  are  so 
great,  what  will  you  do  when  you  are  thrown  to  the  wild 
beasts'?  You  did  not  consider  this  when  you  refused  to 
sacrifice."  AVith  undaunted  spirit  Felicitas  replied — "  It  is 
/  that  suffer  now,  but  then  there  wuU  be  Another  wuth  me, 
who  will  suffer  for  me,  because  I  shall  suffer  for  His  sake." 
The  prisoners  were  condemned  to  be  torn  by  wild  beasts  on 
the  occasion  of  an  approaching  festival ;  and  when  they  had 
passed  through  this  terrible  ordeal,  they  were  despatched 
with  the  sword. 

After  the  death  of  Septimius  Severus,  the  Christians 
experienced  some  abatement  of  their  sufferings.  Caracalla 
and  Elagabalus  permitted  them  to  remain  almost  undis- 
turbed ;  and  Alexander  Severus  has  been  supposed  by  some 
to  have  been  himself  a  believer.  Among  the  images  in  his 
private  chapel  was  a  representation  of  Christ,  and  he  was 
obviously  convinced  that  Jesus  possessed  divine  endow- 
ments; but  there  is  no  proof  that  he  ever  accepted  unre- 


300  THE  DECIAN  PERSECUTION. 

serveclly  the  New  Testament  revelation.  He  was  simply  an 
eclectic  philosopher  who  held  that  a  portion  of  truth  was  to 
be  found  in  each  of  the  current  systems  of  religion;  and 
who  undertook  to  analyse  them,  and  extract  the  spiritual 
treasure.  The  Emj)eror  Maximin  was  less  friendly  to  the 
Church;  and  yet  his  enmity  was  confined  chiefly  to  those 
Christian  ministers  who  had  been  favourites  with  his  pre- 
decessor; so  that  he  cannot  be  said  to  have  promoted  any 
general  persecution.  Under  Gordian  the  disciples  were  free 
from  molestation;  and  his  successor,  Philip  the  Arabian, 
w^as  so  well  aff"ected  to  their  cause  that  he  has  been  some- 
times, though  erroneously,  represented  as  the  first  Christian 
Emperor."'^  The  death  of  this  monarch  in  a.d.  249  was, 
however,  soon  followed  by  the  fiercest  and  the  most  exten- 
sive persecution  under  which  the  faithful  had  yet  groaned. 
The  more  zealous  of  the  pagans,  Avho  had  been  long  wit- 
nessing with  imjDatience  the  growth  of  Christianity,  had 
Ijecome  convinced  that,  if  the  old  religion  were  to  be 
upheld,  a  mighty  eff'ort  must  very  soon  be  made  to  strangle 
its  rival.  Various  expedients  were  meanwhile  employed  to 
prejudice  the  multitude  against  the  gospel.  Every  disaster 
which  occurred  throughout  the  Empire  was  attributed  to 
its  evil  influence;  the  defeat  of  a  general,  the  failure  of  a 
harvest,  the  overflowing  of  the  Tiber,  the  desolations  of  a 
hurricane,  and  the  appearance  of  a  pestilence,  were  all 
ascribed  to  its  most  inauspicious  advancement.  The  public 
mind  was  thus  gradually  prepared  for  measures  of  extreme 
severity;  and  Decius,  who  now  became  emperor,  aimed  at 
the  utter  extirpation  of  Christianity.  All  persons  suspected 
of  attachment  to  the  gospel  were  summoned  before  the 
civil  authorities;  and  if,  regardless  of  intimidation,  they 
refused  to  sacrifice,  attempts  were  made  to  overcome  their 
constancy  by  torture,  by  imprisonment,  and  by  starvation. 

*  See  the  "Chrouicon"  of  Eusebius,  par.  ii.,  adnot.  p.  197.     Edit.  Venet, 
1818. 


THE  DECIAN  PERSECUTION.  301 

When  all  sucli  expedients  failed,  the  punishment  of  death 
was  inflicted.  Those  who  fled  before  the  day  appointed 
for  their  appearance  in  presence  of  the  magistrates,  forfeited 
their  property;  and  were  forbidden,  under  the  penalty  of 
death,  to  return  to  the  district.  The  Church  in  many  places 
had  now  enjoyed  peace  for  thirty  years,  and  meanwhile  the 
tone  of  Christian  principle  had  been  considerably  lowered. 
It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that,  in  these  perilous  days, 
many  apostatised.*  The  conduct  of  not  a  few  of  the  more 
opulent  Cliristians  of  Alexandria  has  been  graphically 
described  by  a  contemporary.  "As  they  were  severally 
called  by  name,  they  approached  the  unholy  offering ;  some, 
pale  and  tremljling,  as  if  they  were  going,  not  to  sacrifice, 
but  to  be  sacrificed  to  the  gods;  so  that  they  were  jeered 
by  the  mob  who  thronged  around  them,  as  it  was  plain  to 
all  that  they  were  equally  afraid  to  sacrifice  and  to  die. 
Others  advanced  more  briskly,  carrying  their  effrontery  so 
far  as  to  avow  that  they  never  had  been  Christians."  t 
Multitudes  now  withdrew  into  deserts  or  mountains,  and 
there  perished  with  cold  and  hunger.  The  prisons  were 
everywhere  crowded  with  Christians;  and  the  magistrates 
were  occupied  with  the  odious  task  of  oppressing  and 
destroying  the  most  meritorious  of  their  fellow-citizens. 
The  disciples  were  sent  to  labour  in  the  mines,  branded  on 
the  forehead,  subjected  to  mutilation,  and  reduced  to  the 
lowest  depth  of  misery.  In  this  persecution  the  pastors 
were  treated  with  marked  severity,  and  during  its  con- 
tinuance many  of  them  suffered  martyrdom.     Among  the 

*  The  Roman  clergy  speak  of  "  the  remnants  and  ruined  heaps  of  the  fallen 
lying  on  all  sides."  Cyi).  "Epist."  xxxi.  p.  99.  Cyprian  complains  of  '■'■thou- 
sands of  letters  given  daily''''  in  behalf  of  the  lapsed  by  misguided  confessors 
and  martyrs.  "  Epist."  xiv.  p.  59.  The  writer  here  jirobably  speaks  somewhat 
rhetorically,  and  evidently  does  not  mean,  as  some  have  thought,  that  all  these 
letters  were  ^vritten  at  Carthage.  He  speaks  of  what  was  done  "  everywhere/ 
including  Italy,  as  well  as  the  cities  of  Africa.     "  Epist."  xiv.,  xxii.,  xxvi. 

t  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  quoted  by  Euseb.,  vi.  41. 


302  VALERIAN  PERSECUTION. 

most  distinguished  victims  were  FaLian  bishop  of  Eome, 
Babyh^s  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  Alexander  bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem."^'" 

The  reign  of  Decius  was  short  ;t  but  the  hardships  of 
the  Church  did  not  cease  with  its  termination,  as  Gallus 
adopted  the  policy  of  his  predecessor.  Though  Valerian, 
the  successor  of  Gallus,  for  a  time  displayed  much  modera- 
tion, he  eventually  relinquished  this  pacific  course;  and, 
instigated  by  his  favourite  Macrianus,  an  Egyptian  sooth- 
sayer, began  about  a.d.  2.57  to  repeat  the  bloody  tragedy 
which,  in  the  days  of  Decius,  had  filled  the  Empire  with 
such  terror  and  distress.  At  first  the  pastors  were  driven 
into  banishment,  and  the  disciples  forbidden  to  meet  for 
worship.  But  more  stringent  measures  were  soon  adopted. 
An  edict  appeared  announcing  that  bishops,  presbyters,  and 
deacons  were  to  be  put  to  death ;  that  senators  and  knights, 
who  were  Christians,  were  to  forfeit  their  rank  and  property  ; 
and  that,  if  they  still  refused  to  repudiate  their  principles, 
they  were  to  be  capitally  punished;  whilst  those  members 
of  the  Church  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  palace,  were 
to  be  put  in  chains,  and  sent  to  labour  on  the  imperial 
estates.J  In  this  persecution,  Sixtus  bishop  of  Eome,  and 
Cyprian  bishop  of  Carthage,  §  were  martyred. 

On  the  accession  of  Gallienus  in  a.d.  260,  the  Church 
was  once  more  restored  to  peace.     Gallienus,  though  a  per- 

*  Euseb.  vi.  39.  f  a.d.  249  to  a.d.  251. 

X  Cypriau,  Epist.  82,  ad  Successum. 

§  Cyprian,  who  seems  to  have  been  much  respected  personally  by  the  high 
officers  of  government  at  Carthage,  was,  when  taken  prisoner,  granted  as  great 
indulgence  as  his  circumstances  would  permit ;  but  Gibbon,  who  describes 
his  case  with  special  minuteness,  most  uncandidly  represents  it  as  affording 
an  average  specimen  of  the  style  in  which  condemned  Christians  were  treated. 
As  an  evidence  of  the  social  position  of  the  bishop  of  Carthage  we  may  refer 
to  the  testimony  of  Pontius  his  deacon,  who  states  that  "  numbers  of  eminent 
and  illustrious  persons,  men  of  rank  and  family  and  secular  distinction,  for 
the  sake  of  their  old  friendship  with  him,  urged  him  many  times  to  retire." 
"  Life,"  §  14. 


DIOCLETIAN  TERSECUTION.  303 

son  of  worthless  character,  was  the  first  Emperor  who  pro- 
tected the  Christians  by  a  formal  edict  of  toleration.  He 
commanded  that  they  should  not  only  be  permitted  to  pro- 
fess their  religion  unmolested,  but  that  they  should  again 
be  put  in  possession  of  their  cemeteries*  and  of  all  other 
property,  either  in  houses  or  lands,  of  which  they  had  been 
deprived  during  the  reign  of  his  predecessor.  This  decree 
was  nearly  as  ample  in  its  provisions  as  that  which  was 
issued  in  their  fiivour  by  the  great  Constantino  upwards  of 
half  a  century  afterwards. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  advantages  secured  by  this 
imperial  law,  the  Church  still  suffered  occasionally  in 
particular  districts.  Hostile  magistrates  might  plead  that 
certain  edicts  had  not  been  definitely  repealed;  and,  calcu- 
lating on  the  connivance  of  the  higher  functionaries,  might 
perpetrate  acts  of  cruelty  and  oppression.  The  Emperor 
Aurelian  had  even  resolved  to  resume  the  barbarous  policy 
of  Decius  and  Valerian;  and,  in  a.d.  275,  had  actually  pre- 
pared a  sanguinary  edict;  but,  before  it  could  be  executed, 
death  stepped  in  to  arrest  his  violence,  and  to  prevent  the 
persecution.  Thus,  as  has  already  been  intimated,  for  the 
last  forty  years  of  the  third  century  the  Christians  enjoyed, 
almost  uninterruj^tedly,  the  blessings  of  toleration.  Spacious 
edifices,  frequented  by  crowds  of  worshippers,  and  some  of 
them  furnished  with  sacramental  vessels  of  silver  or  gold,t 
were  to  be  seen  in  all  the  great  cities  of  the  Empire.  But, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  the  prospect 
changed.  The  pagan  party  beheld  with  dismay  the  rapid 
extension  of  the  Church,  and  resolved  to  make  a  tremen- 
dous eff'ort  for  its  destruction.  This  faction,  pledged  to 
the  maintenance  of  idolatry,  now  caused  its  influence  to  be 
felt  in  all  political  transactions;  and  the  treatm.ent  of  the 
Christians  once  more  became  a  question  on  Avhich  states- 
men w^ere  divided.     Diocletian,  Avho  was  made  Emperor  in 

*  Euseb.  vii.  13.  f  See  Bingham,  ii.  p.  451. 


304  DIOCLETIAN  PERSECUTION. 

A.D.  285,  continued  for  many  years  afterwards  to  act  upon 
the  principle  of  toleration ;  but  at  length  he  was  induced, 
partly  hy  the  suggestions  of  his  own  superstitious  and 
jealous  temper,  and  partly  by  the  importunities  of  his  son- 
in-law  Galerius,  to  enter  upon  another  course.  The  perse- 
cution commenced  in  the  army,  where  all  soldiers  refusing 
to  sacrifice  forfeited  their  rank,  and  were  dismissed  the 
service. '"'  But  other  hostile  demonstrations  soon  followed. 
In  the  month  of  February  a.d.  303,  the  great  church  of 
Nicomedia,  the  city  in  which  the  Emperor  then  resided,  was 
broken  open ;  the  copies  of  the  Scriptures  to  be  found  in  it 
were  committed  to  the  flames;  and  the  edifice  itself  was 
demolished.  The  next  day  an  edict  appeared  interdicting 
the  religious  assemblies  of  the  faithful;  commanding  the 
destruction  of  their  places  of  worship;  ordering  all  their 
sacred  books  to  be  burned ;  requiring  those  who  held  offices 
of  honour  and  emolument  to  renounce  their  principles  on 
pain  of  the  forfeiture  of  their  appointments ;  declaring  that 
disciples  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life,  who  remained  stead- 
fast, should  be  divested  of  their  rights  as  citizens  and  free- 
men; and  providing  that  even  slaves,  so  long  as  they 
continued  Christians,  should  be  incapable  of  manumission,  t 
Some  time  afterwards  another  edict  was  promulgated  direct- 
ing that  all  ecclesiastics  should  be  seized  and  put  in  chains. 
When  the  jails  were  thus  filled  with  Christian  ministers, 
another  edict  made  its  appearance,  commanding  that  the 
prisoners  should  by  all  means  be  compelled  to  sacrifice. 
At  length  a  fourth  edict,  of  a  still  more  sweeping  character 
and  extending  to  the  whole  body  of  Christians,  was  pub- 
lished. In  accordance  with  this  decree  proclamation  was 
made  throughout  the  streets  of  the  cities,  and  men,  women, 
and  children,  were  enjoined  to  repair  to  the  heathen  temples. 

*  "  De  Mortibus  Persec."  c.  10. 

+  Euseb.  viii.  2 ;  "  De  Mort.  Persec."  c.  13.    See  also  "  Neander,"  by  Torrey, 
i.  202,  note. 


DIOCLETIAN  PERSECUTION.  305 

Tlie  city  gates  were  gnarrled  tliat  none  might  escape ;  and, 
from  lists  previously  prepared,  every  individual  was  sum- 
moned by  name  to  present  himself,  and  join  in  the  perfor- 
mance of  the  rites  of  paganism.'"'  At  a  subsequent  period  all 
provisions  sold  in  the  markets,  in  some  parts  of  the  empire, 
were  sprinkled  with  the  water  or  the  wine  employed  in 
idolatrous  worship,  that  the  Christians  might  either  be 
compelled  to  abstinence,  or  led  to  defile  themselves  by  the 
use  of  polluted  viands,  t 

Throughout  almost  the  whole  Church  the  latter  part  of 
the  third  century  was  a  period  of  spiritual  decay ;  and  many 
returned  to  heathenism  durino;  the  siftins;  time  which  now 
followed.  Not  a  few  incurred  the  reproach  of  their  more 
consistent  and  courageous  brethren  by  surrendering  the 
Scriptures  in  their  possession;  and  those  who  thus  pur- 
chased their  safety  were  stigmatised  with  the  odious  name 
of  traditovs.  Had  the  persecutors  succeeded  in  burning  all 
the  copies  of  the  Word  of  God,  they  would,  without  the 
intervention  of  a  miracle,  have  effectually  secured  the  ruin 
of  the  Church ;  but  their  efforts  to  destroy  the  sacred 
volume  proved  abortive;  for  the  faithful  seized  the  earliest 
opportunity  of  replacing  the  consumed  manuscripts.  The 
holy  book  was  prized  by  them  more  highly  than  ever,  and 
Bible  burning  only  gave  a  stimulus  to  Bible  transcription. 
Still,  however,  sacred  literature  sustained  a  loss  of  no  ordi- 
nary magnitude  in  this  Avholesale  destruction  of  the  inspired 
writings,  and  there  is  not  at  present  in  existence  a  single 
codex  of  the  New  Testament  of  higher  antiquity  than  the 
Diocletian  persecution.  J 

It  has  been  computed  that  a  greater  number  of  Christians 
perished  under  Decius  than  in  all  the  attacks  which  had  pre- 

*  Eusebius,  "  Martyrs  of  Palestine,"  c.  4. 

+  Eusebius, "  Martyrs  of  Palestine,"  c.  9. 

X  The  Vatican  ^lanuscript,  the  oldest  in  existence,  was  probably  written 
shortly  after  this  persecution.  It  possesses  internal  evidences  that  its  date  is 
anterior  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.     See  Home,  iv.  161,  10th  edition. 

U 


30G  DIOCLETIAN  PEESECUTIOK 

vioiisly  been  made  upon  tliem  ;  but  tlieir  sufferings  under 
Diocletian  were  still  more  formidable  and  disastrous.  Pa- 
ganism felt  that  it  was  now  engaged  in  a  death  struggle  ; 
and  this,  its  last  effort  to  maintain  its  ascendency,  was  its 
most  protracted  and  desperate  conflict.  It  has  been  fre- 
quently stated  that  the  Diocletian  persecution  was  of  ten 
years'  duration ;  and,  reckoning  from  the  first  indications  of 
hostility  to  the  promulgation  of  an  edict  of  toleration,  it 
may  certainly  be  thus  estimated ;  but  all  this  time  the 
whole  Church  was  not  groaning  under  the  pressure  of  the 
infliction.  The  Christians  of  the  west  of  Europe  suffered 
comparatively  little ;  as  there  the  Emperor  Constantius 
Chlorus,  and  afterwards  his  son  Constantine,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, preserved  them  from  molestation.  In  the  East  they 
passed  through  terrific  scenes  of  suffering ;  for  Galerius 
and  Maximin,  the  two  stern  tyrants  who  governed  that 
part  of  the  empire  on  the  abdication  of  Diocletian,  endea- 
voured to  overcome  their  steadfastness  by  all  the  expedients 
which  despotic  cruelty  could  suggest.  A  contemporary, 
who  had  access  to  the  best  sources  of  information,  has  given 
a  faithful  account  of  the  torments  they  endured.  Vinegar 
mixed  with  salt  was  poured  on  the  lacerated  bodies  of  the 
dying ;  some  were  roasted  on  huge  gridirons ;  some,  sus- 
pended aloft  by  one  hand,  were  then  left  to  perish  in  excru- 
ciating agony  ;  and  some,  bound  to  parts  of  different  trees 
which  had  been  brought  together  by  machinery,  were  torn 
limb  from  limb  by  the  sudden  revulsion  of  the  liberated 
branches.*  But,  even  in  the  East,  this  attempt  to  overwhelm 
Christianity  was  not  prosecuted  from  its  commencement  to 
its  close  with  unabated  severity.  Sometimes  the  sufferers 
obtained  a  respite  ;  and  again,  the  work  of  blood  was  re- 
sumed with  fresh  vigour.  Though  many  were  tempted  for 
a  season  to  make  a  hollow  profession  of  paganism,  multi- 
tudes met  every  effort  to  seduce  them  in  a  spirit  of  indomi- 

*  Eusebius,  viii.  6,  9,  10,  12. 


INTERVALS  OF  EEPOSE.  307 

table  resolution.  At  length  tyranny  became  weary  of  its 
barren  office,  and  the  Church  obtained  peace.  In  a.d.  311, 
Galerius,  languishing  under  a  loathsome  disease,  and  per- 
haps hoping  that  he  might  be  relieved  by  the  God  of  the 
Christians,  granted  them  toleration.  Maximin  subsequently 
renewed  the  attacks  upon  them ;  but  at  his  death,  which 
occurred  in  a.d.  313,  the  edict  in  favour  of  the  Church, 
which  Constantine  and  his  colleague  Licinius  had  already 
published,  became  law  throughout  the  empire. 

It  is  often  alleged  that  the  Church,  before  the  conversion 
of  Constantine,  passed  through  ten  persecutions ;  but  the 
statement  gives  a  very  incorrect  idea  of  its  actual  suffering. 
It  would  be  more  accurate  to  say  that,  for  between  two  and 
three  hundred  years,  the  faithful  were  under  the  ban  of 
imperial  proscription.  During  all  this  period  they  were 
liable  to  be  pounced  upon  at  any  moment  by  bigoted,  domi- 
neering, or  greedy  magistrates.  There  were  not,  indeed, 
ten  persecutions  conducted  with  the  systematic  and  sanguin- 
ary violence  exhibited  in  the  times  of  Diocletian  or  of 
Decius ;  but  there  were  perhaj^s  provinces  of  the  empire 
where  almost  every  year  for  upwards  of  two  centuries  some 
Christians  suffered  for  the  faith.'"'  The  friends  of  the  con- 
fessors and  the  martyrs  were  not  slow  to  acknowledge  the 
hand  of  Providence,  as  they  traced  the  history  of  the  em- 
perors by  whom  the  Church  was  favoured  or  oppressed.  It 
was  remarked  that  the  disciples  were  not  worn  out  by  the 
barbarities  of  a  continuous  line  of  persecutors ;  for  an  un- 
scrupulous tyrant  was  often  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  an 
equitable  or  an  indulgent  sovereign.  Thus,  the  Christians 
had  every  now  and  then  a  breathing-time  during  which 
their  hopes  were  revived  and  their  numbers  recruited. 
It  was  observed,  too,  that  the  princes,  of  whose  cruelty  they 
had  reason  to  complain,  generally  ended  their  career  under 

*  Firmilian  refers  to  a  noted  persecution  which  "  did  not  extend  to  the 
whole  world,  but  was  locaW     Cyprian,  "  Epist."  Ixxv.  p.  305. 


308  DEATHS  OP  THE  PERSECUTORS. 

very  distressing  circumstances.  An  ecclesiastical  writer 
who  is  supposed  to  have  flourished  towards  the  commence- 
ment of  the  fourth  century  has  discussed  this  subject  in  a 
special  treatise,  in  which  he  has  left  behind  him  a  very 
striking  account  of  "  The  Deaths  of  the  Persecutors."'""  Their 
history  certainly  furnishes  a  most  significant  commentary 
on  the  Divine  announcement  that  "  the  Lord  is  known  by 
the  judgment  which  he  executeth."t  Nero,  the  first  hostile 
emperor,  perished  ignominiously  by  his  own  hand.  Domi- 
tian,  the  next  persecutor,  was  assassinated.  Marcus  Aure- 
lius  died  a  natural  death  ;  but,  during  his  reign,  the  Empire 
suffered  dreadfully  from  pestilence  and  famine  ;  and  war 
raged,  almost  incessantly,  from  its  commencement  to  its 
close.  The  people  of  Lyons,  who  now  signalised  themselves 
by  their  cruelty  to  the  Christians,  did  not  escape  a  righteous 
retribution  ;  for  about  twenty  years  after  the  martyrdom 
of  Pothinus  and  his  brethren,  the  city  was  pillaged  and 
burned.;]:  Septimius  Severus  narrowly  escaped  murder  by 
the  hand  of  one  of  his  own  children.  Decius,  whose  name 
is  associated  with  an  age  of  martyrdom,  perished  in  the 
Gothic  war.  Valerian,  another  opjDressor,  ended  his  days 
in  Persia  in  degrading  captivity.  The  Emperor  Aurelian 
was  assassinated.  Diocletian  languished  for  years  the 
victim  of  various  maladies,  and  is  said  to  have  abruptly 
terminated  his  life  by  suicide.  Galerius,  his  son-in-law, 
died  of  a  most  horrible  distemper ;  and  Maximin  took 
away  his  own  life  by  poison. §  The  interpretation  of  pro- 
vidences is  not  to  be  rashly  undertaken  ;  but  the  record  of 
the  fate  of  persecutors  forms  a  most  extraordinary  chapter 

*  The  treatise  "  De  Mortibus  Persecutorum "  is  generally  attributed  to 
Lactantius  who  flourished  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  century.  The 
authorship  is  doubtful.  f  Ps.  ix.  16. 

X  Herodian,  iii.  23.  This  circumstance,  as  well  as  some  others  here  stated, 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  work  "  De  Mort.  Persec."  TertuUian  mentions  some 
other  remarkable  facts,  "  Ad  Scapulam,"  c.  3. 

§  "  De  Mortib.  Persec,"  c.  49. 


ORIGIN  OF  PEESECUTIOK.  309 

in  the  history  of  man ;  and  the  melancholy  circumstances 
under  which  so  many  of  the  enemies  of  religion  have  finished 
their  career,  have  sometimes  impressed  those  who  have  been 
otherwise  slow  to  acknowledge  the  finger  of  the  Almighty.    L-^ 

The  persecutions  of  the  early  Church  originated  partly 
in  selfishness  and  superstition.  Idolatry  afi'orded  employ- 
ment to  tens  of  thousands  of  artists  and  artisans — all  of 
whom  had  thus  a  direct  pecuniary  interest  in  its  conserva- 
tion ;  whilst  the  ignorant  rabble,  taught  to  associate  Chris- 
tianity with  misfortune,  were  prompted  to  clamour  for  its 
overthrow.  Mistaken  policy  had  also  some  share  in  the 
sufierings  of  the  Christians  ;  for  statesmen,  fearing  that  the 
disciples  in  their  secret  meetings  might  be  hatching  treason, 
viewed  them  with  suspicion  and  treated  them  with  severity. 
But  another  element  of  at  least  equal  strength  contributed 
to  promote  persecution.  The  pure  and  spiritual  religion  of 
the  New  Testament  was  distasteful  to  the  human  heart, 
and  its  denunciations  of  wickedness  in  every  form  stirred 
up  the  malignity  of  the  licentious  and  unprincipled.  The 
faithful  complained  that  they  sufiered  for  neglecting  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  whilst  philosophers,  who  derided  the 
services  of  the  established  ritual,  escaped  with  impunity.* 
But  the  sophists  were  not  likely  ever  to  wage  an  effective 
warfare  against  immorality  and  superstition.  Many  of 
themselves  were  persons  of  worthless  character,  and  their 
speculations  were  of  no  practical  value.  It  was  otherwise 
with  the  gospel.  Its  advocates  were  felt  to  be  in  earnest ; 
and  it  was  quickly  perceived  that,  if  permitted  to  make 
way,  it  would  revolutionize  society.  Hence  the  bitter  op- 
position which  it  so  soon  awakened. 

It  might  have  been  expected  that  the  sore  oppression 
which  the  Church  endured  for  so  many  generations  would 
have  indelibly  imprinted  on  the  hearts  of  her  children  the 
doctrine  of  liberty  of  conscience.     As  the  early  Christians 

*  Tertulliau,  "  Apol."  c.  4G. 


310  THE  DOCTEINE  OF  TOLEEATTON. 

exj^ostulatecl  with  their  pagan  rulers,  they  often  described 
most  eloquently  the  folly  of  persecution.  "  How  unjust  is 
it,"  said  tliey,  "  that  freemen  should  be  driven  to  sacrifice 
to  the  gods,  when  in  all  other  instances  a  willing  mind  is 
required  as  an  indispensable  qualification  for  any  ofiice  of 
religion  '? " '""  "  It  appertains  to  man's  proper  right  and 
natural  privilege  that  each  should  worship  that  which  he 
thinks  to  be  God.  .  .  .  Neither  is  it  the  part  of  religion  to 
compel  men  to  religion,  which  ought  to  be  adopted  volun- 
tarily, not  of  compulsion,  seeing  that  sacrifices  are  required 
of  a  willing  mind.  Thus,  even  if  you  compel  us  to  sacri- 
fice, you  shall  render  no  sacrifice  thereby  to  your  gods,  for 
they  will  not  desire  sacrifices  from  unwilling  givers,  unless 
they  are  contentious  ;  but  God  is  not  contentious."  t  When, 
however,  the  Church  obtained  possession  of  the  throne  of 
the  empire,  she  soon  ignored  these  lessons  of  toleration ; 
and,  snatching  the  weapons  of  her  tormentors,  she  attempted, 
in  her  turn,  to  subjugate  the  soul  by  the  dungeon,  the 
sword,  and  the  faggot.  For  at  least  thirteen  centuries  after 
the  establishment  of  Christianity  by  Constantino,  it  was 
taken  for  granted  almost  everywhere  that  those  branded 
with  the  odious  name  of  heretics  were  unworthy  the  pro- 
tection of  the  laws  ;  and  that,  though  good  and  loyal  citi- 
zens, they  ought  to  be  punished  by  the  civil  magistrate. 
This  doctrine,  so  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  New  Testament, 
has  often  spread  desolation  and  terror  throughout  whole 
provinces  ;  and  has  led  to  the  deliberate  murder  of  a  hun- 
dredfold more  Christians  than  were  destroyed  by  pagan 
Eome.  Even  the  fathers  of  the  Reformation  did  not  escape 
from  the  influence  of  an  intolerant  training  ;  but  that  Bible 
which  they  brought  forth  from  obscurity  has  been  gradually 
imparting  a  milder  tone  to  earthly  legislation  ;  and  various 
providences  have  been  illustrating  the  true  meaning  of  the 

*  Tertullian,  "  Apol."  28.  f  Tertullian,  "  Ad  Scapulam,"  §  2. 


THE  docthine  of  toleration.  311 

proposition  tliat  Christ's  kingdom  is  "  not  of  this  world."  * 
In  all  free  countries  it  is  now  generally  admitted  that  the 
weapons  of  the  Clmrch  are  not  carnal,  and  that  the  juris- 
diction of  the  magistrate  is  not  spiritual.  "  God  alone  is 
Lord  of  the  conscience  ; "  and  it  is  only  by  the  illumination 
of  His  "Word  that  the  monitor  within  can  be  led  to  recog- 
nise His  will,  and  submit  to  His  authority. 

*  John  sviii.  36. 


CHAPTER  III. 

FALSE  BRETHEEN  AND  FALSE  PRINCIPLES  IN  THE  CHURCH  : 
SPIRIT  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 

Some  have  an  idea  that  the  saintship  of  the  early  Chris- 
tians was  of  a  type  altogether  unique  and  transcendental. 
In  primitive  times  the  Spirit  was,  no  doubt,  poured  out  in 
rich  effusion,  and  the  subjects  of  His  grace,  when  contrasted 
with  the  heathen  around  them,  often  exhibited  most  attrac- 
tively the  beauty  of  holiness;  but  the  same  Spirit  still 
dwells  in  the  hearts  of  the  faithful,  and  He  is  now  as  able, 
as  He  ever  was,  to  enlighten  and  to  save.  As  man,  wherever 
he  exists,  possesses  substantially  the  same  organic  confor- 
mation, so  the  true  children  of  God,  to  whatever  generation 
they  belong,  have  the  same  divine  lineaments.  The  age  of 
miracles  has  passed  away,  but  the  reign  of  grace  continues, 
and,  at  the  present  day,  there  may,  perhaps,  be  found 
amongst  the  members  of  the  Church  as  noble  examples  of 
vital  godliness  as  in  the  first  or  second  century. 

There  was  a  traitor  among  the  Twelve,  and  it  is  ap- 
parent from  the  New  Testament  that,  in  the  Apostolic 
Church,  there  were  not  a  few  unworthy  members.  "  Many 
walk,"  says  Paul,  "  of  whom  I  have  told  you  often,  and 
now  tell  you,  even  weeping,  that  they  are  the  enemies 
of  the  cross  of  Christ,  whose  end  is  destruction,  whose 
god  is  their  belly,  and  whose  glory  is  in  their  shame, 
who   mind   earthly  things."*      In  the  second   and   third 

*  Phil.  iii.  18,  19. 


COVETOUS  AND  IMMORAL  MINISTERS.  313 

centuries  the  number  of  such  false  brethren  did  not  dimi- 
nish. To  those  who  are  ignorant  of  its  saving  power, 
Christianity  may  commend  itself,  by  its  external  evidences, 
as  a  revelation  from  God  ;  and  many,  who  are  not  prepared 
to  submit  to  its  authority,  may  seek  admission  to  its  privi- 
leges. The  superficial  character  of  much  of  the  evangelism 
now  current  apjDcared  in  times  of  persecution  ;  for,  on  the 
first  appearance  of  danger,  multitudes  abjured  the  gospel, 
and  returned  to  the  heathen  superstitions.  It  is,  besides,  a 
fact  which  cannot  be  disputed  that,  in  the  third  century, 
the  more  zealous  champions  of  the  faith  felt  it  necessary  to 
denounce  the  secularity  of  many  of  the  ministers  of  the 
Church.  Before  the  Decian  persecution  not  a  few  of  the 
bishops  were  mere  worldlings,  and  such  was  their  zeal  for 
money-making,  that  they  left  their  parishes  neglected,  and 
travelled  to  remote  districts  where,  at  certain  seasons  of  the 
year,  they  might  carry  on  a  profitable  trafiic."""  If  we  are 
to  believe  the  testimony  of  the  most  distinguished  ecclesi- 
astics of  the  period,  crimes  were  then  perpetrated  to  which 
it  w^oidd  be  difficult  to  find  anything  like  parallels  in  the 
darkest  pages  of  the  history  of  modern  Christianity.  The 
chief  pastor  of  the  largest  Church  in  the  Proconsular  Africa 
tells,  for  instance,  of  one  of  his  own  presbyters  who  robbed 
orphans  and  defrauded  widows,  who  permitted  his  father 
to  die  of  hunger  and  treated  his  pregnant  wife  with  horrid 
brutality.t  Another  ecclesiastic,  of  still  higher  position, 
speaks  of  three  bishops  in  his  neighbourhood  who  engaged, 
when  intoxicated,  in  the  solemn  rite  of  ordination.  J  Such 
excesses  were  indignantly  condemned  by  all  right-hearted 
disciples,  but  the  fact,  that  those  to  whom  they  were  im- 
puted were  not  destitute  of  partisans,  suppHes  clear   yet 

*  Cyprian,  "  De  Lapsis,"  p.  374. 

t  Cyprian,  "Ad  Cornelium,"  epist.  xlix.  p.  143.     Cyprian  also  charges  one 
of  his  deacons  with  fraud,  extortion,  and  adultery.     Epist.  xxxviii.  p.  116. 
X  Cornelius  of  Rome  in  Euseb.  vi.  43. 


314  THE  ASCETICS. 

melancholy  proof  that  neither  the  Christian  people  nor  the 
Christian  ministry,  even  in  the  third  century,  possessed  an 
unsullied  reputation. 

Meanwhile  the  introduction  of  a  false  standard  of  piety 
created  much  mischief.  It  had  long  been  received  as  a 
maxim,  among  certain  classes  of  philosophers,  that  bodily 
abstinence  is  necessary  to  those  who  would  attain  more 
exalted  wisdom  ;  and  the  Gentile  theology,  especially  in 
Egypt  and  the  East,  had  endorsed  the  principle.  It  was 
not  without  advocates  among  the  Jews,  as  is  apparent  from 
the  discipline  of  the  Essenes  and  the  Therapeutse.  At  an 
early  period  its  influence  was  felt  within  the  pale  of  the 
Church,  and  before  the  termination  of  the  second  century, 
individual  members  here  and  there  were  to  be  found  who 
eschewed  certain  kinds  of  food  and  abstained  from  mar- 
riage.''' The  pagan  literati,  who  now  joined  the  disciples  in 
considerable  numbers,  did  much  to  promote  the  credit  of 
this  adulterated  Christianity.  Its  votaries,  who  were  desig- 
nated ascetics  and  'philosopliers,\  did  not  withdraw  them- 
selves from  the  world,  but,  whilst  adhering  to  their  own 
regimen,  still  remained  mindful  of  their  social  obligations. 
Their  self-imposed  mortification  soon  found  admirers,  and 
an  opinion  gradually  gained  ground  that  these  abstinent 
disciples  cultivated  a  higher  form  of  piety.  The  adherents 
of  the  new  discipline  silently  increased,  and  by  the  middle 
of  the  third  century,  a  class  of  females  who  led  a  single  life, 
and  who,  by  way  of  distinction,  were  called  virgins,  were 
in  some  places  regarded  by  the  other  Church  members  with 
special  veneration.];  Among  the  clergy  also  celibacy  was 
now  considered  a  mark  of  superior  holiness.  §    But,  in  various 

*  See  Eusebius,  v.  3,  vi.  9. 

t  See  Neander's  "  Antignostikus,"  part  ii.  sect.  ii.  at  the  end.  It  appears 
that  the  Christian  ascetics  adopted  the  dress  of  the  pagan  philosophers. 

X  Cyprian,  "  De  Habitu  Virgiuum,"  pp.  354,  361. 

§  Still,  in  the  time  of  Origen,  the  sons  of  bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons 
valued  themselves  upon  their  parentage. — Origen  in  "  Matthasum"  xv.  opera, 


THE  UNMAEEIED  CLERGY.  315 

•places,  pietism  about  this  time  assumed  a  form  which  dis- 
gusted all  persons  of  sober  judgment  and  ordinary  discre- 
tion. The  unmarried  clergy  and  the  virgins  deemed  it  right 
to  cultivate  the  communion  of  saints  after  a  new  fashion, 
alleging  that,  in  each  other's  society,  they  enjoyed  peculiar 
advantages  for  spiritual  improvement.  It  Avas  not,  there- 
fore, uncommon  to  find  a  single  ecclesiastic  and  one  of  the 
sisterhood  of  virgins  dwelling  in  the  same  house  and  sharing 
the  same  bed !  ■^"  All  the  w^hile  the  parties  repudiated  the 
imputation  of  any  improper  intercourse,  but  in  some  cases 
the  proofs  of  profligacy  w^  ere  too  plain  to  be  concealed,  and 
common  sense  refused  to  credit  the  pretensions  of  such  an 
absurd  and  susjMcious  spiritualism.  The  ecclesiastical  autho- 
rities felt  it  necessary  to  interfere,  and  compel  the  professed 
virgins  and  the  single  clergy  to  abstain  from  a  degree  of 
intimacy  which  was  unquestionably  not  free  from  the  ap- 
pearance of  evil. 

About  the  time  that  the  advocates  of  "  wdiatsoever  thino-s 

o 

are  of  good  report"  were  protesting  against  the  impro- 
prieties of  these  spiritual  brethren  and  sisters,  Paul  and 
Antony,  the  fathers  and  founders  of  Monachism,  com- 
menced to  live  as  hermits.  Paul  was  a  native  of  Egypt, 
and  the  heir  of  a  considerable  fortune;  but,  driven  at  first 
by  persecution  from  the  abodes  of  men,  he  ultimately 
adopted  the  desert  as  the  place  of  his  chosen  residence. 
Antony,  in  another  part  of  the  same  country,  guided  by  a 
mistaken  spirit  of  self-renunciation,  divested  himself  of  all 
his  property;  and  also  retired  into  a  wilderness.  The  bio- 
graphies of  these  two  well-meaning  but  weak-minded  vision- 

tom.  iii.  p.  690.  Even  Cyprian  bears  honourable  testimony  to  certain  married 
presbyters.  See"Epist."xxxv.p.  111.  See  also  "  Epist."  xviii.  p.  67.  Cyt)rian 
himself  was  indebted  for  his  conversion  to  an  eminent  presbyter,  named 
Caecilius,  who  had  a  wife  and  children.  "  Life  of  Cyprian,"  by  Pontius  the 
Deacon,  §  5. 

*  Cyprian,  "  Epist."  Ixii.  p.  219.     Concerning  the  Subintroductce,  see  also 
the  letter  relating  to  Paul  of  Samosata  in  Euscb.  vii.  30. 


316  RISE  OF  MONACHISM. 

aries,  wliicli  have  been  written  by  two  of  the  most  eminent- 
divines  of  the  fourth  century,'""  are  very  humiliating  memo- 
rials of  folly  and  fanaticism.  These  solitaries  spent  each  a 
long  life  in  a  cave,  macerating  the  body  with  fasting,  and 
occupying  the  mind  with  the  reveries  of  a  morbid  imagina- 
tion. In  an  age  of  growing  superstition  their  dreamy 
pietism  was  mistaken  by  many  for  sanctity  of  uncommon 
excellence ;  and  the  admiration  bestowed  on  them,  tempted 
others,  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  century,  to  imitate 
their  example.  Soon  afterwards,  societies  of  these  sons  of 
the  desert  were  established;  and,  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years,  a  taste  for  the  monastic  life  spread,  like  wild-fire, 
over  the  whole  Church. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  figure  of  the  instrument  of 
torture  on  which  our  Lord  was  put  to  death,  occupied  a 
prominent  place  among  the  symbols  of  the  ancient  heathen 
worship.  From  the  most  remote  antiquity  the  cross  was 
venerated  in  Egypt  and  Syria ;  it  was  held  in  equal  honour 
by  the  Buddhists  of  the  East ;  t  and,  what  is  still  more 
extraordinary,  when  the  Spaniards  first  visited  America,  the 
well-known  sign  was  found  among  the  objects  of  worship  in 
the  idol  temples  of  Anahuac.|  It  is  also  remarkable  that, 
about  the  commencement  of  oiu:  era,  the  pagans  were  wont 

*  Jerome  and  Atlianasius. 

t  See  Medhurst's  "  China,"  p.  217.  The  symbol  of  the  cross  was  engraved 
on  the  walls  of  the  temple  of  Serapis.  "  When  the  temple  of  Serapis  was 
torn  down  and  laid  bare,"  says  Socrates,  "  there  were  found  in  it,  engraven  on 
stones,  certain  characters,  which  they  call  hieroglyjjhics,  having  the  forms  of 
crosses.  Both  the  Christians  and  Pagans  on  seeiiig  them,  thought  they  had 
reference  to  their  respective  religioyis"     " Ecc.  Hist."  v.  17. 

J  Prescott,  "  Conquest  of  Mexico,"  iii.  338-340.  See  also  note,  p.  340.  Sir 
Eobert  Ker  Porter  mentions  a  block  of  stone  found  among  the  ruins  of  Susa, 
having,  on  one  side,  inscriptions  in  the  cuneiform  character;  and,  on  another, 
hieroglyphical  figures  with  a  cross  in  the  corner.  See  his  "  Travels,"  vol.  ii. 
p.  415.  Among  the  ancient  pagans,  the  cross  was  the  symbol  of  eternal  life, 
or  divinity.  On  medals  and  monuments  of  a  date  far  anterior  to  Christianity, 
it  is  found  in  the  hands  of  statues  of  victory  and  of  figures  of  monarchs.  See 
also  Tertullian,  "  Apol."  c.  16. 


SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS.  317 

to  make  tlie  sign  of  a  cross  upon  the  foreliead  in  the  cele- 
bration of  some  of  their  sacred  mysteries.'""  A  satisfactory 
explanation  of  the  origin  of  such  pecuHarities  in  the  ritual 
of  idolatry  can  now  scarcely  be  expected ;  but  it  certainly 
need  not  excite  surprise  if  the  early  Christians  were  im- 
pressed by  them,  and  if  they  viewed  them  as  so  many 
unintentional  testimonies  to  the  truth  of  their  religion. 
The  disciples  displayed,  indeed,  no  little  ingenuity  in  their 
attemjDts  to  discover  the  figure  of  a  cross  in  almost  every 
object  around  them.  They  could  recognise  it  in  the  trees  and 
the  flowers,  in  the  fishes  and  the  fowls,  in  the  sails  of  a  ship 
and  the  structure  of  the  human  body ;  t  and  if  they  bor- 
rowed from  their  heathen  neighbours  the  custom  of  making 
a  cross  upon  the  forehead,  they  would  of  course  be  ready  to 
maintain  that  they  thus  only  redeemed  the  holy  sign  from 
profanation.  Some  of  them  were,  perhaps,  prepared,  on 
prudential  grounds,  to  plead  for  its  introduction.  Heathen- 
ism was,  to  a  considerable  extent,  a  religion  of  bowings  and 
genuflexions;  its  votaries  were,  ever  and  anon,  attending 
to  some  little  rite  or  form ;  and,  because  of  the  multitude 


*  Tertullian,  "  De  Pi'sescrip.  Hseret."  c.  40.  See  also  Kaye's  TertuUiau, 
p.  441.  "  The  ancient  world  was  possessed  by  a  dread  of  demons,  and  under 
an  anxious  apprehension  of  the  influence  of  charms,  sought  for  external  pre- 
servatives against  the  powers  of  evil,  and  accompanied  their  prayers  with 
external  signs  and  gestures."     Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  iii.  351. 

+  See  Justin  Martyr,  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  pp.  259,  318,  and  "  Apol."  ii. 
p.  90.  Tertullian,  "  Adv.  Judseos,"  c.  10.  In  the  "  Octavius"  of  Minucius 
Felix  the  following  remarkable  passage  occurs  : — "  What  are  your  military 
ensigns,  and  banners,  and  standards,  but  crosses  gilded  and  ornamented? 
Four  trophies  of  victory  not  only  imitate  the  appearance  of  a  cross,  but  also  of 
a  man  fixed  to  it.  We  discern  the  sign  of  a  cross  in  the  very  form  of  a  ship, 
whether  it  is  wafted  along  with  swelling  sails,  or  glides  with  its  oars  extended. 
When  a  military  yoke  is  erected  there  is  a  sign  of  a  cross,  and,  in  like  manner, 
when  one  with  hands  stretched  forth  devoutly  addresses  his  God.  Thus, 
there  seems  to  be  some  reason  in  nature  for  it,  and  some  reference  to  it  in  your 
own  system  of  religion.'"  The  monogram  X,  composed  of  the  initial  Greek 
capitals  X  and  P  of  the  name  xP'o'^osj  was  in  use  among  the  heathen  long 
before  our  era.  It  is  to  be  found  on  coins  of  the  Ptolemies.  Aringhus 
"  Roma  Subterranea,"  ii.  p.  567. 


318  SIGN  OF  THE  CROSS. 

of  these  diminutive  acts  of  outward  devotion,  its  ceremo- 
nial was  at  once  frivolous  and  burdensome.  Wlien  the 
pagan  passed  into  the  Church,  he,  no  doubt,  often  felt,  for 
a  time,  the  awkwardness  of  the  change ;  and  was  frequently 
on  the  point  of  repeating,  as  it  were  automatically,  the 
gestures  of  his  old  superstition.  It  may,  therefore,  have 
been  deemed  expedient  to  supersede  more  objectionable 
forms  by  something  of  a  Christian  complexion;  and  the 
use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  here  probably  presented  itself 
as  an  observance  equally  familiar  and  convenient.""'  But 
the  disciples  would  have  acted  more  wisely  had  they  boldly 
discarded  all  the  puerilities  of  paganism ;  for  credulity  soon 
began  to  ascribe  supernatural  virtue  to  this  vestige  of  the 
repudiated  worship.  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century,  it  was  believed  to  operate  like  a  charm;  and  it 
was  accordingly  employed  on  almost  all  occasions  by  many 
of  the  Christians.  "  In  all  our  travels  and  movements,"  says 
a  writer  of  this  period,  "  as  often  as  we  come  in  or  go  out, 
when  we  put  on  our  clothes  or  our  shoes,  when  we  enter 
the  bath  or  sit  down  at  table,  when  we  light  our  candles, 
"when  we  go  to  bed,  or  recline  upon  a  couch,  or  whatever 
may  be  our  employment,  we  mark  our  forehead  with  the 
sign  of  the  cross."  t 

*  Tertullian  maintains  ("  Ad  Jud."  c.  xi.)  that  the  mark  mentioned  Ezekiel 
ix.  4  was  the  letter  T,  or  the  sign  of  the  cross.  See  a  Dissertation  on  this 
subject  by  Vitringa,  "  Observationes  Sacrae,"  Hb.  ii.  c.  15.  See  also  Origen. 
"  In  Ezechielem,"  Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  424,  and  Cyprian  to  Demetrianus,  §  12. 
IJ;  would  appear  that  the  worshijjpers  of  Apollo  used  to  mark  themselves  on 
the  forehead  with  the  letters  XH.  See  Kitto's  "  Cyclopsedia  of  Bib.  Lit." 
art.  Forehead. 

f  Tertullian,  "  De  Corona."  c.  3.  By  the  Eomans,  crosses  were  erected  in 
conspicuous  places  to  intimidate  offenders,  just  in  the  same  way  as  the  drop 
is  now  exhibited  in  the  front  of  a  jail,  litlt  is  not  improbable  that  some  of 
these  crosses  were  afterwards  worshipped  by  the  Christians !  Aringhi  men- 
tions a  stone,  to  be  seen  in  his  own  time  in  the  Vatican,  which  was  treated 
with  the  same  absurd  reverence.  On  this  stone  many  of  the  early  Christians 
were  said  to  have  suffered  martyrdom,  probably  by  decapitation  ;  but  it  was 
afterwards  held  "  in  very  great  honour  "  at  Rome,  and  regarded  as  "  a  sacred 
thing  !  "     "  Roma  Subterranea,'"  i.  219. 


IMAGES.  319 

But  whilst  not  a  few  of  the  Christians  were  beginning  to 
adopt  some  of  the  trivial  rites  of  paganism,  they  continued 
firmly  to  protest  against  its  more  flagrant  corruptions. 
They  did  not  hesitate  to  assail  its  gross  idolatry  with  bold 
and  biting  sarcasms.  "  Stone,  or  wood,  or  silver,"  said 
they,  "  becomes  a  god  when  man  chooses  that  it  should, 
and  dedicates  it  to  that  end.  AVitli  how  much  more  truth 
do  dumb  animals,  such  as  mice,  swallows,  and  kites,  judge 
of  your  gods'?  They  know  that  your  gods  feel  nothing; 
they  gnaw  them,  ^hey  trample  and  sit  on  them ;  and  if  you 
did  not  drive  them  away,  they  would  make  their  nests  in 
the  very  mouth  of  your  deity."  *  The  Church  of  the  first 
three  centuries  rejected  the  use  of  images  in  worship,  and 
no  pictorial  representations  of  the  Saviour  Avere  to  be'  found 
even  in  the  dwellings  of  the  Christians.  They  conceived 
that  such  visible  memorials  could  convey  no  idea  whatever 
of  the  ineffable  glory  of  the  Son  of  God;  and  they  held  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  His  servants  to  foster  a  spirit  of  devotion, 
not  by  the  contemplation  of  His  material  form,  but  by 
meditating  on  His  holy  and  divine  attributes  as  they  are 
exhiliited  in  creation,  providence,  and  redemption.  So 
anxious  were  they  to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of  anything 
like  image-worship,  that  when  they  wished  to  mark  articles 
of  dress  or  furniture  with  an  index  of  their  religious  profes- 
sion, they  employed  the  likeness  of  an  anchor,  or  a  dove,  or 
a  lamb,  or  a  cross,  or  some  other  object  of  an  emblematical 
character.!  "  We  must  not,"  said  they,  "  cling  to  the  sen- 
suous but  rise  to  the  spiritual.  The  familiarity  of  daily 
sight  lowers  the  dignity  of  the  divine,  and  to  pretend  to 
AA'orship  a  spiritual  essence  through  earthly  matter,  is  to 
degrade  that  essence  to  the^orld  of  sense."  J     Even  so  late 

*  Miuucius  Felix,  "  Octavius,"  c.  24.    There  is  a  similar  passage  in  Tcrtul- 
lian,  "  Apol."  c.  12. 

t  Clemens  Alexandriuus,  "  Psedagog."  iii.  Opera,  pp.  246,  247. 
+  Clemens  Alexandriuus,  "  Stromat."  v.  Opera,  p.  559. 


320  CONDEMNATION  OF  IMAGE-WORSHIP. 

as  the  beginning  of  the  fourtli  century  the  practice  of  dis- 
playing paintings  in  places  of  worship  was  prohibited  by 
ecclesiastical  authority.  A  canon  which  bears  upon  this 
subject,  and  which  was  enacted  by  the  Council  of  Elvira 
held  about  a.d.  305,  is  more  creditable  to  the  pious  zeal 
than  to  the  literary  ability  of  the  assembled  fathers.  "  We 
must  not,"  said  they,  "  have  pictures  in  the  church,  lest 
that  which  is  worshipped  and  adored  be  painted  on  the 
walls."  '" 

It  has  been  objected  to  the  Great  Eeformation  of  the 
sixteenth  century  that  it  exercised  a  prejudicial  influence 
on  the  arts  of  painting  and  statuary.  The  same  argument 
might  have  been  urged  against  the  gospel  itself  in  the  days 
of  its  original  promulgation.  Whilst  the  early  Church  en- 
tirely discarded  the  use  of  images  in  worship,  its  more 
zealous  members  looked  with  suspicion  upon  all  who  assisted 
in  the  fabrication  of  these  objects  of  the  heathen  idolatry.t 
The  excuse  that  the  artists  were  labouring  for  subsistence, 
and  that  they  had  themselves  no  idea  of  bowing  down  to 
the  works  of  their  own  hands,  did  not  by  any  means  satisfy 
the  scruples  of  their  more  consistent  and  conscientious 
brethren.  "  Assuredly,"  they  exclaimed,  "  you  are  a  wor- 
shipper of  idols  when  you  help  to  j)romote  their  worship. 
It  is  true  you  bring  to  them  no  outward  victim,  but  you 
sacrifice  to  them  your  mind.  Your  sweat  is  their  drink- 
oflering.     You  kindle  for  them  the  light  of  your  skill."  J 

By  denouncing  image-worship  the  early  Church,  no  doubt, 
to  some  extent  interfered  with  the  profits  of  the  painter  and 

*  Canon  36.  The  comment  of  tlie  Roman  Catholic  Dupin  uj^on  this  canon 
is  worthy  of  note.  "  To  me,"  says  he,  "  it  seems  better  to  understand  it  in 
the  plainest  sense,  and  to  confess  that  the  Fathers  of  this  Council  did  not 
approve  the  use  of  images,  no  more  than  that  of  wax  candles  lighted  in  full 
daylight." — History  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers,  Fourth  Century. 

t  TertuUian,  "  De  Pudicitia,"  c.  7.  But  all  were  not  so  scrupulous,  for  Ter- 
tullian  elsewhere  complains  that  the  image-makers  were  chosen  to  church 
ofl&ces.     "  De  Idololatria,"  c.  7. 

+  TertuUian,  "  De  Idololatria,"  c.  6. 


THE  THEATRE  AND  THE  GLADIATORIAL  SHOWS.    321 

the  sculptor;  but,  in  another  way,  it  did  much  to  purify  and 
elevate  the  taste  of  the  public.     In  the  second  and  third 
centuries  the  playhouse  in  every  large  town  was  a  centre  of 
attraction;  and  whilst  the  actors  were  generally  persons  of 
very  loose  morals,  their  dramatic  performances  were  per- 
petually pandering  to  the  depraved  appetites  of  the  age.     It 
is  not,  therefore,  wonderful  that  all  true  Christians  viewed 
the  theatre  with  disgust.     Its  frivolity  was  offensive  to  their 
grave  temperament;  they  recoiled  from  its  obscenity;  and 
its  constant  appeals  to  the  gods  and  goddesses  of  heathen- 
ism outraged  their  religious  convictions.*     In  their  estima- 
tion, the  talent  devoted  to  its  maintenance  was  miserably 
prostituted ;  and  whilst  every  actor  was  deemed  unworthy 
of  ecclesiastical  fellowship,  every  church  member  was  pro- 
hibited, by  attendance  or  otherwise,  from  giving  any  en- 
couragement to  the  stage.      The  early  Christians  were  also 
forbidden  to  frequent  the  public  shows,  as  they  were  con- 
sidered scenes  of  temptation  and  pollution.     Every  one  at  his 
baptism  was  required  to  renounce  "  the  devil,  his  pomp,  and 
his  angels  "t — a   declaration  which  implied  that   he  was 
henceforth  to  absent  himself  from  the  heathen  spectacles. 
At  this  time,  statesmen,  poets,  and  philosophers  were  not 
ashamed  to   appear  among  the  crowds  who  assembled  to 
witness  the  combats  of  the  gladiators,  though,  on  such  occa- 
sions, human  life  was  recklessly  sacrificed.     But  here  the 
Church,  composed  chiefly  of  the  poor  of  this  world,  was 
continually  giving  lessons  in  humanity  to  heathen  legisla- 
tors and  literati.     It  protested  against  cruelty,  as  well  to 
the  brute  creation  as  to  man;  and  condemned  the  taste 
which  could  derive  gratification  from  the  shedding  of  the 
blood  either  of  lions  or  of  gladiators.     All  who  sanctioned 

*  Cyprian,  "  Ad  Donatum,"  Opera,  p.  5. 

t  Tertidlian,  "  De  Spectaculis,"  c.  4.  According  to  the  English  Liturgy  the 
person  baptized  "  renounces  the  devil  and  all  his  works,  the  vain  pomp  and 
glory  of  the  world."  This  was  originally  intended  to  apply  to  such  exhibitions 
as  those  mentioned  in  the  text. 

X 


322  POLYGAMY. 

by  their  presence  the  sanguinary  sports  of  the  amphitheatre 
incurred  a  sentence  of  excommunication.  * 

At  this  time,  though  an  increasing  taste  for  inactivity 
and  soHtude  betokened  the  growth  of  a  bastard  Christianity, 
and  though  various  other  circumstances  were  indicative  of 
tendencies  to  adulterate  religion,  either  by  reducing  it  to  a 
system  of  formalism,  or  by  sublimating  it  into  a  life  of 
empty  contemplation,  there  were  still  abundant  proofs  of 
the  existence  of  a  large  amount  of  healthy  and  vigorous 
piety.  The  members  of  the  Church,  as  a  body,  were  distin- 
guished by  their  exemplary  morals;  and  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  third  century,  one  of  their  advocates,  when 
pleading  for  their  toleration,  could  venture  to  assert  that, 
among  the  numberless  culprits  brought  under  the  notice 
of  the  magistrates,  none  were  Christians,  t  Wherever  the 
gospel  spread,  its  social  influence  was  most  salutary.  Its 
first  teachers  applied  themselves  discreetly  to  the  redress  of 
prevalent  abuses;  and  time  gradually  demonstrated  the 
effectiveness  of  their  plans  of  reformation.  When  they 
appeared,  polygamy  was  common; J  and  had  they  assailed 
it  in  terms  of  unmeasured  severity,  they  would  have 
defeated  their  own  object  by  rousing  up  a  most  formidable 
and  exasperated  opposition.  It  would  have  been  argued 
by  the  Jews  that  they  were  reflecting  on  the  patriarchs; 
and  it  would  have  been  said  by  the  Eoman  governors  that 
they  were  interfering  with  matters  which  belonged  to  the 
province  of  the  civil  magistrate.  They  were  obliged,  there- 
^^%  fore,  to  proceed  with  extreme  caution.     In  the  first  place, 

*  Tertulliau,  "  De  Pudicitia,"  c.  7.     Theophilus  to  Autolycus,  book  iii. 

t  Tertullian  "  Apol."  c.  44.  Minucius  Felix,  in  his  "  Octavius,"  makes  a  simi- 
lar statement : — "  The  i^risons  are  crowded  with  criminals  of  your  religion,  but 
no  Christian  is  there,  unless  he  is  either  accused  on  account  of  his  faith,  or  is 
a  deserter  from  his  faith." 

X  Justin  Martyr,  in  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho  the  Jew,  says  to  him— 
"  Your  blind  and  foolish  teachers  even  to  this  day  permit  every  one  of  you  to 
h&vefour  or  Jive  wives." — Opera,  p.  363. 


INTEEMAKRIAGE  WITH  HEATHENS.  323 

they  laid  it  down  as  a  principle  that  every  bishop  and 
deacon  must  be  "the  husband  of  one  wife,"'"  or,  in  other 
words,  that  no  polygamist  could  hold  office  in  their  society. 
They  thus,  in  the  most  pointed  way,  inculcated  sound  views 
respecting  the  institution  of  marriage;  for  they  intimated 
that  whoever  was  the  husband  of  more  than  one  wife  was 
not,  in  every  respect,  "  a  pattern  of  good  works,''  and  was 
consequently  unfit  for  ecclesiastical  promotion.  In  the 
second  place,  in  all  their  discourses  they  proceeded  on  the 
assumption  that  the  union  of  one  man  and  one  woman  is 
the  divine  arrangement.t  Throughout  the  whole  of  the 
New  Testament,  Avherever  marriage  is  mentioned,  no  other 
idea  is  entertained.  It  is  easy  to  see  what  must  have  been 
the  effect  of  this  method  of  procedure.  It  soon  came  to  be 
understood  that  no  good  Christian  could  have  at  one  time 
more  than  one  wife;  and  at  length  the  polygamist  was 
excluded  from  communion  by  a  positive  enactment.  J 

Every  disciple  who  married  a  heathen  was  cut  off  from 
Church  privileges.  The  apostles  had  condemned  such  an 
alliance,  §  and  it  still  continued  to  be  spoken  of  in  terms  of 
the  strongest  reprobation.  Nothing,  it  was  said,  but  dis- 
comfort and  danger  could  be  anticipated  from  the  union; 
as  parties  related  so  closely,  and  yet  differing  so  widely  on 
the  all-important  subject  of  religion,  could  not  permanently 
hold  cordial  intercourse.  A  writer  of  this  period  has  given 
a  vivid  description  of  the  trials  of  the  female  who  made 
such  an  ill-assorted  match.  Whilst  she  is  about  to  be 
engaged  in  spiritual  exercises,  her  husband  will  probably 
contrive  some  scheme  for  her  annoyance ;  and  her  zeal  may 
be  expected  to  awaken  his  jealousy,  and  provoke  his  oppo- 
sition.    "  If  there  be  a  prayer-meeting,  the  husband  will 

*  1  Tim.  iii.  2, 12.  f  Rom.  vii.  1-3 ;  1  Cor.  vii.  2. 

X  The  Montanists,  in  their  extravagance,  insisted  that  any  one  who  con- 
tracted a  second  marriage  after  the  death  of  his  first  wife  should  be  excom- 
municated. §  2  Cor.  vi.  14. 


324  SLAVERY. 

devote  this  clay  to  the  use  of  the  bath ;  if  a  fast  is  to  be 
observed,  the  husband  has  a  feast  at  which  he  entertains 
his  friends ;  if  a  religious  ceremony  is  to  be  attended,  never 
does  household  business  fall  more  upon  her  hands.  And 
who  woidd  allow  his  wife,  for  the  sake  of  visiting  the 
brethren,  to  go  from  street  to  street  the  round  of  strange 
and  especially  of  the  poorer  class  of  cottages  '?  .  .  .  If 
a  stranger  brother  come  to  her,  what  lodging  in  an  alien  s 
house  1  If  a  present  is  to  be  made  to  any,  the  barn,  the 
storehouse  are  closed  against  her."'"' 

The  primitive  heralds  of  the  gospel  acted  with  remarkable 
prudence  in  reference  to  the  question  of  slavery.  According 
to  some  high  authorities,  bondsmen  constituted  one-half  t 
of  the  entire  population  of  the  Eoman  Empire ;  and  as  the 
new  religion  was  designed  to  promote  the  spiritual  good  of 
man,  rather  than  the  improvement  of  his  civil  or  political 
condition,  the  apostles  did  not  deem  it  expedient,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  attempt  to  break  up  established  relations.  They 
did  not  refuse  to  receive  any  one  as  a  member  of  the 
Church  because  he  happened  to  be  a  slave-owner;  neither 
did  they  reject  any  applicant  for  admission  because  he 
was  a  slave.  The  social  position  of  the  individual  did  not 
at  all  afiect  his  ecclesiastical  standing ;  for  bond  and  free  are 
"all  one  in  Christ  Jesus." J  In  the  Church  the  master  and 
the  servant  were  upon  a  footing  of  equality;  they  joined  in 
the  same  prayers;  they  sat  down,  side  by  side,  at  the  same 
communion  table;  and  they  saluted  each  other  with  the 
kiss  of  Christian  recognition.  A  slave-owner  might  belong 
to  a  congregation  of  which  his  slave  was  the  teacher;  and 
thus,  whilst  in  the  household,  the  servant  was  bound  to 
obey  his  master  according  to  the  flesh,  in  the  Church  the 

*  Tertullian,  "  Ad  Uxorem,"  ii.  4. 

t  Gibbon,  "  Decline  and  Fall,"  chap.  ii.  Some  writers,  such  as  Zumpt  and 
Merivale,  consider  this  estimate  quite  extragavant.  Others  again  think  it 
quite  too  low.  See  Schaflf's  "  History  of  the  Christian  Church,"  p.  316.  New 
York,  1859.  -  J  Gal.  iii.  28. 


SLAVERY.  325 

master  was  required  to  remember  tliat  liis  minister  was 
"wortliy  of  double  honour."'" 

The  spirit  of  the  gospel  is  pre-eminently  a  spirit  of  free- 
dom ;  but  the  inspired  founders  of  our  religion  did  not  fail 
to  remember  that  we  may  be  partakers  of  the  glorious  liberty 
of  the  children  of  God,  whilst  we  are  under  the  yoke  of 
temporal  bondage.  Whilst,  therefore,  they  did  not  hesitate 
to  speak  of  emancipation  as  a  blessing,  and  whilst  they  said 
to  the  slave — "  If  thou  mayest  be  made  free,  use  it  rather  ;"t 
they  at  the  same  time  declared  it  to  be  his  duty  to  submit 
cheerfully  to  the  restraints  of  his  present  condition.  "  Let 
every  man,"  said  they,  "  abide  in  the  same  calling  wherein 
he  was  called ;  for  he  that  is  called  in  the  Lord,  being  a 
servant,  is  the  Lord's  freeman."  J  They  were  most  careful 
to  teach  converted  slaves  that  they  were  not  to  presume 
upon  their  church  membership  ;  and  that  they  were  not  to 
be  less  respectful  and  obedient  when  those  to  whom  they 
were  in  bondage  were  their  brethren  in  the  Lord.  "  Let  as 
many  servants  as  are  under  the  yoke,"  says  the  apostle, 
"  count  their  own  masters  worthy  of  all  honour,  that  the 
name  of  God  and  his  doctrine  be  not  blasphemed.  And 
they  that  have  believing  masters,  let  them  not  despise  them, 
because  they  are  brethren,  but  rather  do  them  service,  be- 
cause they  are  faithful  and  beloved,  partakers  of  the  benefit."  § 

The  influence  of  Christianity  on  the  condition  of  the 
slave  was  soon  felt.  The  believing  master  was  more 
humane  than  his  pagan  neighbour  ;  |1  his  bearing  was  more 
gentle,  conciliatory,  and  considerate  ;  and  the  domestics 
under  his  care  were  more  comfortable.il     There  was  a  dis- 

*  Onesimus,  the  slave  mentioned  Philem.  10, 16,  probably  became  a  Christian 
minister.  f  1  Cor.  vii.  21.  %  1  Cor.  vii.  20-22.  §  1  Tim.  vi.  1,  2. 

II  Kindness  to  slaves  was  particularly  enjoined  by  the  early  Church  teachers. 
See  Cyprian,  "  Lib.  Tres.  Test.  adv.  Judeeos,"  hb.  iii.  §  72,  73. 

IT  It  is  stated  in  the  "  Octavius"  of  Minucius  Felix  that,  in  the  estimation 
of  the  heathen,  "  for  a  slave  to  be  partaker  in  certain  religious  ceremonies  la 
deemed  abominable  impiety,"  (c.  25.) 


326  CHEISTIAN  FELLOWSHIP. 

position  among  pious  slave-owners  to  let  tlie  oppressed  go 
free,  and  when  tliey  performed  such  an  act  of  mercy,  and 
both  parties  were  in  communion  with  the  Church,  the  con- 
gregation was  assembled  to  witness  the  consummation  of 
the  happy  deliverance.""'  Thus,  multitudes  of  bondsmen 
in  all  parts  of  the  Eoman  Empire  were  soon  taught  to 
regard  the  gospel  as  their  best  benefactor. 

Whilst  Christianity,  in  the  spirit  of  its  Great  Founder, 
was  labouring  to  improve  the  tone  of  public  sentiment,  and 
to  undo  heavy  burdens,  it  exhibited  other  most  attractive 
characteristics.  Wherever  a  disciple  travelled,  if  a  church 
existed  in  the  district,  he  felt  himself  at  home.  The  ecclesias- 
tical certificate  which  he  carried  along  with  him,  at  once  intro- 
duced him  to  the  meetings  of  his  co-religionists,  and  secured 
for  him  all  the  advantage  of  membership.  The  heathen  were 
astonished  at  the  cordiality  with  which  the  believers  among 
whom  they  resided  greeted  a  Christian  stranger.  He  was 
saluted  with  the  kiss  of  peace ;  ushered  into  their  assembly ; 
and  invited  to  share  the  hospitality  of  the  domestic  board. 
If  he  was  sick,  they  visited  him ;  if  he  was  in  want,  they 
made  provision  for  his  necessities.  The  poor  widows  were 
supported  at  the  expense  of  the  Church  ;  and  if  any  of  the 
brethren  were  carried  captive  by  predatory  bands  of  the 
barbarians  who  hovered  upon  the  borders  of  the  Empire, 
contributions  were  made  to  purchase  their  liberation  from 
servitude,  t  To  those  who  were  without  the  Church,  its 
members  appeared  as  one  large  and  aifectionate  family. 
The  pagan  could  not  comprehend  what  it  was  that  so  closely 
cemented  their  brotherhood  ;  for  he  did  not  understand 
how  they  could  be  attracted  to  each  other  by  love  to  a 

*  One  of  the  laws  made  by  Constantine  shortly  after  his  conversion  sanc- 
tioned the  manumission  of  slaves  on  the  Lord's  day. 

t  Thus,  on  one  occasion,  Cyprian  raised  a  contribution  of  about  £900  in 
Carthage  to  purchase  the  release  of  some  Christians  of  Numidia.  Cyprian, 
Epist.  Ix.  p.  216.  Tertullian  said  to  the  heathen,  "  Our  charity  dispenses 
more  in  every  street,  than  your  religion  in  each  temple." — Apol.  c.  42. 


BENEVOLENCE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS.  327 

common  Saviour.  He  was  almost  induced  to  believe  that 
tliey  held  intercourse  by  certain  mysterious  signs,  and  that 
they  were  affiliated  by  something  like  the  bond  of  free- 
masonry. Even  statesmen  observed  with  uneasiness  the 
S23irit  of  fraternity  which  reigned  among  the  Christians ; 
and,  though  the  disciples  could  never  be  convicted  of  any 
political  designs,  suspicions  were  often  entertained  that, 
after  all,  they  might  form  a  secret  association,  on  an  exten- 
sive scale,  which  might  one  day  prove  dangerous  to  the 
established  government. 

But  Christianity,  like  the  sun,  shines  on  the  evil  and  the 
good ;  and  opportunities  occurred  for  shewing  that  its  chari- 
ties were  not  confined  within  the  limits  of  its  own  denomina- 
tion. There  were  occasions  on  which  its  very  enemies  could 
not  well  refuse  to  admit  its  excellence ;  for  in  seasons  of  public 
distress,  its  adherents  often  signalised  themselves  as  by  far 
the  most  energetic,  benevolent,  and  useful  citizens.  At  such 
times  its  genial  philanthropy  appeared  to  singular  advan- 
tage when  contrasted  with  the  cold  and  selfish  sj^irit  of 
polytheism.  Thus,  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Gallus, 
when  a  pestilence  spread  dismay  throughout  North  Africa,'"' 
and  Avhen  the  pagans  shamefully  deserted  their  nearest 
relatives  in  the  hour  of  their  extremity,  the  Christians 
stepped  forward,  and  ministered  to  the  wants  of  the  sick 
and  dying  without  distinction.t  Some  years  afterwards, 
when  the  plague  appeared  in  Alexandria,  and  when  the 
Gentile  inhabitants  left  the  dead  unburied  and  cast  out  the 
dying  into  the  streets,  the  disciples  vied  with  each  other  in 
their  efibrts  to  alleviate  the  general  suffering.J  The  most 
worthless  men  can  scarcely  forget  acts  of  kindness  performed 
under  such  circumstances.  Forty  years  afterwards,  when 
the  Church  in  the  capital  of  Egypt  was  overtaken  by  the 

*  About  A.  D.  252. 

t  Cyprian,  "  Ad  Demetrianum,"  and  "  De  Mortalitate."    "  Vita  Cypriaui  per 
Pontium,"  c.  9.  t  Euseb.  vii.  22. 


328  SOCIAL  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  GOSPEL. 

Diocletian  persecution,  their  pagan  neighbours  concealed 
the  Christians  in  their  houses,  and  submitted  to  fines  and 
imprisonment  rather  than  betray  the  refugees."' 

The  fact  that  the  heathen  were  now  ready  to  shelter  the 
persecuted  members  of  the  Church  is  itself  of  importance 
as  a  sign  of  the  times.  When  the  disciples  first  began  to 
rise  into  notice  in  the  great  towns,  they  were  commonly 
regarded  with  aversion ;  and,  when  the  citizens  were  as- 
sembled in  thousands  at  the  national  spectacles,  no  cry  was 
more  vociferously  repeated  than  that  of  "  The  Christians  to 
the  lions."  But  this  bigoted  and  intolerant  spirit  was  fast 
passing  away  ;  and  when  the  state  now  set  on  foot  a  per- 
secution, it  could  not  reckon  so  extensively  on  the  support 
of  popular  antipathy.  The  Church  had  attained  such  a 
position  that  the  calumnies  once  repeated  to  its  prejudice 
could  no  longer  obtain  credence  ;  the  sujDerior  excellence  of 
its  system  of  morals  was  visible  to  all ;  and  it  could  point 
on  every  side  to  proofs  of  the  blessings  it  communicated. 
It  could  demonstrate,  by  a  reference  to  its  history,  that  it 
produced  kind  masters  and  dutiful  servants,  affectionate 
parents  and  obedient  children,  faithful  friends  and  bene- 
volent citizens.  On  all  classes,  whether  rich  or  poor,  learned 
or  unlearned,  its  effects  were  beneficial.  It  elevated  the 
character  of  the  working  classes,  it  vastly  improved  the 
position  of  the  wife,  it  comforted  the  afflicted,  and  it  taught 
even  senators  wisdom.  Its  doctrines,  whether  preached 
to  the  half-naked  Picts  or  the  polished  Athenians,  to  the 
fierce  tribes  of  Germany  or  the  literary  coteries  of  Alexan- 
dria, exerted  the  same  holy  and  happy  influence.  It  pro- 
mulgated a  religion  obviously  fitted  for  all  mankind.  There 
had  long  since  been  a  j)rediction  that  its  dominion  shoidd 
extend  "  from  sea  to  sea  and  from  the  river  unto  the  ends 
of  the  earth ;"  and  its  progress  already  indicated  that  the 
promise  would  receive  a  glorious  accomplishment. 

*  Athanasius,  "  Hist.  Ajrian.  acl  ]\Ionachos,"  §  64. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY. 

The  great  doctrines  of  Christianity  are  built  upon  the  facts 
of  tlie  life  of  our  Lord.  These  facts  are  related  by  the  four 
evangelists  with  singular  precision,  and  yet  with  a  variety 
of  statement,  as  to  details,  which  proves  that  each  writer 
delivered  an  independent  testimony.  The  witnesses  all 
agree  when  describing  the  wonderful  history  of  the  Captain 
of  our  Salvation;  and  they  dwell  upon  the  narrative  with 
a  minuteness  apparently  corresponding  to  the  importance  of 
the  doctrine  which  the  facts  establish  or  illustrate.  Hence 
it  is  that,  whilst  they  scarcely  notice,  or  altogether  omit, 
several  items  of  our  Saviour's  biography,  they  speak  23arti- 
cularly  of  His  birth  and  of  His  miracles,  of  His  death  and 
of  His  resurrection.  Thus,  all  the  great  facts  of  the  gospel 
are  most  amply  authenticated. 

It  is  not  so  with  the  system  of  Romanism ;  as  nothing 
can  be  weaker  than  the  historical  basis  on  which  it  rests. 
The  New  Testament  demonstrates  that  Peter  was  not  the 
Prince  of  the  Apostles ;  for  it  records  the  rebuke  which  our 
Lord  delivered  to  the  Twelve  when  they  strove  among 
themselves  "which  of  them  should  be  accounted  the 
greatest."*  It  also  supplies  evidence  that  neither  Peter 
nor  Paul  founded  the  Church  of  Rome;  as,  before  that 
Church  had  been  visited  by  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  its 
faith  was  "spoken  of  throughout  the  whole  world ;"t  and 

*  Luke  xxii.  24-26.  f  Rom.  i.  8,  13. 


330  THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME. 

the  apostle  of  tlie  circumcision  was  meanwhile  labouring 
in  another  part  of  the  Empire.  "^^  When  writing  to  the 
Romans  in  a.d.  57,  Paul  greets  many  members  of  the 
Church,  and  mentions  the  names  of  a  great  variety  of  indi- 
viduals ;t  but,  throughout  his  long  epistle,  Peter  is  not  once 
noticed.  Had  he  been  connected  with  tliat  Christian  com- 
munity, he  would,  beyond  doubt,  have  been  prominently 
recognised. 

There  is,  indeed,  a  sense  in  which  Peter  may,  perhaps,  be 
said  to  have  founded  the  great  Church  of  the  West ;  for  it 
is  possible  that  some  of  the  "  strangers  of  Rome,"|  who 
heard  his  celel3rated  sermon  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  were 
then  converted  by  his  ministry;  and  it  may  be  that  these 
converts,  on  their  return  home,  proceeded  to  disseminate  the 
truth,  and  to  organize  a  Christian  society,  in  the  chief  city 
of  the  Empire.  This,  however,  is  mere  matter  of  conjec- 
ture; and  it  is  now  useless  to  speculate  upon  the  subject; 
as,  in  the  absence  of  historical  materials  to  furnish  us  with 
information,  the  question  must  remain  involved  in  impene- 
trable mystery.  It  is  certain  that  the  Roman  Church  was 
established  long  before  it  was  visited  by  an  apostle ;  and 
it  is  equally  clear  that  its  members  were  distinguished,  at 
an  early  period,  by  their  Christian  excellence.  When  Paul 
was  prisoner  for  the  first  time  in  the  great  city,  he  was 
freely  permitted  to  exercise  his  ministry ;  but,  subsequently, 
when  there  during  the  Neronian  persecution,  he  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  current  tradition,  seized  and  put  to  death.  § 
Peter's  martyrdom  took  place,  as  we  have  seen,  ||  perhaps 
about  a  year  afterwards ;  but  the  legend  describing  it  con- 
tains very  improbable  details,  and  the  facts  have  obviously 
been  distorted  and  exaggerated. 

For  at  least  seventy  years  after  the  death  of  the  apostle  of 
the  circumcision,  nothing  whatever  is  known  of  the  history 

*  Gal.  ii.  7-9.  t  Rom.  xvi.  .3-15.  %  Acts  ii.  10. 

§  Euseb.  ii.  22.  II  Period  I.  sec.  i.  chap.  x. 


THE  EPISCOPAL  SUCCESSION.  331 

of  tlie  Eoman  Cliiircli,  except  the  names  of  some  of  its  lead- 
ing ministers.  It  was  originally  governed,  like  other  Christian 
communities,  by  the  common  council  of  the  presbyters, 
who,  as  a  matter  of  order,  must  have  had  a  chairman ;  but 
though,  about  a  hundred  years  after  the  martyrdom  of 
Peter,  wdien  the  presidents  began  to  be  designated  hisJwjJS, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  settle  their  order  of  succession,^''' 
the  result  was  by  no  means  satisfactory.  Some  of  the 
earliest  writers  who  touch  incidentally  upon  the  question  are 
inconsistent  with  themselves;!  whilst  they  flatly  contra- 
dict each  other.  J  In  fact,  to  this  day,  what  is  called  the 
episcopal  succession  in  the  ancient  Church  of  Eome  is  an 
historical  riddle.  At  first  no  one  individual  seems  to  have 
acted  for  life  as  the  president,  or  moderator,  of  the  presby- 
tery; but  as  it  was  well  known  that,  at  an  early  date, 
several  eminent  pastors  had  belonged  to  it,  the  most  distin- 
guished names  found  their  way  into  the  catalogues,  and 
each  writer  appears  to  have  consulted  his  own  taste  or 
judgment  in  regulating  the  order  of  succession.  Thus,  it 
has  probably  occurred  that  their  lists  are  utterly  irrecon- 
cileable.  All  such  genealogies  are,  indeed,  of  exceedingly 
dubious  credit,  and  those  who  deem  them  of  importance 
must  always  be  perplexed  Ijy  the  candid  acknowledgment 
of  the  father  of  ecclesiastical  history.  "  How  many,"  says 
he,  "  and  who,  prompted  by  a  kindred  spirit,  were  judged 
fit  to  feed  the  churches  established  by  the  apostles,  it  is  not 
easy  to  say,  any  farther  than  may  he  gathered  from  the 
statements  of  Paul."  § 

*  Hegesippus  seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  attempted  to  draw  up  a  list 
of  the  bishops,  or  presiding  presbyters  of  Rome.  See  Pearson's  Criticism 
on  Euseb.  iv.  22,  in  his  "  Minor  Works,"  vol,  ii.  p.  319,  Oxford,  1844;  and 
Routh's  "  Reliquiae,"  i.  pp.  270,  271. 

t  Thus,  Irenseus  (i.  27)  speaks  of  Ilyginus  as  the  ninth,  and  again  (iii.  3), 
as  the  eighth  in  succession  from  the  apostles. 

X  Thus,  Irenoeus  affirms  (iii.  3)  that  Linus  was  the  immediate  successor  of 
the  apostles,  whilst  TertuUian,  who  was  his  contemporary,  and  who  possessed 
equally  good  means  of  information,  assigns  that  position  to  Clement.  "De 
Prscscrip.  Hscret."  c.  32.  §  Euscb.  iii.  4. 


332  CHANGE  OF  POLITY. 

About  A.D.  139,  Telesphonis,  who  was  then  at  the  head  of 
the  Roman  presbytery,  is  said  to  have  been  put  to  death  for 
his  profession  of  the  gospel ;  but  the  earliest  authority  for 
this  fact  is  a  Cliristian  controversialist  who  wrote  upwards 
of  forty  years  afterwards  ; '"'  and  Ave  are  totally  ignorant 
of  all  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  martyrdom. 
The  Church  of  the  capital,  Avhich  had  hitherto  enjoyed 
internal  tranquillity,  began  in  the  time  of  Hyginus,  who 
succeeded  Telesphorus,  to  be  disturbed  by  false  teachers. 
Valentine,  Cerdo,  and  other  famous  heresiarchs,  now  ap- 
peared in  Rome;t  and  laboured  with  great  assiduity  to 
disseminate  their  principles.  The  distractions  created  by 
these  errorists  seem  to  have  suggested  the  propriety  of 
placing  additional  power  in  the  hands  of  the  'presiding  pres- 
byter. \  Until  this  period  every  teaching  elder  had  been 
accustomed  to  baptize  and  administer  the  Eucharist  on  his 
own  responsibility ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been  now  ar- 
ranged that  henceforth  none  should  act  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  president,  who  was  thus  constituted  the  centre 
of  ecclesiastical  unity.  According  to  the  previous  system, 
some  of  the  presbyters,  who  were  themselves,  perhaps, 
secretly  tainted  with  unsound  doctrine,  might  have  con- 
tinued to  hold  communion  with  the  heretics;  and  it  might 
have  been  exceedingly  difficult  to  convict  them  of  any 
direct  breach  of  ecclesiastical  law ;  but  now  their  power  was 
curtailed;  and  a  broad  line  of  demarcation  was  established 
between  true  and  false  churchmen.  Thus,  Rome  was  the 
city  in  which  what  has  been  called  the  Catholic  system  was 
first  organized.  Every  one  who  was  in  communion  with 
the  president,  or  bishop,  was  a  catholic  ;§  every  one  who 

*  Irenseus,  "  Contra  Om.  Heei*."  iii.  3,  §  3.  Bunsen  has  justly  remarked 
that,  "with  Telesphorus  the  most  obscure  period  of  the  Eoman  Church 
terminates." — Ilippolytus,  iv.  pp.  209,  210.  f  Irenteus,  iii.  4,  §  3. 

X  This  name  continued  to  be  given  to  the  Roman  bishop  until  at  least  the 
close  of  the  second  centmy.     See  Irenseus  quoted  in  Euseb.  v.  24. 

§  KadoXiKos.  See  this  subject  more  fully  illustrated  in  Period  II.  sec.  iii. 
chap.  viii. 


CHANGE  OF  POLITY.  333 

allied  himself  to  any  other  professed  teacher  of  the  Chris- 
tian faith  was  a  sectary,  a  schismatic,  or  a  heretic* 

The  study  of  the  best  forms  of  government  was  peculiarly 
congenial  to  the  Eoman  mind;  and  the  peace  enjoyed  under 
the  Empire,  as  contrasted  with  the  miseries  of  the  civil 
wars  in  the  last  days  of  the  Eepublic,  pleaded,  no  doubt, 
strongly  in  favour  of  a  change  in  the  ecclesiastical  constitu- 
tion. But  though  this  portion  of  the  history  of  the  Church 
is  involved  in  much  obscurity,  there  are  indications  that  the 
transference  of  power  from  the  presbyters  to  their  president 
was  not  accomplished  without  a  struggle.  Until  this  period 
the  Eoman  elders  appear  to  have  generally  succeeded  each 
other  as  moderators  of  presbytery  in  the  order  of  their 
seniority  ;t  but  it  was  now  deemed  necessary  to  adopt 
another  method  of  appointment ;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that,  at  this  time,  a  division  of  sentiment  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  filling  up  the  presidential  chair,  was  the  cause  of 
an  unusually  long  vacancy.  According  to  some,  no  less 
than  four  years  J  passed  away  between  the  death  of  Hy- 
ginus  and  the  choice  of  his  successor  Pius ;  and  even  those 
who  object  to  this  view  of  the  chronology  admit  that  there 
was  an  interval  of  a  twelvemonth.§  The  plan  now  adopted 
seems  to  have  been  to  choose  the  bishop  by  lot  out  of  a 
leet  of  selected  candidates. ||     Thus,  to  use  the  phraseology 

*  "Qui  absistunt  a  principali  successione,  et  quocunque  loco  colligunt, 
suspectos  habere  (oportet)  vel  quasi  hcereticos  et  malae  sententise ;  vel  quasi 
scincleutes  et  elatos  et  sibi  placentes ;  aut  rursus  ut  hypocritas,  qusestus 
gratia  et  vante  glorise  hoc  operautes."     Irenseus,  iv.  26,  §  2. 

t  See  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  vii. 

X  Blondel's  "  Apologia  pro  sententia  Hieronymi,"  p.  18.  Under  ordinary 
circumstances  the  new  president,  or  bishop,  was  often  elected  before  his  pre- 
decessor was  buried.     See  Bingham,  book  ii.  c.  xi.  §  2, 

§  See  Pearson's  "  Minor  Works,"  ii.  520. 

II  This  method  of  appointment  continued  to  be  observed  long  afterwards  in 
.some  parts  of  the  Church.  See  Bingham,  book  iv.  chap.  i.  sec.  i.  At  Alex- 
andria in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  the  presbyters  selected  three 
of  their  senior  members,  of  whom  the  people  chose  one.  Cotelerius,  ii., 
app.  p.  ISO. 


334  DISSATISFACTION  OF  POLYCAEP. 

curreiit  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century,  the  new 
chief  pastor  "  obtained  the  lot  of  the  episcopacy."  '"'■ 

The  changes  introduced  at  Rome  were  probably  far  from 
agreeable  to  many  of  the  other  Churches  throughout  the 
Empire;  and  Polycarp,  the  venerable  pastor  of  SmjT^na, 
who  was  afterwards  martyred,  and  who  was  now  nearly 
eighty  years  of  age,  appears  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
imperial  city  on  a  mission  of  remonstrance.  The  design  of 
this  remarkable  visit  is  still  enveloped  in  much  mystery, 
for  with  the  exception  of  an  allusion  to  a  question  con- 
fessedly of  secondary  consequence,!  ecclesiastical  writers 
have  passed  over  the  whole  subject  in  suspicious  silence; 
but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  Polycarp  was 
deputed  to  complain  of  the  incipient  assumptions  of  Eoman 
prelacy.^  Anicetus,  who  then  presided  over  the  Church  of 
the  capital,  prudently  bestowed  very  flattering  attentions 
on  the  good  old  Asiatic  pastor ;  and,  though  there  is  no 
evidence  that  his  scruples  were  removed,  he  felt  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  assist  in  opposing  the  corrupt  teachers  who  were 
seeking  to  propagate  their  errors  among  the  Roman  dis- 
ciples. The  testimony  to  primitive  truth  delivered  by  so 
aged  and  eminent  a  minister  produced  a  deep  impression, 
and  gave  a  decided  check  to  the  progress  of  heresy  in  the 
metropolis  of  the  Empire.  § 

But  though  the  modified  prelacy  now  established  en- 
countered opposition,  the  innovation  thus  inaugurated  in 
the  great  city  was  sure  to  exert  a  most  extensive  influence. 
Rome  was  then,  not  only  the  capital,  but  the  mistress  of  a 
large  portion  of  the  world.  She  kept  up  a  constant  com- 
munication with  every  part  of  her  dominions  in  Asia, 
Africa,  and  Europe  ;    strangers  from  almost  every  clime 

*  Toz/  Tr]s  iiTKTKOTTrii  Kkrjpov.     "  Irenseus,"  ed.  Stieren,  i.  p.  433. 
t  The  Paschal  feast.     Irenteus  admits  that  this  point  formed  only  a  subor- 
dinate topic  of  discussion.     See  Stieren's  "  Irenseus,"  i.  p.  826,  note  6. 
X  See  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  vii.  §  Euseb.  iv.  14. 


EAELY  INFLUENCE  OF  EOME.  335 

Tvere  to  be  found  among  her  teeming  population;  and 
intelliorence  of  whatever  occurred  within  her  walls  soon 
found  its  way  to  distant  cities  and  provinces.  The  Chris- 
tians in  other  countries  would  be  slow  to  believe  that  their 
brethren  at  head-quarters  had  consented  to  any  unwarrant- 
able distribution  of  Church  power,  for  they  had  hitherto 
displayed  their  zeal  for  the  faith  by  most  decisive  and 
illustrious  testimonies.  Since  the  days  of  Nero  they  had 
sustained  the  first  shock  of  every  persecution,  and  nobly  led 
the  van  of  the  army  of  martyrs.  Telesphorus,  the  chairman 
of  the  presbytery,  had  recently  paid  for  his  position  with 
his  Hfe;  their  presiding  pastor  was  always  specially  ob- 
noxious to  the  spirit  of  intolerance;  and  if  they  were 
anxious  to  strengthen  his  hands,  who  could  complain  ? 
The  Eoman  Church  had  the  credit  of  having  enjoyed  the 
tuition  of  Peter  and  Paul;  its  members  had  long  been 
distinguished  for  intelligence  and  piety;  and  it  was  not 
to  be  supposed  that  its  ministers  would  sanction  any  step 
which  they  did  not  consider  perfectly  capable  of  vindication. 
There  were  other  weighty  reasons  why  Christian  societies 
in  Italy,  as  well  as  elsewhere,  should  regard  the  acts  of  the 
Church  of  the  imperial  city  with  pecuhar  indulgence.  It 
was  the  sentinel  at  the  seat  of  government  to  give  them 
notice  of  the  approach  of  danger,'"'  and  the  kind  friend  to 
aid  them  in  times  of  difiicidty.  The  wealth  of  Eome  was 
prodigious;  and  though  as  yet  "not  many  mighty"  and 
"not  many  noble"  had  joined  the  proscribed  sect,  it  had 
been  making  way  among  the  middle  classes ;  and  there  is 
cause  to  think  that  at  this  time  a  considerable  number  of 
the  rich  merchants  of  the  capital  belonged  to  its  com- 
munion. It  was  knoAvn  early  in  the  second  century  as  a 
Hberal  benefactor;  and,  from  a  letter  addressed  to  it  about 

*  Cyprian  speaks  of  sending  messengers  to  Rome  "  to  ascertain  and  report 
as  to  any  rescript  published  respecting"  the  Christians.  "Epist.  ad  Suc- 
cessum."     The  Roman  clergy  could  at  once  supply  the  information. 


336  EOME  AND  CARTHAGE. 

A.D.  1 70,  it  would  aj^pear  that  even  the  Church  of  Corinth' 
was  then  indebted  to  its  munificence.  "  It  has  ever  been 
your  habit,"  says  the  writer,  "  to  confer  benefits  in  various 
ways,  and  to  send  assistance  to  the  Churches  in  every  city. 
You  have  relieved  the  wants  of  the  poor,  and  afforded  help 
to  the  brethren  condemned  to  the  mines.  By  a  succession 
of  these  gifts,  Romans,  you  preserve  the  customs  of  your 
Roman  ancestors."'"* 

The  influence  of  the  Roman  Church  throughout  the 
West  soon  became  conspicuous.  Here,  as  in  many  other 
instances,  commerce  was  the  pioneer  of  religion;  and  as  the 
merchants  of  the  capital  traded  with  all  the  ports  of  their 
great  inland  sea,  it  is  not  imj^robable  that  their  sailors  had 
a  share  in  achieving  some  of  the  early  triumphs  of  the 
gospel.  Carthage,  now  one  of  the  most  populous  cities  in 
the  Empire,  is  said  to  have  been  indebted  for  Christianity 
to  Rome;t  and  by  means  of  the  constant  intercourse  kept 
up  between  these  two  commercial  marts,  the  mother  Church 
contrived  to  maintain  an  ascendancy  over  her  African 
daughter.  Thus  it  was  that  certain  Romish  practices  and 
pretensions  so  soon  found  advocates  among  the  Cartha- 
ginian clergy.^  In  other  quarters  we  discover  early  indi- 
cations of  the  extraordinary  deference  paid  to  the  Church 
of  the  city  "sitting  upon  many  waters."  Towards  the 
close  of  the  second  century,  Irenseus,  a  disciple  of  Polycarp, 
was  pastor  of  Lyons;  and  from  this  some  have  rather 
abruptly  drawn  the  inference  that  the  Christian  congrega- 
tions then  existing;  in  the  south  of  France  were  established 


*  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Dionysius  of  Corinth,  preserved  in  Eusebius, 
iv.  23. 

f  Tlie  testimonies  to  this  fact  may  be  found  discussed  in  MUnter's  "  Pri- 
mordia  Ecclesise  Africanse,"  p.  10.  Herodian,  who  flourished  in  the  third 
century,  speaks  of  Carthage  as  the  next  city  after  Eome  in  size  and  wealth. 
Lib.  vii.  6. 

X  In  this  way  we  may  readily  account  for  various  statements  in  Tertullian 
and  Cyprian, 


IREN.EUS  AND  THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME.  337 

by  missionaries  from  the  East;  but  it  is  at  least  equally 
probable  that  the  young  minister  from  Asia  Minor  was  in 
Kome  before  he  passed  to  the  more  distant  Gaul ;  and  it  is 
certain  that  he  is  the  first  father  who  speaks  of  the  superior 
importance  of  the  Church  of  the  Italian  metropolis.  His 
testimony  to  the  position  which  it  occupied  about  eighty 
years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John  shews  clearly 
that  it  stood  already  at  the  head  of  the  Western  Churches. 
Tlie  Church  of  Rome,  says  he,  is  "very  great  and  very 
ancient,  and  known  to  all,  founded  and  established  by  the 
two  most  glorious  Apostles  Peter  and  PauL'"''  "To  this 
Church  in  which  Catholics  f  have  always  preserved  apos- 
tolic tradition,  every  Catholic  Church  should,  because  it  is 
more  potentially  apostolical,J  repair."  § 

The  term  Catholic,  which  occurs  for  the  first  time  in  a 
document  written  about  this  period,  II  was  probably  coined 
at  Rome,  and  implied,  as  already  intimated,  that  the  indi- 
vidual so  designated  was  in  communion  with  the  bishop. 
The  presiding  pastors  in  the  great  city  began  now,  in  token 
of  fraternity  and  recognition,  to  send  the  Eucharist  to  their 
brethren  elsewhere  by  trusty  messengers,  H  and  thus  the 
name  was  soon  extended  to  all  who  maintained  ecclesiastical 
relations  with  these  leading  ministers.  Sectaries  were 
almost  always  the  minority;    and  in  many  places,  where 

*  We  here  see  how  a  father  who  wrote  so  soon  after  the  apostolic  age, 
bhmders  egregiously  respecting  the  history  of  the  Apostohc  Church. 

t  So  I  miclerstand  "  his  qui  sunt  undique."  See  Wordsworth's  "  Hippoly- 
tus,"  p.  200.  AVe  have  tlius  a  remarkable  proof  that  the  word  catholic  was 
not  in  use  when  Irenajus  wrote,  for  he  here  expresses  the  idea  by  a  circum- 
locution. :|:  "  Propter  potentiorem  principalitatem." 

§  Irenasus  iii.  3.  See  on  this  passage  Gieseler,  by  Cunningham,  i.  97,  note. 
See  also  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

II  The  circular  letter  relating  to  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp  quoted  in 
Euseb.  iv.  15.  It  was  probably  written  a  considerable  time  after  the  death 
of  the  martyr,  as  it  speaks  of  the  way  in  which  his  memory  was  cherished 
when  it  was  drawn  up.  §  19.  As  it  uses  the  word  catholic  it  must  have  been 
written  after  the  appearance  of  the  work  of  Irenajus. 

H  Irenteus  quoted  in  Euseb.  v.  24.     See  Period  11,  sec.  iii.  chap.  viii. 
Y 


338  AUTHORITY  OF  ROMAN  TRADITIONS. 

Christianity  was  planted,  tliey  were  utterly  unknown. 
The  orthodox  might,  therefore,  not  inappropriately  be  styled 
members  of  the  Catholic  or  general  Church,  inasmuch  as 
they  formed  the  bulk  of  the  Christian  population,  and  were 
to  be  found  wherever  the  new  relioion  had  made  converts. 
And  though  the  heretics  pleaded  tradition  in  support  of 
their  peculiar  dogmas,  it  was  clear  that  their  statements 
could  not  stand  the  test  of  examination.  Irenseus,  in  the 
work  from  which  the  words  just  quoted  are  extracted,  very 
fairly  argues  that  no  such  traditions  as  those  propagated  by 
the  sectaries  were  to  be  found  in  the  most  ancient  and 
respectable  Churches.  No  Christian  community  in  "Western 
Europe  could  claim  higher  antiquity  than  that  of  Kome ; 
and  as  it  had  been  taught  by  Paul  and  Peter,  none  could  be 
supposed  to  be  better  acquainted  with  the  original  gospel. 
Because  of  its  extent  it  abeady  required  a  larger  staff  of 
ministers  than  perhaps  any  other  Church;  and  thus  there 
were  a  greater  number  of  individuals  to  quicken  and  correct 
each  other's  recollections.  It  might  be  accordingly  inferred 
that  the  traditions  of  surrounding  Christian  societies,  if 
true,  should  correspond  to  those  of  Eome;  as  the  great 
metropolitan  Church  might,  for  various  reasons,  be  said  to 
be  more  potentially  primitive  or  apostolical,  and  as  its  tra- 
ditions might  be  expected  to  be  particularly  accurate.  The 
doctrines  of  the  heretics,  which  were  completely  opposed  to 
the  testimony  of  this  important  witness,  should  be  discarded 
as  entirely  destitute  of  authority. 

AVe  can  only  conjecture  the  route  by  which  Irenseus 
travelled  to  the  south  of  France  when  he  first  set  out  from 
Asia  Minor  ;  but  we  have  direct  evidence  that  he  had  paid 
a  visit  to  the  capital  shortly  before  he  wrote  this  memo- 
rable eulogium  on  the  Eoman  Church.  About  the  close  of 
the  dreadful  persecution  endured  in  a.d.  177  by  the  Chris- 
tians of  Lyons  and  Vienne,  he  had  been  commissioned  to 
repair  to  Italy  with  a  view  to  a  settlement  of  the  disputes 


MARCIA  AND  YICTOR.  339 

created  by  the  appearance  of  the  Montanists.  As  he  was 
furnished  with  very  comphmentary  credentials,''"  we  may 
presume  that  he  was  handsomely  treated  by  his  friends  in 
the  metropolis ;  and  if  he  returned  home  laden  with  pre- 
sents to  disciples  whose  sufferings  had  recently  so  deeply 
moved  the  sympathy  of  their  brethren,  it  is  not  strange 
that  he  gracefully  seized  an  opportunity  of  extolling  the 
Church  to  which  he  owed  such  obligations.  His  account 
of  its  greatness  is  obviously  the  inflated  language  of  a  pane- 
gyrist ;  but  in  due  time  its  h}^3erbolic  statements  received 
a  still  more  extravagant  interpretation  ;  and,  on  the  autho- 
rity of  this  ancient  father,  the  Church  of  Eome  was  pomp- 
ously announced  as  the  mistress  and  the  mother  of  all 
Churches. 

It  has  been  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter t  that  the 
celebrated  Marcia  who,  until  shortly  before  his  death,  pos- 
sessed almost  absolute  control  over  the  Emperor  Com- 
modus,  made  a  profession  of  the  faith.  Her  example,  no 
doubt,  encouraged  other  personages  of  distinction  to  con- 
nect themselves  with  the  Roman  Church ;  and,  through  the 
medium  of  these  members  of  his  flock,  the  bishop  Eleuthe- 
rius  must  have  had  an  influence  such  as  none  of  his  pre- 
decessors possessed.  It  is  beyond  doubt  that  Marcia,  after 
consulting  with  Victor,  the  successor  of  Eleutherius,  induced 
the  Emperor  to  perform  acts  of  kindness  to  some  of  her  co- 
religionists. J  The  favour  of  the  court  seems  to  have  pufi'ed 
up  the  spirit  of  this  naturally  haughty  churchman;  and 
though,  as  we  have  seen,  there  is  cause  to  suspect  that  cer- 
tain ecclesiastical  movements  in  the  chief  city  had  long- 
before  excited  much  ill-suppressed  dissatisfaction,  the  Chris- 
tian commonwealth  was  now  startled  for  the  first  time  by 
a  very  flagrant  exhibition  of  the  arrogance  of  a  Eoman 

*  We  have  an  extract  from  them  iu  Euseb.  v.  4. 

t  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  296. 

:!;  Ilippolytiis,  "  Ilefut.  Om.  Ilcerejj."  book  \x. 


340  VICTOR. 

prelate.*  Because  the  Cliurclies  of  Asia  Minor  celebrated 
the  Paschal  feast  in  a  way  different  from  that  observed  in 
the  metropolis,  t  Victor  cut  them  off  from  his  communion. 
But  this  attempt  of  the  bishop  of  the  great  city  to  act  as 
lord  over  God's  heritage  was  premature.  Other  churches 
condemned  the  rashness  of  his  procedure ;  his  refusal  to  hold 
fellowship  with  the  Asiatic  Christians  threatened  only  to 
isolate  himself;  and  he  seems  to  have  soon  found  it  expe- 
dient to  cultivate  more  pacific  councils. 

At  this  time  the  jurisdiction  of  Victor  did  not  properly 
extend  beyond  the  few  ministers  and  congregations  to  be 
found  in  the  imperial  city.  A  quarter  of  a  century  after- 
wards even  the  bishop  of  Portus,  a  seaport  town  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber  about  fifteen  miles  distant  from  the 
capital,  acknowledged  no  allegiance  to  the  Eoman  j^relate.J 
The  boldness  of  Victor  in  pronouncing  so  many  foreign 
brethren  unworthy  of  Catholic  communion  may  at  first, 
therefore,  ap23ear  unaccountable.  But  it  is  probable  that 
he  acted,  in  this  instance,  in  conjunction  with  many  other 
pastors.  Among  the  Churches  of  Gentile  origin  there  was  a 
deep  prejudice  against  what  was  considered  the  judaizing 
of  the  Asiatic  Christians  in  relation  to  the  Paschal  festival, 
and  a  strong  impression  that  the  character  of  the  Church 
was  compromised  by  any  very  marked  diversity  in  its  reli- 
gious observances.  There  is,  however,  little  reason  to  doubt 
that  Victor  was  to  some  extent  prompted  by  motives  of  a 
different  complexion.     Fifty  years  before,  the  remarkable 

*  This  probably  occurred  early  in  the  reign  of  Sei^timius  Severns,  who  at 
first  is  said  to  have  been  very  favourable  to  the  Church.  Shortly  before, 
many  in  Rome  of  great  wealth  and  eminent  station  had  become  Christians. — 
Euseb.  V.  c.  21. 

■f  See  a  more  minute  account  of  this  controversy  in  Period  II.  sec.  iii. 
chap.  xii. 

J  This  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  Hippolytus  is  scarcely  willing  to  recog- 
nise some  of  the  Roman  bishops,  his  contemporaries.  But  meanwhile  both 
parties  probably  belonged  to  the  same  synod.  Hippolytus  seems  to  have  been 
the  leader  of  a  formidable  opposition. 


THE  SUCCESSOR  OF  PETEE.  341 

Avords  addressed  to  the  apostle  of  the  circumcision — "  Thou 
art  Peter,  and  ujDon  this  Rock  I  will  build  my  Church"'''" — 
were  interpreted  at  Eome  in  the  way  in  which  they  are 
now  understood  commonly  by  Protestants;  for  the  brother 
of  the  Eoman  bishop  Pius,t  writing  about  a.d.  150,  teaches 
that  the  Rock  on  which  the  Church  is  built  is  the  Son  of 
God; J  but  ingenuity  was  already  beginning  to  discover 
another  exposition,  and  the  growing  importance  of  the 
Roman  bishopric  suggested  the  startling  thought  that  the 
Church  was  built  on  Peter!  §  The  name  of  the  Galilean 
fisherman  was  already  connected  with  the  see  of  Victor; 
and  it  was  thus  easy  for  ambition  or  flattery  to  draw  the 
inference  that  Victor  himself  was  in  some  way  the  heir  and 
representative  of  the  great  apostle.  The  doctrine  that  the 
bishop  was  necessary  as  the  centre  of  Catholic  unity  had 
already  gained  currency ;  and  if  a  centre  of  unity  for  the 
whole  Church  was  also  indispensable,  who  had  a  better  claim 
to  the  pre-eminence  than  the  successor  of  Peter  1  When 
Victor  fulminated  his  sentence  of  excommunication  against 
the  Asiatic  Christians  he  probably  acted  under  the  partial 


*  Matt.  xvi.  18. 

t  See  the  Muratorian  fragment  iu  Bunsen's  "  Analecta  Ante-Nicsena,"  i. 
154,  155.  This,  according  to  Buusen,  is  a  fragment  of  a  work  of  Hegesippus, 
and  written  about  a.d.  165.     Hippolytus,  i.  314. 

X  "  Hermte  Pastor,"  lib.  iii.  simih  ix.  §  12-14.  "  Petra  htec  ....  Fihus 
Dei  est.  .  .  ,  Quid  est  deinde  hasc  turris  ?  Haec,  iuquit,  ecclesia  est.  .  .  . 
Demonstra  mihi  quare  non  in  terra  sedificatur  hajc  turris,  sed  supra  petram." 

§  TertuUian,  "De  Prpescrip."  xxii.  "  Latuit  ahquid  Petrum  sedificanda;  eccle- 
siaj  petram  dictum  1 "  Tei'tiUlian  here  speaks  of  the  doctrine  as  ah-eady  current. 
Even  after  he  became  a  Montanist,  he  still  adhered  to  the  same  interpreta- 
tion— "  Petrum  solum  invenio  maritum,  per  socrum  ;  monogamuna  prsesumo 
jaer  ecclesiam,  quce  super  illuvi  cedijicata  omnem  gradum  ordinis  sui  de  mono- 
gamis  erat  coUocatura." — De  Monogamia,  c.  viii.  Again,  in  another  IMontanist 
tract,  he  says — "  Qualis  es,  evertens  atque  commutans  manifestam  domini 
iutentionem  personaliter  hoc  Petro  confereutem  ?  Super  te,  inquit,  cedijicabo 
ecclesiam  meam" — De  Pudieitia,  c.  xxi.  See  also  "  De  Preescrip."  c.  xxii.  Ac- 
cording to  Origen  every  believer,  as  well  as  Peter,  is  the  foundation  of  the 
Church.  "  Contra  Celsum,"  vi.  77.  See  also  "  Comment,  in  Matthocum  xii.," 
Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  524,  52(j. 


842  THE  CATHOLIC  UNITY. 

inspiration  of  this  novel  theory.  He  made  an  abortive 
attempt  to  speak  in  tlie  name  of  the  whole  Church — to 
assert  a  position  as  the  representative  or  president  of  all  the 
bishops  of  the  Catholic  world* — and  to  carry  out  a  new 
system  of  ecclesiastical  unity.  The  experiment  was  a 
failure,  simply  because  the  idea  looming  in  the  imagination 
of  the  Eoman  bishop  had  not  yet  obtained  full  possession 
of  the  mind  of  Christendom. 

Prelacy  had  been  employed  as  the  cure  for  Church  divi- 
sions, but  the  remedy  had  proved  worse  than  the  disease. 
Sects  meanwhile  continued  to  multiply;  and  they  were, 
perhaps,  nowhere  so  abundant  as  in  the  very  city  where 
the  new  machinery  had  been  first  set  up  for  their  suppres- 
sion. Towards  the  close  of  the  second  century  their  multi- 
tude was  one  of  the  standing  reproaches  of  Christianity. 
What  w^as  called  the  Catholic  Church  was  now  on  the  brink 
of  a  great  schism ;  and  the  very  man,  who  aspired  to  be  the 
centre  of  Catholic  unity,  threatened  to  be  the  cause  of  the 
disruption.  It  was  becoming  more  and  more  apparent 
that,  when  the  presbyters  consented  to  surrender  any  por- 
tion of  their  privileges  to  the  bishop,  they  betrayed  the 
cause  of  ecclesiastical  freedom;  and  even  now  indications 
were  not  wanting  that  the  Catholic  system  was  likely  to 
degenerate  into  a  spiritual  despotism. 

*  See  this  subject  more  fully  explained  in  Period  IT.  sec.  iii.  cli.  viii. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME  IN  THE  THIRD  CENTURY. 

Though  very  few  of  tlie  genuine  productions  of  tlie 
ministers  of  the  ancient  Church  of  Rome  are  still  extant, ^^' 
multitudes  of  spurious  epistles  attributed  to  its  early 
bishops  have  been  carefully  j)reserved.  It  is  easy  to 
account  for  this  apparent  anomaly.  The  documents  now 
known  as  the  false  Decretals,t  and  ascribed  to  the  Popes 
of  the  first  and  immediately  succeeding  centuries,  were 
suited  to  the  taste  of  times  of  ignorance,  and  were  then 
peculiarly  grateful  to  the  occupants  of  the  Roman  see.  As 
evidences  of  its  original  superiority  they  were  accordingly 
transmitted  to  posterity,  and  ostentatiously  exhibited  among 
the  papal  title-deeds.  But  the  real  compositions  of  the 
primitive  pastors  of  the  great  city  supplied  little  food  for 
superstition ;  and  must  have  contained  startling  and  humi- 
liating revelations  which  laid  bare  the  absurdity  of  claims 
subsecfiiently  advanced.  These  unwelcome  witnesses  were, 
therefore,  quietly  permitted  to  pass  into  oblivion. 

It  has  been  said,  however,  that  Truth  is  the  daughter  of 

*  Even  the  letters  of  Victor,  which,  created  such  a  sensation  throughout  the 
Church,  are  not  forthcoming.  See  Pearson's  "  Vindicise  Ignatianae,"  pars  2, 
cap.  13,  as  to  the  spuriousness  of  those  imputed  to  him. 

t  They  extend  from  Clement,  who,  according  to  some  lists,  was  the  first 
Pope,  to  Syricius,  who  was  made  Bishop  of  Rome  a.d.  384.  All  candid  wi-iters, 
whether  Romanists  or  Protestants,  now  acknowledge  them  to  be  forgeries. 
They  may  be  found  in  "  Binii  Concilia."  They  made  their  appearance,  for  the 
first  time,  about  the  eighth  century. 


344  HIPPOLYTUS. 

Time,  and  tlie  discovery  of  monuments  long  since  forgotten, 
or  of  writings  supposed  to  have  been  lost,  has  often  wonder- 
fully verified  and  illustrated  the  apologue.  The  reappear- 
ance, within  the  last  three  hundred  years,  of  various  ancient 
records  and  memorials,  has  shed  a  new  light  upon  the  his- 
tory of  antiquity.  Other  testimonies  equally  valuable  will, 
no  doubt,  yet  be  forthcoming  for  the  settlement  of  existing 
controversies. 

In  A.D.  1551,  as  some  workmen  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Kome  were  employed  in  clearing  away  the  ruins  of  a  dilapi- 
dated chapel,  they  found  a  broken  mass  of  sculptured 
marble  among  the  rubbish.  The  fragments,  when  put 
together,  proved  to  be  a  statue  representing  a  person  of 
venerable  aspect  sitting  in  a  chair,  on  the  back  of  which 
were  the  names  of  various  publications.  It  was  ascertained, 
on  more  minute  examination,  that,  some  time  after  the 
establishment  of  Christianity  by  Constantine,'"'  this  monu- 
ment had  been  erected  in  honour  of  Hippolytus — a  learned 
writer  and  able  controversialist,  who  had  been  bishop  of 
Portus  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century,  and  who  had 
finished  his  career  by  martyrdom,  about  a.d.  236,  during 
the  persecution  under  the  Emperor  Maximin.  Hippolytus 
is  commemorated  as  a  saint  in  the  Eomish  Breviary ;  t  and 
the  resurrection  of  his  statue,  after  it  had  been  buried  for 
perhaps  a  thousand  years,  created  quite  a  sensation  among 
his  papal  admirers.  Experienced  sculptors,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Pontifi",  Pius  IV.,  restored  the  fragments  to 
nearly  their  previous  condition;  and  the  renovated  statue 
was  then  duly  honoured  with  a  place  in  the  Library  of  the 
Vatican. 

Nearly  three  hundred  years  afterwards,  or  in  1842,  a 
manuscript  which  had  been  found  in  a  Greek  monastery  at 
Mount  Athos,  was  deposited  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris. 

*  This  is  the  date  assigned  to  its  erection  by  Bunsen,  bnt  Dr  Wordsworth 
argues  that  it  was  erected  earUer.  t  22d  August. 


HirroLYTUS.  345 

This  work,  which  has  been  since  published,''^  and  wliich  is 
entitled  "  Philosophumena,  or  a  Kefiitation  of  all  Here- 
sies," has  been  identified  as  the  production  of  Hippolytus. 
It  does  not  appear  in  the  list  of  his  writings  mentioned  on 
the  back  of  the  marble  chair;  but  any  one  who  inspects  its 
contents  can  satisfactorily  account  for  its  exclusion  from 
that  catalogue.  It  reflects  strongly  on.  the  character  and 
principles  of  some  of  the  early  Eoman  bishops;  and  as  the 
Papal  see  was  fast  rising  into  power  when  the  statue  was 
erected,  it  was  obviously  deemed  prudent  to  omit  an  invi- 
dious pulilication.  The  writer  of  the  "  Philosophumena " 
declares  that  he  is  the  author  of  one  of  the  books  named  on 
that  piece  of  ancient  sculjoture,  and  various  other  facts 
amply  corroborate  his  testimony.  There  is,  therefore,  no 
good  reason  to  doubt  that  a  Christian  bishop  who  lived 
about  fifteen  miles  from  Eome,  and  who  flourished  little 
more  than  one  hundred  years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle 
John,  composed  the  newly  discovered  Treatise.t 

In  accordance  with  the  title  of  his  work,  Hippolytus  here 
reviews  aU  the  heresies  which  had  been  broached  up  till  the 
date  of  its  publication.  Long  prior  to  the  reapj^earance  of 
this  production,  it  was  known  that  one  of  the  early  Eoman 
bishops  had  been  induced  to  countenance  the  errors  of  the 
]\Iontanists ;  ].  and  it  would  seem  that  Victor  was  the  indi- 
vidual who  was  thus  deceived ;  §  but  it  had  not  been  before 
suspected  that  Zephyrinus  and  Callistus,  the  two  1)isho23s 
next  to  him  in  succession,  ||  held  unsound  views  respecting 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  Such,  however,  is  the  testi- 
mony of  their  neighbour  and  contemporary,  the  bishop  of 

*  The  first  edition  appeared  at  Oxford  in  1851,  exactly  three  hundred  years 
after  the  discovery  of  the  statue. 

+  This  point  has  been  fully  established  by  Bunsen  and  Wordsworth. 

X  This  is  expressly  stated  by  Tertullian,  "  Adversus  Praxeam,"  c.  i. 

§  See  Bower's  "  History  of  the  Popes."     Victor,  13th  Bishop. 

II  AccortUng  to  the  commonly  received  chronology,  Victor  occupied  the 
papal  chair  from  a.d.  192  to  a.d.  201 ;  Zephyrinus  from  a.d.  201  to  a.d.  219  ; 
and  CaUistus  from  a.d.  219  to  A.D.  223. 


346  CALLISTUS. 

Portus.  The  witness  may,  indeed,  be  somewhat  fastidious, 
as  he  was  himself  both  erudite  and  eloquent ;  but  had  there 
not  been  some  glaring  deficiency  in  both  the  creed  and  the 
character  of  the  chief  pastor  of  Kome,  Hippolytus  would 
scarcely  have  described  Zephyrinus  as  "  an  illiterate  and 
covetous  man," """  "  unskilled  in  ecclesiastical  science,"  +  and 
a  disseminator  of  heretical  doctrine.  According  to  the 
statement  of  his  accuser,  he  confounded  the  First  and 
Second  Persons  of  the  Godhead,  maintaining  the  identity 
of  the  Father  and  the  Son.J 

Callistus,  who  was  made  bishop  on  the  death  of  Zephy- 
rinus, must  have  possessed  a  far  more  vigorous  intellect 
than  his  predecessor.  Though  regarded  by  the  orthodox 
Hippolytus  with  no  friendly  eye,  it  is  plain  that  he  was 
endowed  with  an  extraordinary  share  of  energy  and  perse- 
verance. He  had  been  originally  a  slave,  and  he  must  have 
won  the  confidence  of  his  wealthy  Christian  master  Carpo- 
phorus,  for  he  had  been  intrusted  by  him  with  the  care  of 
a  savings  bank.  The  establishment  became  insolvent,  in 
consequence,  as  Hippolytus  alleges,  of  the  mismanagement 
of  its  conductor;  and  many  widows  and  others  who  had 
committed  their  money  to  his  keeping,  lost  their  deposits. 
When  Carpophorus,  by  whom  he  was  now  suspected  of 
embezzlement,  determined  to  call  him  to  account,  Callistus 
fled  to  Portus — in  the  hope  of  escaping  by  sea  to  some  other 
country.  He  was,  however,  overtaken,  and,  after  an  ineffec- 
tual attempt  to  drown  himself,  was  arrested,  and  thrown 
into  prison.  His  master,  who  was  placable  and  kind-hearted, 
speedily  consented  to  release  him  from  confinement ;  but  he 
was  no  sooner  at  large,  than,  under  pretence  of  collecting 
debts  due  to  the  savings  bank,  he  went  into  a  JeA\nsh  syna- 
gogue during  the  time  of  public  worship,  and  caused  such 

*  ciuBpos  rSioorou  Koi  aL(TXpoK€p8ovs. 
t  ('meipov  Ta>v  eKK\r)(Tia(TTiKa>v  opav. 
+  "  Philosopliumena,"  book  ix. 


ZEPHYrJNUS  AND  CALLISTUS.  347 

distiu'bance  that  he  was  seized  and  dragged  before  the  city- 
prefect.  The  magistrate  ordered  him  first  to  be  scourged, 
and  then  to  be  transported  to  the  mines  of  Sardinia.  He 
does  not  appear  to  have  remained  long  in  exile;  for,  about 
this  time,  Marcia  procured  from  the  Emperor  Commodus 
an  order  for  the  release  of  the  Christians  who  had  been 
banished  to  that  unhealthy  island;  and  Callistus,  though 
not  included  in  the  act  of  grace,  contrived  to  prevail  upon 
the  governor  to  set  him  at  liberty  along  with  the  other  pri- 
soners. He  now  returned  to  Eome,  where  he  appears  to 
have  acquired  the  reputation  of  a  changed  character.  In 
due  time  he  procured  an  appointment  to  one  of  the  lower 
ecclesiastical  offices;  and  as  he  possessed  much  talent,  he 
did  not  find  it  difficult  to  obtain  promotion.  When  Zephy- 
rinus  was  advanced  to  the  episcopate,  Callistus,  who  was 
his  special  favourite,  became  one  of  the  leading  ministers  of 
the  Eoman  Church;  and  exercised  an  almost  unbounded 
sway  over  the  mind  of  the  superficial  and  time-serving 
bishop.  The  Christians  of  the  chief  city  were  now  split  up 
into  parties,  some  advocating  the  orthodox  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  and  others  abetting  a  different  theory.  Callistus 
appears  to  have  dexterously  availed  himself  of  their  divi- 
sions; and,  by  inducing  each  faction  to  believe  that  he 
espoused  its  cause,  managed,  on  the  death  of  ZephjTinus, 
to  secure  his  election  to  the  vacant  dignity. 

When  Callistus  had  attained  the  object  of  his  ambition, 
he  tried  to  restore  peace  to  the  Church  l^y  endeavouring  to 
persuade  the  advocates  of  the  antagonistic  principles  to 
make  mutual  concessions.  Laying  aside  the  reserve  which 
he  had  hitherto  maintained,  he  now  took  up  an  intermediate 
position,  in  the  hope  that  both  parties  woidd  accept  his  own 
theory  of  the  Godhead.  "  He  invented,"  says  Hippolytus, 
"  such  a  heresy  as  follows.  He  said  that  the  AVord  is  the 
Son  and  is  also  the  Father,  being  called  by  difierent  names, 
but  being  one  indivisible  spirit;  and  that  the  Father  is  not 


348  CALLISTUS. 

one  and  the  Son  another  (person),  but  that  they  both  are 

one  and  the  same The  Father,  having  taken  human 

flesh,  deified  it  by  uniting  it  to  Himself, and  so  he 

said  that  the  Father  had  suffered  with  the  Son." ""' 

Though  Calhstus,  as  well  as  Hippolytus,  is  recognised  as 
a  saint  in  the  Romish  Breviary ,t  it  is  thus  certain  that  the 
bishop  of  Portus  regarded  the  bishop  of  Rome  as  a  schemer 
and  a  heretic.  It  is  equally  clear  that,  at  this  period,  all 
bishops  were  on  a  level  of  equahty,  for  Hippolytus,  though 
the  pastor  of  a  town  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  chief  city, 
did  not  acknowledge  Callistus  as  his  metropolitan.  The 
bishop  of  Portus  describes  himself  as  one  of  those  who  are 
"successors  of  the  apostles,  partakers  with  them  of  the 
same  grace  both  of  principal  priesthood  and  doctorship,  and 
reckoned  among  the  guardians  of  the  Church."  |  Hippoly- 
tus testifies  that  Callistus  was  afraid  of  him,§  and  if  both 
were  members  of  the  same  synod,  ||  well  might  the  heterodox 
prelate  stand  in  awe  of  a  minister  who  possessed  co-ordinate 
authority,  with  greater  honesty  and  superior  erudition. 
But  still,  it  is  abundantly  plain,  from  the  admissions  of  the 
"  Philosophumena,"  that  the  bishop  of  Rome,  in  the  time  of 
the  author  of  this  treatise,  was  beginning  to  presume  upon 
his  position.  Hippolytus  complains  of  his  irregularity  in 
receiving  into  his  communion  some  who  had  been  "cast 
out  of  the  Church "  of  Portus  "  after  judicial  sentence."  IT 
Had  the  bishop  of  the  harbour  of  Rome  been  subject  to  the 
bishop  of  the  capital,  he  would  neither  have  expressed 
himself  in  such  a  style,  nor  preferred  such  an  accusation. 

*  "  Philosopliumena,"  book  ix.  t  14tli  October. 

X  "  Philosophumena,"  book  i.,  prooemium.  §  SeSotxcby  efxe. 

II  Bunsen  describes  Hippolytus  as  "a  member  of  the  Roman  presbytery" 
("  Hiiipolytus,"  i.  313),  but  he  is  here  evidently  mistaken.  Hippolytus  was  at 
the  head  of  a  presbytery  of  his  own,  the  presbytery  of  Portus.  The  pres- 
bytery of  Rome  was  confined  to  the  elders  or  presbyters  of  that  city.  The 
presbyter  Hippolytus  mentioned  by  some  ancient  writers  seems  to  have  been 
a  quite  different  j^erson  from  the  bishop  of  Portus. 

"TI  "  Philosophumena,"  book  ix. 


FABIAN.  349 

Various  circumstances  indicate,  as  has  already  l3een 
suggested,  that  the  bishop  of  Eome,  in  the  time  of  the 
Antonines,  was  chosen  by  lot ;  but  we  may  infer  from  the 
"  Philosophumena  "  tliat,  early  in  the  third  century,  another 
mode  of  appointment  had  been  adopted/"'  It  is  obvious 
that  he  now  owed  his  advancement  to  the  suffrages  of  the 
Church  members,  for  Hippolytus  hints  very  broadly  that 
Callistus  pursued  a  particular  course  with  a  view  to  pro- 
mote his  popularity  and  secure  his  election.  It  is  beyond 
doubt  that,  about  a.d.  236,  Fabian  was  chosen  bishop  of 
Rome  by  the  votes  of  the  whole  brotherhood,  and  there  is 
on  record  a  minute  account  of  certain  extraordinary  cir- 
cumstances which  signalised  the  occasion.  "  When  all  the 
brethren  had  assembled  in  the  church  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  their  future  bishop,  and  when  the  names  of  many 
worthy  and  distinguished  men  had  suggested  themselves  to 
the  consideration  of  the  multitude,  no  one  so  much  as 
thought  of  Fabian  who  was  then  present.  They  relate, 
however,  that  a  dove  gliding  down  from  the  roof,  straight- 
way settled  on  his  head,  as  when  the  Holy  Spirit,  like  a 
dove,  rested  upon  the  head  of  our  Saviour.  On  this,  the 
whole  people,  as  if  animated  by  one  divine  impulse,  with 
great  eagerness,  and  with  the  utmost  unanimity,  exclaimed 
that  he  was  worthy;  and,  taking  hold  of  him,  placed  him 
forthwith  on  the  bishop's  chair."  t 

Some  time  after  the  resurrection  of  the  statue  of  Hippo- 
lytus, another  revelation  was  made  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Rome  which  has  thrown  much  light  upon  its  early  ecclesi- 
astical history.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
the  unusual  appearance  of  some  apertures  in  the  ground, 
not  far  from  the  Papal  capital,  awakened  curiosity,  and  led 

*  It  is  probable  tbat  the  bishop  was  at  first  chosen  by  lot  out  of  a  leet  of 
three  selected  by  the  presbytery  from  among  its  members.  (See  preceding 
chapter,  p.  333,  note.)  An  appointment  was  now  made  out  of  this  leet  of 
three,  not  by  lot,  but  by  popular  suftVage. 

t  Euseb.  vi.  29. 


0.50  THE  CATACOMBS. 

to  the  discovery  of  dark  subterranean  passages  of  immense 
extent  filled  with  monuments  and  inscriptions.  These 
dismal  regions,  after  having  been  shut  up  for  about  eight 
hundred  years,  were  then  again  re-opened  and  re-explored. 
The  soil  for  miles  around  Rome  is  undermined,  and  the 
long  labyrinths  thus  created  are  called  catacombs.'"'  The 
galleries  are  often  found  in  stories  two  or  three  deep,  com- 
municating with  each  other  by  stairs;  and  it  has  been 
thought  that  formerly  some  of  them  were  partially  lighted 
from  above.  They  were  originally  gravel-pits  or  stone- 
quarries,  and  were  commenced  long  before  the  reign  of 
Augustus.!  The  enlargement  of  the  city,  and  the  growing 
demand  for  building  materials,  led  then  to  new  and  most 
extensive  excavations.  In  the  preparation  of  these  vast 
caverns,  we  may  trace  the  presiding  care  of  Providence.  As. 
America,  discovered  a  few  years  before  the  Reformation, 
furnished  a  place  of  refuge  to  the  Protestants  who  fled  from 
ecclesiastical  intolerance,  so  the  catacombs,  re-opened  shortly 
before  the  birth  of  our  Lord,  supplied  shelter  to  the  Chris- 
tians in  Rome  during  the  frequent  proscriptions  of  the 
second  and  third  centuries.  When  the  gospel  was  first 
propagated  in  the  imperial  city,  its  adherents  belonged 
chiefly  to  the  lower  classes;  and,  for  reasons  of  which  it  is 
now  impossible  to  speak  with  certainty,^  it  seems  to  have 
been  soon  very  generally  embraced  by  the  quarrymen  and 
sand-diggers.§     Thus  it  was  that  when  persecution  raged  in 

*  Evidently  from  Kara,  down,  and  Kvfi^os,  a  cavity.  Mr  Northcote,  in  his 
work  on  the  "Koman  Catacombs,"  published  in  1857,  calculates  that  the 
streets  in  all,  taken  together,  are  900  miles  long  ! 

t  See  "  Three  Introductory  Lectures  on  Ecclesiastical  History,"  by  William 
Lee,  D.D.,  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  p.  27. 

J  It  is  probable  that  many  were  condemned  to  labour  in  these  mines  as  a 
punishment  for  having  embraced  Christianity.  See  Lee's  "  Three  Lectui-es," 
p.  28. 

§  Maitland's  "  Church  in  the  Catacombs,"  p.  24.  Dr  Maitland  visited  Eome 
in  1841,  but  his  inspection  of  the  Lapidarian  Gallery  seems  to  have  been 
regarded   with   extreme  jealousy  by   the   authorities   there.     After  having 


THE  CATACOMBS.  351 

tlie  capital,  tlie  Christian  felt  himself  comparatively  safe  in 
the  catacombs.  The  parties  in  charge  of  them  were  his 
friends;  they  could  give  him  seasonable  intimation  of  the 
approach  of  danger ;  and  among  these  "  dens  and  caves  of 
the  earth,"  ^Yith  countless  places  of  ingress  and  egress,  the 
officers  of  government  must  have  attempted  in  vain  to 
overtake  a  fugitive. 

At  present  their  appearance  is  most  uncomfortable ;  they 
contain  no  chamber  sufficient  for  the  accommodation  of 
any  large  number  of  worshippers;  and  it  has  even  been 
questioned  whether  human  life  could  be  long  supported  in 
such  gloomy  habitations.  But  we  have  the  best  authority 
for  believing  that  some  of  the  early  Christians  remained 
for  a  considerable  time  in  these  asylums. '"'  Wells  of  water 
have  been  foimd  in  their  obsciu'e  recesses ;  fonts  for  bap- 
tism have  also  been  discovered;  and  it  is  beyond  doubt 
that  the  disciples  met  here  for  religious  exercises.  As  early 
as  the  second  century  these  vaults  became  the  great  ceme- 
tery of  the  Church.  Many  of  the  memorials  of  the  dead 
which  they  contained  have  long  since  been  transferred  to 
the  Lapidarian  Gallery  in  the  Vatican;  and  there,  in  the 
palace  of  the  Pope,  the  venerable  tombstones  testify,  to  all 
who  will  consult  them,  how  much  modern  Eomanism  diflfers 
from  ancient  Christianity. 

Though  many  of  these  sepulchral  monuments  were 
erected  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  they  indicate  a 
remarkable  freedom  from  superstitions  with  which  the 
religion  of  the  New  Testament  has  been  since  defiled. 
These  witnesses  to  the  faith  of  the  early  Church  of  Eome 

obtained  a  licence  "  to  make  some  memoranda  in  drawing  in  that  part  of  the 
Museum,"  he  was  officially  informed  that  "his  permission  did  not  extend  to 
the  inscriptions^^  and  the  communication  was  accompanied  by  a  demand  that 
"  the  copies  ah-eady  made  should  be  given  up."  To  his  refusal  to  yield  to 
this  mandate  we  are  indebted  for  many  important  memorials  to  be  found  in 
his  interesting  volume. 

*  See  Maitland,  pp.  27-29. 


352  THE  CATACOMBS. 

altogetlier  repudiate  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  for 
the  inscriptions  of  the  Lapiclarian  Gallery,  all  arranged 
under  the  papal  su^Dervision,  contain  no  addresses  to  the 
mother  of  our  Lord."'  They  point  only  to  Jesus  as  the 
great  Mediator,  Redeemer,  and  Friend.  It  is  also  worthy 
of  note  that  the  tone  of  these  voices  from  the  grave  is 
eminently  cheerful.  Instead  of  speaking  of  masses  for  the 
repose  of  souls,  or  representing  departed  believers  as  stiU 
doomed  to  pass  through  purgatory,  they  describe  the  de- 
ceased as  having  entered  immediately  into  the  abodes  of 
eternal  rest.  "  Alexander,"  says  one  of  them,  "  is  not  dead, 
but  lives  beyond  the  stars,  and  his  body  rests  in  this  tomb." 
"Here,"  says  another,  "lies  Paulina,  in  the  place  of  the 
blessed."  "Gemella,"  says  a  third,  "sleeps  in  peace." 
"Aselus,"  says  a  fom^th,  "sleeps  in  Christ." f 

We  learn  from  the  testimony  of  Hippolytus  that,  during 
the  episcopate  of  Zephyrinus,  Callistus  was  "set  over  the 
cemetery."!  This  was  probably  considered  a  highly  impor- 
tant trust,  as,  in  those  perilous  times,  the  safety  of  the 
Christians  very  much  depended  on  the  prudence,  activity, 
and  courage  of  the  individual  who  had  the  charge  of  their 
subterranean  refuge.  §  The  new  curator  seems  to  have 
signalised  himself  by  the  ability  with  which  he  discharged 
the  duties  of  his  appointment ;  he  probably  embellished  and 
enlarged  some  of  these  dreary  caves;  and  hence  a  portion  of 
the  catacombs  was  designated  "  The  Cemetery  of  Callistus." 
Hippolytus,  led  astray  by  the  ascetic  spirit  beginning  so 
strongly  to  prevail  in  the  commencement  of  the  third  cen- 

*  Maitlaud,  p.  14.  t  Maitland,  pp.  33,  41,  43,  170. 

J  "  Philosophumena,"  book  ix. 

§  As  Carthage  now  funiislied  Rome  with  marble  and  granite,  it  is  probable 
that  the  quarrymen  and  sand-diggers  of  the  catacombs  came  frequently  into 
contact  with  the  Carthaginian  sailors ;  and  we  may  thus  see  how,  in  the  time 
of  Cyprian,  there  were  such  facilities  for  epistolary  intercourse  between  the 
Churches  of  Rome  and  Carthage.  Under  favourable  circumstances,  the 
mariner  could  accomplish  the  voyage  between  the  two  ports  in  two  or  three 
days. 


THE  CATACOMBS.  353 

tiiry,  was  opposed  to  all  second  marriages,  so  that  lie  was 
sadly  scandalized  by  tlie  exceedingly  liberal  views  of  his 
Koman  brother  on  the  subject  of  matrimony;  and  he  was  so 
ill-informed  as  to  pronounce  them  novel.  "  In  his  time,"  says 
he  indignantly,  "  bishops,  presljyters,  and  deacons,  though 
they  had  been  twice  or  three  times  married,  began  to  be 
recognised  as  God's  ministers ;  and  if  any  one  of  the  clergy 
married,  it  was  determined  that  such  a  person  should 
remain  among  the  clergy,  as  not  having  sinned."*  We 
cannot  tell  how  many  of  the  ancient  bishops  of  the  great 
city  were  husbands  ;t  we  have  certainly  no  distinct  evi- 
dence that  even  Callistus  took  to  himself  a  wife ;  but  we 
have  the  clearest  proof  that  the  primitive  Church  of  Eome 
did  not  impose  celibacy  on  her  ministers;  and,  in  support 
of  this  fact,  we  can  produce  the  unimpeachable  testimony 
of  her  own  catacombs.  There  is,  for  instance,  a  monument 
"To  Basilus  the  Presbyter,  and  Felicitas  his  wife;"  and,  on 
another  tombstone,  erected  about  a.d.  472,  or  only  four 
years  before  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire,  there  is  the 
folio wino;  sino'ular  record — "  Petronia,  a  deacon's  wife,  the 
type  of  modesty.  In  this  place  I  lay  my  bones :  spare  your 
tears,  dear  husband  and  daughters,  and  believe  that  it  is  for- 
bidden to  weep  for  one  who  lives  in  God."  J  "  Here,"  says 
another  epitaph,  "  Susanna,  the  happy  daughter  of  the  late 
Presbyter  Gabinus,  lies  in  peace  along  with  her  father." § 
In  the  Lapidarian  Gallery  of  the  j^apal  palace,  the  curious 
visitor  may  still  read  other  epitaphs  of  the  married  minis- 
ters of  Rome. 

*  ''  Philosophumena,"  book  ix.  TertuUian  corroborates  the  charges  of  Hip- 
polytus.     See  "  De  Pudicitia,"  cap.  i. 

t  We  know,  however,  that,  long  after  this  period,  married  bishops  were  to 
be  found  almost  everywhere.  One  of  the  most  eminent  martyrs  in  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution  was  a  bishop  who  had  a  wife  and  children.  See  Eusebius, 
viii.  c.  9.  Clemens  Romanus,  i-eputed  one  of  the  early  bishops  of  the  Western 
cai:)ital,  speaks  as  a  married  man.     See  his  "Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,"  §  21. 

X  Maitland,  pp.  191-193.     These  inscriptions  may  be  found  also  in  Aringhi, 

421,  419.  §  Aringhi,  ii.  jjp.  228  ;  Rome,  1651. 

Z 


354  ROMAN  BISHOPS  MARTYRED. 

Thougli  the  gospel  continued  to  make  great  progress  in 
the  metropolis,  there  was  perhaps  no  city  of  the  Empire  in 
which  it  encountered,  from  the  very  first,  such  steady  and 
powerfid  opposition.  Tlie  Sovereign,  being  himself  the 
Supreme  Pontiff  of  Paganism,  might  be  expected  to  resent, 
as  a  personal  indignity,  any  attempt  to  weaken  its  influence; 
and  the  other  great  functionaries  of  idolatry,  who  all  resided 
in  the  capital,  were  of  course  bound  by  the  ties  of  office  to 
resist  the  advancement  of  Christianity.  The  old  aristocracy 
disliked  everything  in  the  shape  of  religious  innovation, 
for  they  believed  that  the  glory  of  their  country  was  in- 
separably connected  with  an  adherence  to  the  worship  of 
the  gods  of  their  ancestors.  Thus  it  was  that  the  intoler- 
ance of  the  state  was  always  felt  with  peculiar  severity  at 
the  seat  of  government.  Exactly  in  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  a  persecution  of  unusual  violence  burst  upon 
the  Roman  Church.  Fabian,  whose  appointment  to  the 
bishopric  took  place,  as  already  related,  under  such  extra- 
ordinary circumstances,  soon  fell  a  victim  to  the  storm. 
After  his  martyrdom,  the  whole  community  over  which  he 
presided  seems  to  have  been  paralysed  with  terror ;  and  six- 
teen months  passed  away  before  any  successor  was  elected ; 
for  Decius,  the  tyrant  who  now  ruled  the  Roman  world, 
had  proclaimed  his  determination  rather  to  sufter  a  compe- 
titor for  his  throne  than  a  bishop  for  his  chief  city.*  A 
veritable  rival  Avas  quickly  forthcoming  to  ^^rove  the  false- 
hood of  his  gasconade ;  for  when  Julius  Yalens  appeared  to 
dispute  his  title  to  the  Empire,  Decius  was  obliged,  by  the 
pressure  of  weightier  cares,  to  withdraw  his  attention  from 
the  concerns  of  the  Roman  Christians.  During  the  lull  in 
the  storm  of  persecution,  Cornelius  was  chosen  bishop ;  but 
after  an  official  life  of  little  more  than  a  year,  he  was  thrown 
into  confinement.  His  death  in  prison  was,  no  doubt, 
occasioned  by  harsh  treatment.     The  episcopate  of  his  suc- 

*  Cyprian  to  Antoniaims,  Epist.  lii.  p.  151. 


STATISTICS  OF  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH.  355 

cessor  Lucius  was  even  shorter  than  his  otvti,  for  he  was 
martyred  about  six  months  after  his  election.'"  Stephen, 
who  was  now  promoted  to  the  vacant  chair,  did  not  long 
retain  possession  of  it;  for  though  we  have  no  reliable  in- 
formation as  to  the  manner  of  his  death,  it  is  certain  that 
he  occupied  the  bishopric  only  between  four  and  five  years. 
His  successor  Xystus  in  less  than  twelve  months  finished 
his  course  by  martyrdom.!  Thus,  in  a  period  of  eight 
years,  Eome  lost  no  less  than  five  bishops,  at  least  four  of 
whom  were  cut  down  by  persecution :  of  these  Cornelius  and 
Stephen,  by  far  the  most  distinguished,  were  interred  in  the 
cemetery  of  Callistus. 

There  is  still  extant  the  fragment  of  a  letter  written  by 
C*ornelius  furnishing  a  curious  statistical  account  of  the 
strength  of  the  Eoman  Church  at  this  period.j;  According  to 
this  excellent  authority  it  contained  forty-six  presbyters, 
seven  deacons,  seven  sub-deacons,  forty-two  acolyths,  fifty-two 
others  who  were  either  exorcists,  readers,  or  door-keepers,  and 
upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  besides,  who  were  in  indigent 
cu'cumstances,  and  of  whom  widows  constituted  a  large  pro- 
portion. All  these  poor  persons  were  maintained  by  the  libe- 
rality of  their  fellow- worshippers.  Eome,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  the  birthplace  of  prelacy  ;  and  other  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganisms unknown  to  the  New  Testament  may  also  be  traced 
to  the  same  locality,  for  here  we  read  for  the  first  time  of  such 
officials  as  the  acolyths.§  We  may  infer  from  the  details 
supplied  by  the  letter  of  Cornelius,  that  there  were  now 
fourteen  congregations  1|  of  the  faithful  in  the  great  city; 

*  C}-pi-ian  speaks  of  "  the  blessed  martyrs,  Cornelius  and  Lucius."  Epist. 
Ixvii.  p.  250. 

t  See  Cyprian's  "  Epistle  to  Successus,"  where  it  is  stated  that  "  Xystus 
was  martyred  in  the  cemetery  [the  catacombs]  on  the  eighth  of  the  Ides  of 
August,  and  with  him  four  deacons." 

t  This  fragment  may  be  found  in  Euseb.  vi.  43. 

§  For  an  account  of  their  duties  see  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  s. 

II  According  to  some  manuscripts,  there  were,  not  forty-six,  but  forty-two 
presbyters,  seven  deacons,  seven  sub-deacons,  and  forty-two  acoljiihs.    At  a 


356  SCHISM  OF  NOVATIAN. 

and  its  Christian  population  lias  been  estimated  at  about 
fifty  thousand.  No  wonder  that  the  chief  pastor  of  such  a 
multitude  of  zealous  disciples  all  residing  in  his  capital, 
awakened  the  jealousy  of  a  suspicious  Emperor. 

A  schism,  which  continued  for  generations  to  exert  an 
unhappy  influence,  commenced  in  the  metropolis  during 
the  short  episcopate  of  Cornelius.  The  leader  of  this  seces- 
sion was  Novatian,  a  man  of  blameless  character,"'"  and  a 
presbyter  of  the  Eoman  Church.  In  the  Decian  persecu- 
tion many  had  been  terrified  into  temporary  conformity 
to  paganism ;  and  this  austere  ecclesiastic  maintained, 
that  persons  who  had  so  sadly  compromised  themselves, 
should,  on  no  account  whatever,  be  re-admitted  to  com- 
munion. When  he  found  that  he  could  not  prevail  upon 
his  brethren  to  adopt  this  unrelenting  discipline,  he  per- 
mitted himself  to  be  ordained  bishop  in  opposition  to  Cor- 
nelius ;  and  became  the  founder  of  a  separate  society,  known 
as  the  sect  of  the  Novatians.  As  he  denied  the  validity  of 
the  ordinance  previously  administered,  he  rebaptized  his 
converts,  and  exhibited  otherwise  a  miserably  contracted 
spirit;  but  many  sympathised  with  him  in  his  views,  and 
Novatian  bishops  were  soon  established  in  various  jDarts 
of  the  Empire. 

Immediately  after  the  rise  of  this  sect,  a  controversy 
relative  to  the  propriety  of  rebaptizing  heretics  brought 
the  Church  of  Eome  into  collision  with  many  Christian 
communities  in  Africa  and  Asia  Minor.  The  discussion, 
which  did  not  eventuate  in  any  fresh  schism,  is  chiefly 
remarkable  for  the  firm  stand  now  made  against  the  as- 
sumptions of  the  great  Bishop  of  the  West.    When  Stephen, 

later  period,  we  find  three  presbyters  connected  with  each  Eoman  church. 
There  were  fourteen  regions  in  the  city,  and  supposing  a  congregation  in  each, 
there  would  now  be  three  presbyters,  one  deacon  or  sub-deacon,  and  three 
acolyths  belonging  to  each  church.     See  Blondel's  "  Apologia,"  p.  224. 

*  Cornelius  (Euseb.  vi.  43)  calls  him  "  a  malicious  beast,"  but  he  evidently  J 
writes  under  a  feeling  of  deep  mortification. 


THE  CHURCH  ON  THE  EOCK.  357 

who  was  opposed  to  rebaptisin,  discovered  that  he  could 
not  induce  the  Asiatics  and  Africans  to  come  over  to  his 
sentiments,  he  rashly  tried  to  overbear  them  by  declaring 
that  he  would  shut  them  out  from  his  communion ;  but  his 
antagonists  treated  the  threat  merely  as  an  empty  display 
of  insolence.  "  What  strife  and  contention  hast  thou 
awakened  in  the  Churches  of  the  whole  world,  0  Stephen," 
said  one  of  his  opponents,  "  and  how  great  sin  hast  thou 
accumulated  when  thou  didst  cut  thyself  off  from  so  many 
flocks !  Deceive  not  thyself,  for  he  is  truly  the  schismatic 
who  has  made  himself  an  apostate  from  the  communion  of 
the  unity  of  the  Church.  For  whilst  thou  thinkest  that  all 
may  be  excommunicated  by  thee,  thou  hast  excommunicated 
thyself  alone  from  all."  * 

When  the  apostle  of  the  circumcision  said  to  his  Master 
— "  Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God,"  Jesus 
replied — ''Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-jona,ybr  j^es/i  a/ic? 
hloocl  hath  not  revealed  it  unto  thee,  hut  my  Father  which  is 
in  heaven"  To  this  emphatic  acknowledgment  of  the  faith 
of  His  disciple,  our  Lord  added  the  memorable  words — 
"  And  I  say  also  unto  thee,  that  thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this 
rock  I  will  build  my  church,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not 
prevail  against  it."  t  As  the  word  Peter  signifies  a  stone,X 
this  address  admits  of  a  very  obvious  and  satisfactory  expo- 
sition. '  "  Thou  art,"  said  Christ  to  the  apostle,  "  a  lively 
stone  §  of  the  spiritual  structure  I  erect ;  and  upon  this  rock 
on  which  thy  faith  is  established,  as  witnessed  by  thy  good 
confession,  I  will  build  my  Church ;  and  though  the  rains  of 
affliction  may  descend,  and  the  floods  of  danger  may  come, 
and  the  winds  of  temptation  may  blow,  and  beat  upon  this 

*  Firmilian,  "  Cypriani  Epistoloe,"  Ixxv.  t  Matt.  xvi.  16-18. 

X  John  i.  42. 

§  See  1  Pet.  ii.  5.  Peter  adds,  as  if  to  illustrate  Matt.  xvi.  18 — "  Where- 
fore also  it  is  contained  in  the  Scripture — Behold  I  lay  in  Ziou  a  chief  corner 
stone,  elect,  precious  ;  and  he  that  helieveth  on  him  shall  not  be  confounded." 
1  Pet.  ii.  6. 


I. 


358  THE  CHURCH  BUILT  ON  PETEPw 

house,  it  shall  remain  immoveable/'''"  because  it  rests  upon 
an  impregnable  foundation."  But  a  different  interpretation 
was  already  gaining  wide  currency;  for  though  Peter  had 
been  led  to  deny  Christ  with  oaths  and  imprecations,  the 
rapid  growth  and  preponderating  wealth  of  the  Roman 
bishopric,  of  which  the  apostle  was  supposed  to  be  the 
founder,  had  now  induced  many  to  believe  that  he  was  the 
Rock  of  Salvation,  the  enduring  basis  on  which  the  living 
temple  of  God  was  to  be  reared !  Tertullian  and  Cyprian, 
in  the  third  century  the  two  most  eminent  fathers  of  the 
West,  countenanced  the  exposition ;  t  and  though  both  these 
writers  were  lamentably  deficient  in  critical  sagacity,  men 
of  inferior  standing  were  slow  to  impugn  the  verdict  of 
such  champions  of  the  faith.  Thus  it  was  that  a  false  gloss 
of  Scripture  was  already  enthralling  the  mind  of  Christen- 
dom; and  Stephen  boldly  renewed  the  attempt  at  domina- 
tion commenced  by  his  predecessor  Victor.  His  opponents 
deserved  far  greater  credit  for  the  sturdy  independence  with 
which  they  upheld  their  individual  rights  than  for  the 
scriptural  skill  Avith  which  they  unmasked  the  sophistry  of  a 
delusive  theory;  for  all  their  reasonings  were  enervated 
and  vitiated  by  their  stupid  admission  of  the  claims  of  the 
chair  of  Peter  as  the  rock  on  which  the  Church  was  supposed 
to  rest.J  This  second  effort  of  Rome  to  establish  her  ascend- 
ancy was,  indeed,  a  failure ;  but  the  misinterpretation  of  Holy 
Writ,  by  which  it  was  encouraged,  was  not  eff'ectively  cor- 

*  Matt.  vii.  24,  25. 

t  See  Tertullian,  "  De  Prsescrip."  xxii. ;  and  Cyprian  to  Cornelius,  Epist. 
Iv.  p.  178,  where  he  says — "  Petrus,  tamen,  super  quern  sedificata  ab  eodem 
Domino  fuerat  ecclesia."  See  also  the  same  epistle,  pp.  182,  183,  and  many 
other  passages. 

%  Thus,  Cyprian  in  his  letter  to  Quintus  (Epist.  Ixxi.  p.  273)  makes  the 
following  awkward  attempt  to  get  over  the  difficulty : — "  Nam  nee  Petrus, 
quem  primum  Dominus  elegit,  et  super  quern,  oedificavit  ecclesiam  suam,  cum 
secum  Paulus  de  circumcisione  postmodum  disceptaret,  vindicavit'  sibi  aliquid 
insolenter  aut  arroganter  assumpsit,  ut  diccret  se  primatum  tenere  et  ohteni- 
perari  a  novellis  et  posteris  sibi  potius  oportere." 


rOWER  OF  THE  ROMAN  BISHOP.  359 

rectecl  and  exposed ;  and  tlius  the  great  Western  prelate 
was  left  at  liberty,  at  another  more  favourable  opportunity, 
to  wrest  the  Scriptures  for  the  destruction  of  the  Church. 

From  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  the  authority  of 
the  Roman  bishops  advanced  apace.  The  magnanimity 
with  which  so  many  of  them  then  encountered  martyrdom 
elicited  general  admiration;  and  the  divisions  caused  by 
the  schism  of  Novatian  supplied  them  with  a  specious  apo- 
logy for  enlarging  their  jurisdiction.  The  argument  from 
the  necessity  of  unity,  which  was  urged  so  successfully  for 
the  creation  of  a  bishop  upwards  of  a  hundred  years  before, 
could  now  be  adduced  with  equal  plausibility  for  the  erec- 
tion of  a  metropolitan ;  and,  from  this  date,  these  prelates 
undoubtedly  exercised  archiepiscopal  power.  Seventy  years 
afterwards,  or  at  the  Council  of  Nice,*  the  ecclesiastical  rule 
of  the  Primate  of  Rome  was  recognised  by  the  bishops  of 
the  ten  suburbicarian  provinces,  including  no  small  portion 
of  Italy.t 

For  the  last  forty  years  of  the  third  century  the  Church 
was  free  from  persecution,  and,  during  this  long  period  of 
repose,  the  great  Western  see  enjoyed  an  unwonted  measure 
of  outward  prosperity.  Its  religious  services  were  now 
conducted  with  increasing  splendour,  and  distressed  bre- 
thren in  very  distant  countries  shared  the  fruits  of  its 
munificence.  In  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  when  the  Goths 
burst  into  the  Empire  and  devastated  Asia  Minor,  the 
bishop  of  Rome  transmitted  a  large  sum  of  money  for  the 
release  of  the  Christians  who  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  barbarians.  J  A  few  years  afterwards,  when  Paul  of 
Samosata  was  deposed  for  heresy,  and  when,  on  his  refusal 
to  surrender  the  property  of  the  Church  of  Antioch,  an 

*  A.D.  325. 

f  The  Suburbicarian  Provinces  comprebended  the  three  islands  of  Sicily, 
Corsica,  and  Sardinia,  and  the  whole  of  the  southern  part  of  Italy,  including 
Naples  and  nearly  aU  the  territory  now  belonging  to  Tuscany  and  the  States 
of  the  Church.    See  Bingham,  iii.  p.  20.  t  Basil,  Ep.  220. 


360  EARLY  EOMAN  BISHOPS. 

application  was  made  to  the  Emperor  Anrelian  for  his 
interference,  that  prince  submitted  the  matter  in  dispute  to 
the  decision  of  Dionysius  of  Eome  and  the  other  bishops 
of  Italy/''  This  reference,  in  which  the  position  of  the 
Eoman  prelate  was  publicly  recognised,  perhaps  for  the  first 
time,  by  a  Roman  Emperor,  was  calculated  to  add  vastly  to 
the  importance  of  the  metropolitan  see  in  public  estimation. 
When  Christianity  was  established  about  fifty  years  after- 
wards by  Constantine,  the  bishop  of  the  chief  city  was 
thus,  to  a  great  extent,  prepared  for  the  high  position  to 
which  he  was  suddenly  promoted. 

None  of  the  early  bishops  of  Rome  were  distinguished 
for  their  mental  accomplishments ;  and  though  they  are 
commonly  reputed  the  founders  of  the  Latin  Church,  it 
would  appear  that,  for  nearly  two  hundred  years,  they  all 
wrote  and  spoke  the  Greek  language.  The  name  Pope, 
which  they  have  since  appropriated,  was  now  common  to 
all  pastors.t  For  the  first  three  centuries  almost  every 
question  relating  to  them  is  involved  in  much  mystery; 
and,  as  we  approach  the  close  of  this  period,  the  difiiculty 
of  unravelling  their  perplexed  traditions  rather  increases 
than  diminishes.  Even  the  existence  of  some  who  are  said 
to  have  now  flourished  has  been  considered  doubtful.|  It 
is  alleged  that  the  see  was  vacant  for  upwards  of  three 
years  and  a  half  during  the  Diocletian  persecution  in  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century ;  §  but  even  this  point  has 
not  been  very  clearly  ascertained.  The  Roman  bishopric 
was  by  far  the  most  important  in  the  Church;  and  the 

*  Euseb.  vii.  50. 

t  Thus  we  read  of  "  the  blessed  Pope  Cyprian,"  bishop  of  Carthage.  Cyp- 
rian, Epist.  ii.  p.  25.  The  name  was  sometimes  given  to  the  head  of  a 
monastery.  In  the  catacombs  there  was  found  an  inscription  probably  to 
the  memory  of  a  Pope  of  this  description.  See  Maitland,  p.  185,  See  also 
Eouth's  "  Peliquise,"  iii.  pp.  256,  265. 

X  See  Bower,  "  Marcellus,"  29th  Bishop. 

§  That  is,  from  the  autumn  of  a.d.  304  to  the  s^jring  of  a.d.  308.  See  Bur- 
ton's "  Lectures  on  the  Ecc.  Hist,  of  the  First  Three  Cent."  ii.  p.  433. 


RISE  OF  THE  PAPACY.  361 

obscurity  which  overhangs  its  early  histor}^,  cannot  but  be 
embarrassing  to  those  who  seek  to  establish  a  title  to  the 
ministry  by  attempting  to  trace  it  up  through  such  dark 
annals. 

On  looking  back  over  the  first  three  centuries,  we  may 
remark  how  much  the  chairman  of  the  Eoman  eldership, 
about  the  time  of  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John,  differed 
from  the  prelate  w^ho  filled  his  place  two  hundred  years 
afterwards.  The  former  was  the  servant  of  the  presbyters, 
and  appointed  to  carry  out  their  decisions;  the  latter  was 
their  master,  and  entitled  to  require  their  submission.  The 
former  presided  over  the  ministers  of,  perhaps,  three  or 
four  comparatively  poor  congregations  disj)irited  by  recent 
persecution ;  the  latter  had  the  charge  of  at  least  five-and- 
twenty  flourishing  city  churches,*  together  with  all  the 
bishops  in  all  the  surrounding  territory.  In  eventful  times 
an  individual  of  transcendent  talent,  such  as  Pepin  or 
Napoleon,  has  adroitly  bolted  into  a  throne ;  but  the 
bishop  of  Eome  was  indebted  for  his  gradual  elevation  and 
his  ultimate  ascendancy  neither  to  extraordinary  genius 
nor  superior  erudition,  but  to  a  combination  of  circum- 
stances of  unprecedented  rarity.  His  position  furnished 
him  with  jDeculiar  facilities  for  acquiring  influence.  Whilst 
the  city  in  which  he  was  located  was  the  largest  in  the 
world,  it  was  also  the  most  opulent  and  the  most  powerful. 
He  was  continually  coming  in  contact  with  men  of  note  in 
the  Church  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire;  and  he  had  fre- 
quent opportunities  of  obliging  these  strangers  by  various 
ofiices  of   kindness.      He  thus,    too,    possessed  means  of 

*  In  the  life  of  Marcellus  -sve  read  of  so  many  places  of  worship  in  Rome. 
See  "  Hist.  Platinse  De  Vitis  Pontif.  Roman,"  p.  40,  Colonise,  1593.  Oj^tatus 
speaks  of  forty  churches  in  Rome  at  this  time ;  but  he  is  probably  mistaken 
as  to  the  date.  There  may  have  been  so  many  after  the  establishment  of 
Christianity  by  Constantino.  There  were  only  fifty  churches  in  the  Western 
capital  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  See  Neander,  i.  276;  Edit. 
Edinburgh,  1847. 


362       ROME  WANTS  THE  KEY  OF  KNOWLEDGE. 

ascertaining  the  state  of  the  Christian  interest  in  every 
land,  and  of  diffusing  his  own  sentiments  under  singularly 
propitious  circumstances.  When  he  was  fast  rising  into 
power,  it  was  alleged  that  he  was  constituted  chief  pastor 
of  the  Church  by  Christ  himself;  and  a  text  of  Scripture 
was  quoted  Avhich  was  supposed  to  endorse  his  title.  For 
a  time  no  one  cared  to  challenge  its  application;  for  mean- 
while his  precedence  was  but  nominal,  and  those,  who 
might  have  been  competent  to  point  out  the  delusion,  had 
no  wish  to  give  offence,  by  attacking  the  fond  conceit  of 
a  friendly  and  prosperous  prelate.  But  when  the  scene 
changed,  and  when  the  Empire  found  another  capital,  the 
acumen  of  the  bishop  of  the  rival  metropolis  soon  dis- 
covered a  sounder  exposition;  and  Chrysostom  of  Constan- 
tinople, at  once  the  greatest  preacher  and  the  best  com- 
mentator of  antiquity,  ignored  the  folly  of  Tertullian  and 
of  Cyprian.  "Upon  the  rock,"  says  he,  "that  is,  upon  the 
faith  of  the  apostle's  confession/'*  the  Church  is  built. 
"Christ  said  that  he  would  build  His  Church  on  Peter's 
confession."  t  Soon  afterwards,  the  greatest  divine  con- 
nected with  the  Western  Church,  and  the  most  profound 
theologian  among  the  fathers,  pointed  out,  still  more  dis- 
tinctly, the  true  meaning  of  the  passage.  "  Our  Lord 
declares,"  says  Augustine,  "  On  this  rock  I  will  found  my 
Church,  because  Peter  had  said :  Thou  art  the  Christ,  the 
Son  of  the  living  God.  On  this  rock,  tvhich  thou  hast  con- 
fessed, He  declares  I  will  build  my  Church,  for  Christ  was 
the  rock  on  whose  foundation  Peter  himself  was  built ;  for 
other  foundation  hath  no  man  laid  than  that  which  is  laid, 
which  is  Christ  Jesus."  ;|:  In  the  Italian  capital,  the  words 
on  which  the  power  of  the  Papacy  is  understood  to  rest  are 

*  In  Matt.  xvi.  18.     Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  344 ;  Edit.  Eton,  1612. 

+  In  Job.  i.  50.     Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  637 ;  Edit.  Eton,  1612. 

X  "In  Johann.  Evang.  Tractat."  124,  §  5.  Oj)era,  torn.  ix.  c.  572.  Augus- 
tine had  before  held  the  more  fashionable  \'iew.  See  "  Barrow  on  the  Pope's 
Supremacy,"  by  Dr  M'Crie,  p.  78. 


ROME  WANTS  THE  KEY  OF  KNOWLEDGE.  3G3 

exliibitecl  in  gigantic  letters  within  the  dome  of  St  Peter's  ; 
but  their  exhibition  only  proves  that  the  Church  of  Eome 
has  lost  the  key  of  knowledge;  for,  though  she  would  fain 
appeal  to  Scripture,  she  shews  that  she  does  not  understand 
the  meaning  of  its  testimony ;  and,  closing  her  eyes  against 
the  light  supplied  by  the  best  and  wisest  of  the  fathers,  she 
persists  in  adhering  to  a  false  interpretation. 


SECTION  II. 

THE  LITERATURE  AND  THEOLOGY  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  L 

THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  WKITERS. 

By  "  the  Fathers"  we  understand  the  writers  of  the  ancient 
Christian  Church.  The  name  is,  however,  of  rather  vague 
application,  for  though  generally  employed  to  designate  only 
the  ecclesiastical  authors  of  the  first  six  centuries,  it  is 
extended,  occasionally,  to  distinguished  theologians  who 
flourished  in  the  middle  ages. 

The  fathers  of  the  second  and  third  centuries  have  a 
strong  claim  on  our  attention.  Living  on  the  verge  of 
apostolic  times,  they  were  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the 
Church  when  it  had  recently  passed  from  under  the  care  of 
its  inspired  founders;  and,  as  witnesses  to  its  early  tradi- 
tions, their  testimony  is  of  peculiar  value.  But  the  period 
before  us  produced  comparatively  few  authors,  and  a  consi- 
derable portion  of  its  literature  has  perished.  There  have 
been  modern  divines,  such  as  Calvin  and  Baxter,  who  have 
each  left  behind  a  more  voluminous  array  of  publications 
than  now  survives  from  all  the  fathers  of  these  two  hundred 
years.  Origen  was  by  far  the  most  prolific  of  the  writers 
who  flourished  during  this  interval,  but  the  greater  number 


JUSTIN  MARTYK.  365 

of  his  productions  have  been  lost ;  and  yet  those  which  re- 
main, if  transhited  into  English,  would  amount  to  nearly 
triple  the  bulk  of  our  authorised  version  of  the  Bible.  His 
extant  works  are,  however,  more  extensive  than  all  the  other 
memorials  of  this  most  interesting  section  of  the  history  of 
the  Church. 

Among  the  earliest  ecclesiastical  writers  after  the  close  of 
the  first  century  is  Polycarp  of  Smyrna.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  a  disciple  of  the  Apostle  John,  and  hence  he  is  known 
as  one  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers'''  An  epistle  of  his  addressed 
to  the  Philippians,  and  designed  to  correct  certain  vices  and 
errors  which  had  been  making  their  appearance,  is  still  pre- 
served. It  seems  to  have  been  written  towards  the  middle 
of  the  second  century;!  its  style  is  simple;  and  its  general 
tone  worthy  of  a  man  who  had  enjoyed  apostolic  tuition. 
Its  venerable  author  suffered  martyrdom  about  a.d,  167, ^ 
at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-six.  § 

Justin  Martyr  was  contemporary  with  Polycarp.  He 
was  a  native  of  Samaria,  and  a  Gentile  by  birth;  he  had 
travelled  much ;  he  possessed  a  well-cultivated  mind ;  and 
he  had  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  various  systems 
of  philosophy  which  were  then  current.  He  could  derive 
no  satisfaction  from  the  wisdom  of  the  pagan  theorists ;  but, 
one  day,  as  he  walked,  somewhat  sad  and  pensive,  near  the 
sea  shore,  a  casual  meeting  with  an  aged  stranger  led  him 
to  turn  his  thoughts  to  the  Christian  revelation.  The  indi- 
vidual, with  whom  he  had  this  solitary  and  important  inter- 
view, was  a  member  and,  perhaps,  a  minister  of  the  Church. 
After  pointing  out  to  Justin  the  folly  of  mere  theorising, 

*  The  references  in  this  work  to  the  Apostolic  Fathers  by  Cotelerius  are  to 
the  Amsterdam  Edition,  foUo,  1724. 

+  This  is  the  date  assigned  to  it  by  Bunsen.  "  Hippolytus,"  i.  309.  It  is 
not  probable  that  Polycarp  was  at  the  head  of  the  eldership  of  Smyrna  much 
earlier.     See  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap,  v.,  note. 

X  According  to  Ussher  in  a.d.  169. 

§  See  Pearson's  "  Minor  Works,"  ii.  531. 


366  JUSTIN  MARTYll. 

and  recommending  him  to  study  tlie  Old  Testament  Scrip- 
tures, as  well  on  account  of  tlieir  great  antiquity  as  their 
intrinsic  worth,  he  proceeded  to  expatiate  on  the  nature  and 
excellence  of  the  gospel. '""  The  impression  now  made  upon 
the  mind  of  the  young  student  was  never  afterwards  effaced ; 
he  became  a  decided  Christian;  and,  about  a.d.  165,  finished 
his  career  by  martyrdom. 

Justin  is  the  first  writer  whose  contributions  to  ecclesias- 
tical literature  are  of  considerable  extent.  Some  of  the 
works  ascribed  to  him  are  unquestionably  the  productions 
of  others ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  genuineness 
of  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho  the  Jew,  and  of  the  two  Apo- 
logies addressed  to  the  Emperors,  t  Though  the  meeting 
with  Trypho  is  said  to  have  occurred  at  Ephesus,  it  is  now 
perhaps  impossible  to  determine  whether  it  ever  actually 
took  place,  or  whether  the  Dialogue  is  only  the  re^^ort  of  an 
imaginary  discussion.  It  serves,  however,  to  illustrate  the 
mode  of  argument  then  adopted  in  the  controversy  between 
the  Jews  and  the  disciples,  and  throws  much  light  upon  the 
state  of  Christian  theology.  Antoninus  Pius  and  Marcus 
Aurelius  ajDpear  to  have  been  the  Emperors  to  whom  the 
Apologies  are  addressed.  In  these  appeals  to  Imperial  jus- 
tice the  calumnies  against  the  Christians  are  refuted,  whilst 
the  simplicity  of  their  worship  and  the  purity  of  their  mo- 
rality are  impressively  described. 

Justin,  even  after  his  conversion,  still  wore  the  philoso- 
pher's cloak,  and  continued  to  cherish  an  undue  regard  for 
the  wisdom  of  the  pagan  sages.  His  mind  never  was  com- 
pletely emancipated  from  the  influence  of  a  system  of  false 
metaphysics ;  and  thus  it  was  that,  whilst  his  views  of 
various  doctrines  of  the  gospel  remained  confused,  his  allu- 
sions to  them  are  equivocal,  if  not  contradictory.  But  it 
has  been  well  remarked  that  conscience,  rather  than  science, 

*  The  original  narrative  may  be  found  in  the  Dialogue  with  Trypho. 

+  The  references  to  Justin  in  this  work  are  to  the  Paris  folio  edition  of  1615. 


BARNABAS.  367 

guided  many  of  the  fathers ;  and  the  case  of  Justin  demon- 
strates the  truth  of  the  observation.  He  possessed  an  ex- 
tensive knowledge  of  the  Scriptures;  and  though  his  theo- 
logical views  were  not  so  exact  or  so  perspicuous  as  they 
might  have  been,  had  he  been  trained  up  from  infancy  in 
the  Christian  faith,  or  had  he  studied  the  controversies 
^vhich  subsequently  arose,  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  his  creed 
was  substantially  evangelical.  He  had  received  the  truth 
"  in  the  love  of  it,"  and  he  counted  not  his  life  dear  in  the 
service  of  his  Divine  Master. 

The  Epistle  to  Diocjnetus,  frequently  included  amongst 
the  works  of  Justin,  is  apparently  the  production  of  an 
earlier  writer.  Its  author,  who  styles  himself  "  a  disciple 
of  apostles,"  designed  by  it  to  promote  the  conversion  of  a 
friend ;  his  own  views  of  divine  truth  are  comparatively 
correct  and  clear;  and  in  no  uninspired  memorial  of  anti- 
quity are  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  gospel  exhibited  with 
greater  propriety  and  beauty.  Appended  also  to  the  com- 
mon editions  of  the  works  of  Justin  are  the  remains  of  a 
few  somewhat  later  writers,  namely,  Tatian,  Athenagoras, 
Theophilus,  and  Hermas.  Tatian  was  a  disciple  of  Justin;'"' 
Athenagoras  was  a  learned  man  of  Athens ;  Theophilus  is 
said  to  have  been  one  of  the  pastors  of  Antioch;  and  of 
Hermas  nothing  whatever  is  known.  The  tracts  of  these  "^ 
authors  relate  almost  entirely  to  the  controversy  between 
Christianity  and  Paganism.  Whilst  they  point  out  the 
folly  and  falsehood  of  the  accusations  so  frequently  preferred 
against  the  brethren,  they  press  the  gospel  upon  the  accept- 
ance of  the  Gentiles  with  much  earnestness,  and  support  its 
claims  by  a  great  variety  of  arguments. 

The  tract  known  as  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  was  probably 
composed  in  A.D.  135.t     It  is  the  production  apparently  of 

*  He  afterwards  became  the  founder  of  a  sect  noted  for  its  austere  dis- 
cipline. His  followers  used  water,  instead  of  wine,  at  the  celebration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.     They  lived  in  celibacy,  and  observed  rigorous  fasts. 

t  The  writer  says  of  the  temple  (chap,  xvi.) — "  It  is  now  destroyed  by  their 


368  IREN^US. 

a  convert  from  Judaism  who  took  special  pleasure  in  alle- 
gorical interpretations  of  Scripture.  Hermas,  the  author 
of  the  little  work  called  Pastor,  or  The  Shepherd,  is  a  writer 
of  much  the  same  character.  He  was,  in  all  likelihood,  the 
brother  of  Pius,*  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century,  and  who  was,  perhaps,  the  first  or  second 
individual  who  was  officially  designated  Bishop  of  Rome. 
The  writings  of  Papias,  said  to  have  been  pastor  of  Hiera- 
polis  in  the  time  of  Polycarp,  are  no  longer  extant,  t  The 
works  of  Hegesippus,  of  a  somewhat  later  date,  and  treating 
of  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical  history,  have  also  disappeared.  | 
Irenceus  of  Lyons  is  the  next  writer  who  claims  our 
special  notice.  He  was  originally  connected  with  Asia 
Minor;  and  in  his  youth  he  is  said  to  have  enjoyed  the 
tuition  of  Polycarp  of  Smyrna.  We  cannot  tell  when  he 
left  his  native  country,  or  wdiat  circumstances  led  him  to 
settle  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhone;  but  w^e  know  that,  to- 
w^ards  the  termination  of  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  he 
was  appointed  by  the  Gallic  Christians  to  visit  the  Roman 
Church  on  a  mission  of  importance.  The  Celtic  language, 
still  preserved  in  the  Gaelic  or  Irish,  was  then  spoken  in 
France,  §  and  Irenseus  found  it  necessary  to  quahfy  himself 

(the  Jews)  enemies,  and  the  servants  of  their  enemies  are  building  it  upP 
Jerusalem  was  rebuilt  by  Hadrian  about  a.d.  135,  and  the  name  M\\&  given 
to  it. 

*  Two  short  letters  ascribed  to  Pius  are  mentioned  Period  II.  sec.  iii. 
chap.  vii.  For  a  long  time  Barnabas,  the  author  of  the  epistle,  was  absurdly 
confounded  with  the  companion  of  Paul  mentioned  Acts  xiii.  1,  and  elsewhere ; 
and  Hermas  was  supposed  to  be  the  individual  saluted  in  Rom.  xvi.  14.  Hence 
these  two  writers  have  been  called,  hke  Polycarp  and  others,  Apostolic 
Fathers. 

t  Eusebius,  who  has  preserved  a  few  fragments  of  this  author,  describes 
Mm  as  a  very  credulous  person.     See  his  "  Hist."  iii.  39. 

:tl  In  the  text  it  has  not  been  considered  necessary  to  mention  all  the  writers, 
however  small  their  contributions  to  our  ecclesiastical  literature,  who  appeared 
during  the  second  and  third  centuries.  Hence,  Melito  of  Sardis,  Caius  of 
Home,  and  many  others  are  unnoticed.  The  remaining  fragments  of  these 
early  ecclesiastical  writers  may  be  found  in  Routh's  "  Reliquiae,"  and  elsewhere. 

§  r]fjiwv,  Tav  ev  KeXroTs  biarpi^ovrMv  Koi  irepl  jiap^apov  didXeKTov  to  nXelaTOV 
acrxo^ov/iieVwj'. — Contra  Hcereses,  lib.  i.  Praef. 


IRENiEUS.  369 

for  the  duties  of  a  preacher  among  the  heathen  by  studying 
the  barbarous  dialect.  His  zeal,  energy,  and  talent  were 
duly  appreciated ;  soon  after  the  death  of  the  aged  Pothinus 
he  became  the  chief  pastor  of  Lyons ;  and  for  many  years 
he  exercised  considerable  influence  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  Western  Church.  When  the  Paschal  controversy  created 
such  excitement,  and  when  Victor  of  Eome  threatened  to 
rend  the  Christian  commonwealth  by  his  impetuous  and 
haughty  bearing,  Irenseus  interposed,  and  to  some  extent 
succeeded  in  moderating  the  violence  of  the  Italian  prelate. 
He  was  the  author  of  several  works,'""  but  his  only  extant 
production  is  a  treatise  "Against  Heresies."  It  is  divided 
into  five  books,  four  of  which  exist  only  in  a  Latin  version ;  f 
and  it  contains  a  lengthened  refutation  of  the  Valentinians 
and  other  Gnostics. 

Irenseus  is  commonly  called  the  disciple  of  Polycarp; 
but  it  is  reported  that  he  was  also  under  the  tuition  of 
a  less  intelligent  preceptor,  Papias  of  Hierapolis.J  This 
teacher,  who  has  been  already  mentioned,  and  who  was  the 
author  of  a  work  now  lost,  entitled,  "  The  Explanations  of 
the  Discourses  of  the  Lord,"  is  noted  as  the  earliest  eccle- 
siastical writer  who  held  the  doctrine  of  the  personal  reign 
of  Christ  at  Jerusalem  during  the  millennium.  "  These 
views,"  says  Eusebius,  "  he  appears  to  have  adopted  in  con- 
sequence of  having  misunderstood  the  apostolic  narratives. 
....  For  he  was  a  man  of  very  slender  intellect,  as  is 
evident  from  his  discourses."  §  His  pupil  Irenoeus  pos- 
sessed a  much  superior  capacity ;  but  even  his  writings  are 
not  destitute  of  puerilities;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that 
he  derived  some  of  the  errors  to  be  found  in  them  from  his 
weak-minded  teacher,  il 

*  The  references  to  Irenseus  in  this  work  are  to  Stieren's  edition  of  1853. 
i  Wordsworth  has  remarked  that  in  the  "  Philosophumena"  of  Hippolytua 
we  have  some  of  the  lost  text  of  Irenaeus.     St  Hippolytus,  p.  15. 
X  Such  is  the  testimony  of  Jerome.     See  Cave's  "  Life  of  Ii-enseus." 
§  Euseb.  "Hist."  iii.  39.      II  Irenseus  adopted  the  millenarianism  of  Papias. 
2  A 


370  TERTULLIAN. 

Irenseus  is  supposed  to  have  died  in  tlie  beginning  of 
tlie  third  century;  and,  shortly  before  that  date,  by  far  the 
most  vigorous  and  acute  writer  who  had  yet  appeared 
among  the  fathers,  began  to  attract  attention.  Tliis  was 
the  celebrated  Tertullian.  He  was  originally  a  heathen,'"" 
and  he  appears  in  early  life  to  have  been  engaged  in  the 
profession  of  a  la^^yer.  At  that  time,  as  afterwards,  there 
was  constant  intercourse  between  Kome  and  Carthage;  t 
Tertullian  seems  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  both 
these  great  cities ;  and  he  had  probably  resided  for  several 
years  in  the  capital  of  the  Empire.  J  But  most  of  his 
public  life  was,  perhaps,  spent  in  Carthage,  the  place  of 
his  birth.  In  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  clerical 
celibacy  was  beginning  to  be  fashionable ;  and  yet  Tertullian, 
though  a  presbyter,  §  was  married ;  for  two  of  his  tracts  are 
addressed  To  his  Wife;  and  it  is  apparent  from  his  works 
that  then  no  law  of  the  Church  prohibited  ecclesiastics  from 
entering  into  wedlock. 

The  extant  productions  of  this  writer  are  numerous ;  and, 
if  rendered  into  our  language,  would  form  a  very  portly 
volume.  But  though  several  parts  of  them  have  found 
translators,  the  whole  have  never  yet  appeared  in  English ; 
and,  of  some  pieces,  the  most  accomplished  scholar  would 
scarcely  undertake  to  furnish  at  once  a  literal  and  an  intel- 
ligible version.  ||  His  style  is  harsh,  his  transitions  are 
abrupt,  and  his  inuendos  and  allusions  most  perplexing. 

*  This  is  evident  from  his  own  statements.  See  his  "  Apology,"  c.  18,  and 
"  De  Spectaculis,"  c.  19.  The  references  to  Tertullian  in  this  work  are  either 
to  the  edition  of  Oehler  of  1853,  or  to  that  of  Eigaltius  of  1675. 

i-  According  to  some  the  population  of  Carthage  at  this  time  amounted  to 
hundreds  of  thousands.  "  The  intercourse  between  Carthage  and  Rome,  on 
account  of  the  corn  trade  alone,  was  probably  more  regular  and  rapid  than 
with  any  other  part  of  the  Emijire." — MilmanHs  Latin  Christiayiity,  i.  p.  47. 

X  See  Euseb.  ii.  2,  25. 

§  Such  is  the  testimony  of  Jerome,  who  asserts  farther  that  the  treatment 
he  received  from  the  clergy  of  Rome  induced  him  to  leave  that  city. 

II  Such  as  the  tracts  "De  Pallio"  and  "  De  Jejuniis." 


TEETULLIAN.  371 

He  must  have  been  a  man  of  very  bilious  temperament, 
who  could  scarcely  distinguish  a  theological  oj^ponent  from 
a  personal  enemy ;  for  he  pours  forth  upon  those  who  differ 
from  him  whole  torrents  of  sarcasm  and  invective.*  His 
strong  passion,  acting  upon  a  fervid  imagination,  com- 
pletely overpowered  his  judgment;  and  hence  he  deals  so 
largely  in  exaggeration,  that,  as  to  many  matters  of  fact, 
we  cannot  safely  depend  upon  his  testimony.  His  tone  is 
dictatorial  and  dogmatic ;  and,  though  we  cannot  doubt  his 
piety,  we  must  feel  that  his  spirit  is  somewhat  repulsive 
and  ungenial.  Whilst  he  was  sadly  deficient  in  sagacity, 
he  was  very  much  the  creature  of  impulse;  and  thus  it 
was  that  he  was  so  superstitious,  so  bigoted,  and  so  choleric. 
But  he  was,  beyond  question,  possessed  of  erudition  and  of 
genius;  and  when  he  advocates  a  right  principle,  he  can 
expound,  defend,  and  illustrate  it  with  great  ability  and 
eloquence. 

Tertullian  is  commonly  known  as  the  earliest  of  the 
Latin  fathers.f  The  writer  who  first  attempted  to  supply 
the  rulers  of  the  w^orld  with  a  Christian  literature  in  their 
own  tongue  encountered  a  task  of  much  difiiculty.  It  was 
no  easy  matter  to  conduct  theological  controversies  in  a 
language  which  was  not  remarkable  for  flexibility,  and 
which  had  never  before  been  employed  in  such  discussions ; 
and  Tertidlian  seems  to  have  often  found  it  necessary  to 
coin  unwonted  forms  of  expression,  or  rather  to  invent  an 
ecclesiastical  nomenclature.  The  ponderous  Latin,  hitherto 
accustomed  to  speak  only  of  Jupiter  and  the  gods,  engages 

*  As  a  choice  specimen  of  his  vituperative  ability  his  denunciation  of 
Iklarcion  may  be  quoted — "  Sed  nihil  tarn  barbarum  ac  triste  apud  Pontum 
quam  quod  illic  Marcion  natus  est,  Scytha  tetrior,  Hamaxobio  instabilior, 
Massageta  inhumanior,  Amazona  audacior,  nubilo  obscurior,  hieme  frigidior, 
gelu  fragilior,  Istro  fallacior,  Caucaso  abruptior." — Advenes  Marcionem,  lib.  i. 
c.  1. 

t  Victor  of  Eome,  who  was  contemporary  with  Tertullian,  is  said  to  have 
written  in  Latin,  but  the  extant  letters  ascribed  to  him  are  considered 
spurious. 


372  TERTULLIAN. 

somewliat  awkwardly  in  its  new  vocation ;  and  yet  con- 
trives to  proclaim,  with  wonderful  power,  tlie  great  thoughts 
for  which  it  must  now  find  utterance.  Several  years  after 
his  appearance  as  an  author,  TertuUian  lapsed  into  Montan- 
ism — a  species  of  heresy  peculiarly  attractive  to  a  man 
of  his  rugged  and  austere  character.  Some  of  his  works 
bear  clear  traces  of  this  change  of  sentiment;  but  others 
furnish  no  internal  evidences  warranting  us  to  pronounce 
decisively  respecting  the  date  of  their  composition.  It  is 
remarkable  that  though  he  identified  himself  with  a  party 
under  the  ban  of  ecclesiastical  proscription,  his  works  still 
continued  to  be  held  in  high  repute,  and  to  be  perused  with 
avidity  by  those  who  valued  themselves  on  their  zeal  for 
orthodoxy.  It  is  recorded  of  one  of  the  most  influential  of 
the  Catholic  bishops  of  the  third  century  that  he  read  a 
portion  of  them  daily ;  and,  when  calling  for  his  favourite 
author,  he  is  reported  to  have  said — "  Give  me  the 
Master!' """ 

TertuUian  flourished  at  a  period  when  ecclesiastical  usur- 
pation was  beginning  to  jDroduce  some  of  its  bitter  fruits, 
and  when  religion  was  rapidly  degenerating  from  its  primi- 
tive purity.t     His  works,  which  treat  of  a  great  variety  of 
topics  interesting  to  the  Christian  student,  throw  immense 
light  on  the  state  of  the  Church  in  his  generation.     His 
best  known  production  is  his  Apology,  in  which  he  pleads 
the  cause  of  the  persecuted  disciples   with   consummate 
talent,  and  urges  upon  the  state  the  equity  and  the  wisdom 
J  of  toleration.     He  expounds  the   doctrine  of  the  Trinity 
/  more   lucidly  than   any   preceding   writer;    he   treats    of 
Prayer,  of  Eepentance,  and  of  Baptism;  he  takes  up  the 
I  controversy  with  the  Jews;  J  and  he  assails  the  Valentinians 

*  Suet,  according  to  Jerome,  was  the  practice  of  Cyprian. 

t  He  is  sui)posed  to  have  died  at  an  advanced  age,  but  the  date  of  his 
demise  cannot  be  accurately  determined.  Most  of  his  works  were  written 
between  a.d.  194  and  a.d.  217. 

+  The  part  of  the  work  "  Adversus  Judeeos,"  from  the  beginning  of  the 


CLEMENT  OF  ALEXANDRIA.  373 

and  other  heretics.  But  the  way  of  salvation  by  faith 
seems  to  have  been  very  indistinctly  apprehended  by  him, 
so  that  he  cannot  be  safely  trusted  as  a  theologian.  He  had 
evidently  no  clear  conception  of  the  place  which  works 
ought  to  occupy  according  to  the  scheme  of  the  gospel; 
and  hence  he  sometimes  speaks  as  if  pardon  could  be  pur- 
chased by  penance,  by  fasting,  or  by  martyrdom. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  was  contemporary  with  Tertul- 
lian.  Like  him,  he  was  a  Gentile  by  birth;  but  we  know 
nothing  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  his  conversion. 
In  early  times  Alexandria  was  one  of  the  great  marts  of 
literature  and  science;  its  citizens  were  noted  for  their 
intellectual  culture ;  and,  when  a  Church  was  formed  there, 
learned  men  began  to  pass  over  to  the  new  religion  in  con- 
siderable numbers.  It  was,  in  consequence,  deemed  expe- 
dient to  establish  an  institute  where  catechumens  of  this 
class,  before  admission  to  baptism,  could  be  instructed  in 
the  faith  by  some  well  qualified  teacher.  The  plan  of  the 
seminary  seems  to  have  been  gradually  enlarged;  and  it 
soon  supplied  education  to  candidates  for  the  ministry. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  second  century,  Pantsenus,  a  dis- 
tinoidshed  scholar,  had  the  charofe  of  it ;  and  Clement,  who 
had  been  his  pupil,  became  his  successor  as  its  president. 
Some  of  the  works  of  this  writer  have  perished,  and  his 
only  extant  productions  are  a  discourse  entitled  "What 
rich  man  shall  be  saved  V  his  Address  to  the  Greeks  or 
Gentiles,  his  Paedagogue,  and  his  Stromata.  The  hor- 
tatory Address  is  designed  to  win  over  the  pagans  from 
idolatry;  the  Paedagogue  directs  to  Jesus,  or  the  Word, 
as  the  great  Teacher,  and  supplies  converts  with  practical 
precepts  for  their  guidance  ;  whilst  in  the  Stromata,  or 
Miscellanies,  we  have  a  description  of  what  he  calls  the 
Gnostic  or  perfect  Christian.     He  here  takes  occasion  to 

ninth  chapter,  is  taken  chiefly  from  the  third  book  of  the  Treatise  against 
Marcion,  and  has  apparently  been  added  by  another  hand. 


874  HIPPOLYTUS. 

attack  those  who,  in  his  estimation,  were  improperly  desig- 
nated Gnostics,  such  as  Basilides,  Valentine,  Marcion,  and 
others. 

Clement,  as  is  apparent  from  his  writings,  was  extensively 
acquainted  with  profane  literature.  But  he  formed  quite 
too  high  an  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  heathen  philosophy, 
whilst  he  allegorized  Scripture  in  a  way  as  dangerous  as  it 
was  absurd.  By  the  serpent  which  deceived  Eve,  accord- 
ing to  Clement,  "pleasure,  an  earthly  vice  which  creeps 
upon  the  belly,  is  allegorically  represented."*  Moses, 
speaking  allegorically,  if  we  may  believe  this  writer,  called 
the  Divine  Wisdom  the  tree  of  life  planted  in  paradise;  by 
which  paradise  we  may  understand  the  world,  in  which  all 
the  works  of  creation  were  called  into  being,  t  He  even 
interprets  the  ten  commandments  allegorically.  Thus,  by 
adultery,  he  understands  a  departure  from  the  true  know- 
ledge of  the  Most  High,  and  by  murder,  a  violation  of  the 
truth  respecting  God  and  His  eternal  existence.  J  It  is  easy 
to  see  how  Scripture,  by  such  a  system  of  interpretation, 
might  be  tortured  into  a  witness  for  any  extravagance. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  third  century  Hippolytus  of 
Portus  exerted  much  influence  by  his  writings.  It  was  long 
believed  that,  with  the  exception  of  some  fragments  and  a 
few  tracts  of  little  consequence,  the  works  of  this  father  had 
ceased  to  exist ;  but,  as  stated  in  a  preceding  chapter,  §  one 
of  his  most  important  publications,  the  "  Philosophumena, 
or  Kefutation  of  all  Heresies,"  has  been  recently  recovered. 
The  re-appearance  of  this  production  after  so  many  centu- 
ries of  oblivion  is  an  extraordinary  fact;  and  its  testimony 
relative  to  historical  transactions  of  deep  interest  connected 
with  the  early  Church  of  Kome,  has  created  quite  a  sensa- 
tion among  the  students  of  ecclesiastical  literature. 

*  "  Aclmonitio  ad  Gentes,"  Opera,  p.  69.     Edit.  Coloniae,  1688. 

t  "  Stromata,"  book  v.         J  See  Kaye's  "  Clement  of  Alexandria,"  p.  378. 

§  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  v.  p.  344. 


ORIGEN.  375 

Hippolytus  was  the  disciple  of  Irenaeus,  and  one  of  tlie 
soundest  tbeoloo-ians  of  liis  p-eneration.  His  works,  which 
are  written  in  Greek,  ilhistrate  his  learning,  his  acuteness, 
and  his  eloquence.  His  views  on  some  matters  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline  were,  indeed,  too  rigid;  and,  by  a  writer 
of  the  fifth  century,*  he  has  been  described  as  an  abettor 
of  Novatianism;  but  his  zeal  and  piety  are  universally 
admitted.  He  is  said  to  have  lost  his  life  in  the  cause  of 
Christianity;  and  though  he  attests  the  heretical  teaching 
of  two  of  her  chief  pastors,  the  Church  of  Eome  still  honours 
him  as  a  saint  and  a  martyr. 

Minucius  Felix  was  the  contemporary  of  Hippolytus. 
He  was  a  Eoman  lawyer,  and  a  convert  from  paganism. 
In  his  Dialogue,  entitled  "  Octavius,"  the  respective  merits 
of  Christianity  and  heathenism  are  discussed  with  much 
vivacity.  In  point  of  style  this  little  work  is  surpassed  by 
none  of  the  ecclesiastical  writings  of  the  period. 

Another  and  a  still  more  distinguished  author,  contem- 
porary with  Hippolytus,  was  Oeigen.  He  Avas  born  at 
Alexandria  about  a.d.  185  ;  his  father  Leonides,  who  was  a 
teacher  of  rhetoric,  was  a  member  of  the  Church ;  and  his 
son  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  an  excellent  elementary 
education.  Origen,  when  very  young,  was  required  daily 
to  commit  prescribed  portions  of  the  Word  of  God  to 
memory ;  and  the  child  soon  became  intensely  interested  in 
the  study  of  the  sacred  oracles.  The  questions  which  he 
proposed  to  his  father,  as  he  repeated  his  appointed  tasks, 
displayed  singular  precocity  of  intellect;  and  Leonides 
rejoiced  exceedingly  as  he  observed  from  time  to  time  the 
growing  indications  of  his  extraordinary  genius.  But, 
before  Origen  reached  maturity,  his  good  parent  fell  a 
victim  to  the  intolerance  of  the  imperial  laws.  In  the 
persecution  under  Septimius  Severus,  when  the  young 
scholar  was  about  seventeen  years  of  age,  Leonides  was  put 

*  Prudentius.     See  Wordswortli's  "Hippolytus,"  p.  105-112. 


376  OKIGEN. 

into  confinement,  and  then  beheaded.  He  had  a  wife  and 
seven  children  who  were  likely  to  be  left  destitute  by  his 
death;  but  Origen,  who  was  his  first  born,  afraid  lest  his 
constancy  should  be  overcome  by  the  prospect  of  a  beggared 
family,  wrote  a  letter  to  him  when  he  was  in  prison  to 
encourage  him  to  martyrdom.  "  Stand  steadfast,  father," 
said  the  ardent  youth,  "  and  take  care  not  to  desert  your 
principles  on  our  account."  At  this  crisis  he  would  have 
exposed  himself  to  martydom,  had  not  his  mother  hid  his 
clothes,  and  thus  prevented  him  from  appearing  in  public. 

When  Leonides  was  put  to  death  his  property  was  con- 
fiscated, and  his  family  reduced  to  poverty.  But  Origen 
now  attracted  the  notice  of  a  rich  and  noble  lady  of  Alex- 
andria, who  received  him  into  her  house,  and  became  his 
patron.  He  did  not,  however,  remain  long  under  her  roof; 
as  he  was  soon  able  to  earn  a  maintenance  by  teaching. 
He  continued,  meanwhile,  to  apply  himself  with  amazing 
industry  to  the  acquisition  of  knowledge ;  and  at  length  he 
began  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  learned  of  the 
Christians.  So  great  was  his  celebrity  as  a  divine  that, 
more  than  once  during  his  life,  whole  synods  of  foreign 
bishops  solicited  his  advice  and  interference  in  the  settle- 
ment of  theological  controversies. 

Whilst  Origen,  by  intense  study,  was  constantly  adding 
to  his  intellectual  treasures,  he  also  improved  his  mind  by 
travelling.  When  about  twenty-six  years  of  age  he  made 
a  journey  to  Eome ;  and  he  subsequently  visited  Arabia, 
Palestine,  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece.  As  he  passed 
through  Palestine  in  a.d.  228,  when  he  was  in  the  forty- 
third  year  of  his  age,  he  was  ordained  a  presbyter  by  some 
of  the  bishops  of  that  country.  He  was  now  teacher  of  the 
catechetical  school  of  Alexandria — an  office  in  which  he 
had  succeeded  Clement — and  his  ordination  by  the  foreign 
pastors  gave  great  offence  to  Demetrius,  his  own  bishop. 
It  has  been  said  that  this  haughty  churchman  was  galled 


ORIGEN.  377 

by  the  superior  reputation  of  the  great  scholar ;  and  Origen, 
on  his  return  to  Egypt,  was  exposed  to  an  ecclesiastical  per- 
secution. An  indiscreet  act  of  his  youth  was  now  converted 
into  a  formidable  accusation,'"  whilst  some  incautious  specu- 
lations in  which  he  had  indulged  were  urged  as  evidences 
of  his  unsoundness  in  the  faith.  His  ordination  was  pro- 
nounced invalid;  he  was  deprived  of  his  appointment  as 
president  of  the  catechetical  school;  and  he  was  excommu- 
nicated as  a  heretic.  He  now  retired  to  Csesarea,  where  he 
appears  to  have  spent  the  greater  portion  of  the  remainder 
of  his  life.  The  sentence  of  excommunication  was  an- 
nounced by  Demetrius  to  the  Churches  abroad ;  but  though 
it  was  approved  at  Rome  and  elsewhere,  it  was  not 
recognised  in  Palestine,  Phoenice,  Arabia,  and  Achaia.  At 
Csesarea,  Origen  established  a  theological  seminary  such  as 
that  over  which  he  had  so  long  presided  at  Alexandria; 
and,  in  this  institute,  some  of  the  most  eminent  pastors  of 
the  third  century  received  their  education. 

This  great  man  throughout  life  practised  extraordinary 
self-denial.  His  clothing  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  protect 
him  from  the  cold;  he  slept  on  the  ground;  he  confined 
himself  to  the  simplest  fare;  and  for  years  he  persisted  in 
going  l)arefoot.t  But  his  austerities  did  not  prevent  him 
from  acquiring  a  world-wide  reputation.  Pagan  philoso- 
phers attended  his  lectures,  and  persons  of  the  highest  dis- 
tinction sought  his  society.  When  Julia  Mammsea,  the 
mother  of  Alexander  Severus,  invited  him  to  visit  her,  and 
when,  in  compliance  with  this  summons,  he  proceeded  to 
Antioch  J  escorted  by  a  military  guard,  he  must  have  been 
an  object  of  no  little  curiosity  to  the  Imperial  courtiers.  It 
could  now  no  longer  be  said  that  the  Christians  were  an 
illiterate  generation;  as,  in  all  that  brilliant  throng  sur- 
■  rounding  the  throne  of  the  Master  of  the  Roman  world, 

*  He  had  acted  literally  as  describe:!.  Matt,  xix.  12, 

t  Euseb.  vi.  3.  X  Euseb.  vi.  21. 


378  OPJGEN. 

there  was  not,  perhaps,  one  to  be  compared  with  the  poor 
catechist  of  Alexandria  for  varied  and  profound  scholarship. 
But  his  theological  taste  was  sadly  vitiated  by  his  study  of 
the  pagan  philosophy.  Clement,  his  early  instructor,  led 
him  to  entertain  far  too  high  an  opinion  of  its  excellence; 
and  a  subsequent  teacher,  Ammonius  Saccas,  the  father  of 
New  Platonism,  thoroughly  imbued  his  mind  with  many  of 
his  own  dangerous  principles.  According  to  Ammonius  all 
systems  of  religion  and  philosophy  contain  the  elements  of 
truth;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  wise  man  to  trace  out  and 
exhibit  their  harmony.  The  doctrines  of  Plato  formed  the 
basis  of  his  creed,  and  it  required  no  little  ingenuity  to 
shew  how  all  other  theories  quadrated  with  the  speculations 
of  the  Athenian  sage.  To  establish  his  views,  he  was  obliged 
to  draw  much  on  his  imagination,  and  to  adopt  modes  of 
exegesis  the  most  extravagant  and  unwarrantable.  The 
philosophy  of  Ammonius  exerted  a  very  pernicious  influence 
upon  Origen,  and  seduced  him  into  not  a  few  of  those  errors 
which  have  contributed  so  greatly  to  lower  his  repute  as  a 
theoloo;ian. 

Origen  was  a  most  prolific  author;  and,  if  all  his  works 
were  still  extant,  they  would  be  far  more  voluminous  than 
those  of  any  other  of  the  fathers.  But  most  of  his  writings 
have  been  lost;  and,  in  not  a  few  instances,  those  which 
remain  have  reached  us  either  in  a  very  mutilated  form,  or 
in  a  garbled  Latin  version.  His  treatise  "  Against  Celsus," 
which  was  composed  when  he  was  advanced  in  life,  and 
which  is  by  far  the  most  valuable  of  his  existing  works, 
has  come  down  to  us  in  a  more  perfect  state  than,  perhaps, 
any  of  his  other  productions.  It  is  a  defence  of  Christianity 
in  reply  to  the  publication  of  a  witty  heathen  philosopher 
who  wrote  ao-ainst  it  in  the  time  of  the  Antonines.*     Of  i 


*  He  says  Celsus  lived  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian  and  afterwards.  "  Contra 
Celsum,"i.  §  8  ;  Opera,  tom.i.  p.  327.  The  references  to  Origen  in  this  worl 
are  to  the  edition  of  the  Benedictine  Delarue,  4  vols,  folio.    Paiis,  1733-59. 


' 


ORIGEN.  379 

his  celebrated  "Hexapla,"  to  wliicli  lie  is  said  to  have  devoted 
much  of  his  time  for  eight  and  twenty  years,  only  some 
fragments  have  been  preserved.  This  great  work  appears 
to  have  been  undertaken  to  meet  the  cavils  of  the  Jews 
against  the  Septuagint — the  Greek  translation  of  the  Old 
Testament  in  current  use  in  the  days  of  the  apostles,  and 
still  most  appreciated  by  the  Christians.  The  unbelieving 
Israelites  now  pronounced  it  a  corrupt  version;  and,  that  all 
might  have  an  opportunity  of  judging  for  themselves, 
Origen  exhibited  the  text  in  six  consecutive  columns — the 
first,  containing  the  original  Hebrew — the  second,  the  same 
in  Greek  letters — and  the  third,  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth, 
four  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Greek  translations,  including 
the  Septuagint."^'*  The  labour  employed  in  the  collation  of 
manuscripts,  when  preparing  this  work,  was  truly  prodi- 
gious. The  expense,  which  must  also  have  been  great,  is 
said  to  have  been  defrayed  by  Ambrosius,  a  wealthy  Chris- 
tian friend,  who  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  editor  the 
constant  services  of  seven  amanuenses.  By  his  "  Hexapla  " 
Origen  did  much  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the  sacred  text, 
and  he  may  be  said  to  have  thus  laid  the  foundations  of 
the  science  of  Scripture  criticism. 

This  learned  writer  cannot  be  trusted  as  an  interpreter 
of  the  inspired  oracles.  Like  the  Jewish  Cabbalists,  of 
whom  Philo,  whose  works  he  had  diligently  studied,!  is  a 
remarkable  specimen,  he  neglects  the  literal  sense  of  the 
"Word,  and  betakes  himself  to  mystical  expositions.^  In 
this  way  the  divine  record  may  be  made  to  support  any 
crotchet  which  happens  to  please  the  fancy  of  the  commen- 
tator. Origen  may,  in  fact,  be  regarded  as  the  father  of 
Christian  mysticism;  and,  in  after-ages,  to  a  certain  class 


*  The  three  other  Greek  versions  were  those  of  Aquila,  of  Symmachus,  and 
of  Theodotion. 

t  Origen,  in  his  writings,  repeatedly  refers  to  Philo  by  name.  See  Opera, 
i.  543.  :;:  See  Euseb.  ii.  c.  17. 


380  ORIGEN. 

of  visionaries,  especially  amongst  the  monks,  his  writings 
long  continued  to  present  peculiar  attractions. 

On  doctrinal  points  his  statements  are  not  always  con- 
sistent, so  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  form  anything 
like  a  correct  idea  of  his  theological  sentiments.  Thus,  on 
the  subject  of  the  Trinity,  he  sometimes  speaks  most  dis- 
tinctly in  the  language  of  orthodoxy,  whilst  again  he 
employs  phraseology  which  rather  savours  of  the  creed  of 
Sabellius  or  of  Arius.  In  his  attempts  to  reconcile  the 
gospel  and  his  philosophy,  he  miserably  compromised  some 
of  the  most  important  truths  of  Scripture.  The  fall  of 
man  seems  to  be  not  unfrequently  repudiated  in  his  re- 
ligious system;  and  yet,  occasionally,  it  is  distinctly  recog- 
nized.* He  maintained  the  pre-existence  of  human  souls; 
he  held  that  the  stars  are  animated  beings ;  he  taught  that 
all  men  shall  ultimately  attain  happiness;  and  he  believed 
\  that  the  devils  themselves  shall  eventually  be  saved. t 

It  is  abundantly  clear  that  Origen  was  a  man  of  true 
piety.  His  whole  life  illustrates  his  self-denial,  his  single- 
mindedness,  his  delight  in  the  Word  of  God,  and  his  zeal 
for  the  advancement  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ.  In  the 
Decian  persecution  he  suffered  nobly  as  a  confessor;  and 
the  torture  which  he  then  endured  seems  to  have  hastened 
his  demise.  But  with  all  his  learning  he  was  obviously 
deficient  in  practical  sagacity;  and  though  both  his  genius 
and  his  eloquence  were  of  a  high  order,  he  possessed  scarcely 
even  an  average  share  of  prudence  and  common  sense.  His 
writings  diffused,  not  the  genial  light  of  the  Sun  of  Kight- 
eousness,  but  the  mist  and  darkness  of  a  Platonized  Chris- 


*  Thus  lie  declares — "  The  prophets  indicating  what  is  wise  concerning  the 
circumstances  of  our  generation,  say  that  sacrifice  is  offered  for  sin,  even  the 
sin  of  those  newly  horn  as  not  free  from  sin,  for  it  is  written — '  I  was  shapen 
in  wickedness,  and  in  sin  did  my  mother  conceive  me.'" — Contra  Celsum, 
vii.  §  50. 

+  He  held,  however,  that  Satan  is  to  be  excepted  from  the  general  salvation. 
See  "  Epist.  ad  Amicos  Alexandrinos,"  Opera,  i.  p.  5. 


CYPRIAN.  381 

tianity.  Thoiigli  lie  induced  many  philosophers  to  become 
members  of  the  Church,  the  value  of  these  accessions  was 
greatly  deteriorated  by  the  daring  spirit  of  speculation 
which  they  were  still  encouraged  to  cultivate.  Of  his 
Christian  courage,  his  industry,  and  his  invincible  perse- 
verance, there  can  be  no  doubt.  He  closed  a  most  labo- 
rious career  at  Tyre,  a.d.  254,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his 
age. 

About  the  time  of  the  death  of  Origen,  a  Latin  author, 
whose  writings  are  still  perused  with  interest,  was  begin- 
nino-  to  attract  much  notice.  Cyprian  of  Carthaoje,  before 
his  conversion  to  Christianity,  was  a  professor  of  rhetoric 
and  a  gentleman  of  property.  When  he  renounced  heathen- 
ism, he  is  supposed  to  have  reached  the  mature  age  of  forty- 
five  or  forty-six;  and  as  he  possessed  rank,  talent,  and 
popular  eloquence,  he  was  deemed  no  ordinary  acquisition 
to  the  Church.  About  two  years  after  his  baptism,  the 
chief  pastor  of  the  metropolis  of  the  Proconsular  Africa 
was  removed  by  death;  and  Cyprian,  by  the  acclamations 
of  the  Christian  people,  was  called  to  the  vacant  office.  At 
that  time  there  seem  to  have  been  only  eight  presbyters,''^' 
or  elders,  connected  with  the  bishopric  of  Carthage;  but 
the  city  contained  probably  some  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
a  population;  and,  though  the  episcopal  dignity  was  not 
without  its  perils,  it  did  not  want  the  attractions  of  wealth 
and  influence.  The  advancement  of  Cyprian  gave  great 
oifence  to  the  other  elders,  who  appear  to  have  conceived 
that  one  of  themselves,  on  the  ground  of  greater  experience 
and  more  lengthened  services,  had  a  better  title  to  promo- 
tion. Though  the  new  bishop  was  sustained  by  the  enthu- 
siastic support  of  the  multitude,  the  presbytery  contrived, 
notwithstanding,  to  give  him  considerable  annoyance.  Five 
of  them,  constituting  a  majority,  formed  themselves  into  a 

*  See  Sage's  "  Vindication  of  the  Principles  of  the  Cyprianic  Age,"  p.  348. 
London, 1701. 


382  CYPPvIAK 

regular  opposition;  and  for  several  years  tlie  Carthaginian 
Church  was  distracted  by  the  struggles  between  the  bishop 
and  his  eldership. 

The  pastorate  of  Cyprian  extended  over  a  period  of  about 
ten  years ;  but  meanwhile  persecution  raged,  and  the  bishop 
was  obliged  to  spend  nearly  the  one-third  of  his  episcojDal 
life  in  retirement  and  in  exile.  From  his  retreat  he  kept  up 
a  communication  by  letters  with  his  flock.*  The  worship 
and  constitution  of  the  Church  about  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  may  be  ascertained  pretty  clearly  from  the 
Cyprianic  correspondence.  Some  of  the  letters  addressed 
to  the  Carthaginian  bishop,  as  well  as  those  dictated  by 
him,  are  still  extant;  and  as  he  maintained  an  epistolary 
intercourse  with  Rome,  Cappadocia,  and  other  places,  the 
documents  known  as  the  Cyprianic  writings,!  are  amongst 
the  most  important  of  the  ancient  ecclesiastical  memorials. 
This  eminent  pastor  has  also  left  behind  him  several  short 
treatises  on  topics  w^hich  were  then  attracting  public  atten- 
tion. Among  these  may  be  mentioned  his  tracts  on  "  The 
Unity  of  the  Church,"  "  The  Lord's  Prayer,"  "  The  Vanity 
of  Idols,"  "The  Grace  of  God,"  "  The  Dress  of  Virgins,"  and 
"  The  Benefit  of  Patience." 

The  writings  of  Cyprian  have  long  been  noted  for  their 
orthodoxy ;  and  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  his  hierarchi- 

*  In  the  case  of  these  epistles,  much  confusion  arises,  in  the  way  of  refer- 
ence, from  their  various  arrangement  by  different  editors.  The  references  in 
this  work  to  Cyprian  are  to  the  edition  of  Baluzius,  folio,  Venice,  1728.  Balu- 
zius,  in  the  arrangement  of  the  letters,  adopts  the  same  order  as  Pamelius, 
but  Epistle  II.  of  the  latter  is  Epistle  I.  of  the  former,  and  so  on  to  Epistle 

XXIII.  of  Pamelius,  which  i.s  Epistle  XXII.  of  the  other.  Baluzius  here  con- 
forms exactly  to  the  numeration  of  the  preceding  editor  by  making  Epistle 

XXIV.  immediately  follow  Epistle  XXII.,  so  that  from  this  to  the  end  of  the 
series  the  same  references  apply  equally  well  to  the  work  of  either.  The 
numeration  of  the  Oxford  edition  of  Bishop  FeU  is,  with  a  few  exceptions, 
quite  different. 

+  Mr  Shepherd  has  completely  failed  in  his  attempt  to  disprove  the  genuine- 
ness of  these  writings.  They  are  as  well  attested  as  any  other  documents  of 
antiquity. 


CYPRIAN.  383 

cal  prejudices  stunted  liis  charity  and  obscured  liis  intellec- 
tual \asion.  Tertullian  was  his  favourite  author;  and  it  is 
evident  that  he  possessed  much  of  the  contracted  spirit  and 
of  the  stiff  formalism  of  the  great  Carthaginian  presbyter. 
He  speaks  in  more  exalted  terms  of  the  authority  of  bishops 
than  any  preceding  writer.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
attempts  of  his  discontented  elders  to  curb  his  power  in- 
flamed his  old  aristocratic  hauteur,  and  thus  led  to  a  reac- 
tion ;  and  that,  supported  by  tlie  popular  voice,  he  was 
tempted  absurdly  to  magnify  his  office,  and  to  stretch  his 
prerogative  beyond  the  bounds  of  its  legitimate  exercise. 
His  name  carried  with  it  great  influence,  and  from  his  time 
episcopal  pretensions  advanced  apace. 

CyjDrian  was  martyred  about  a.d.  258  in  the  Valerian 
persecution.  As  he  was  a  man  of  rank,  and  perhaps  per- 
sonally related  to  some  of  the  imperial  officers  at  Carthage, 
he  seems  to  have  been  treated,  when  a  prisoner,  with  un- 
usual respect  and  indulgence.  On  the  evening  before  his 
death  an  elegant  supper  was  provided  for  him,  and  he  was 
permitted  to  enjoy  the  society  of  a  numerous  party  of  his 
friends.  When  he  reached  the  spot  where  he  was  to  suffer, 
he  was  subjected  to  no  lingering  torments;  for  his  head 
was  severed  from  his  body  by  a  single  stroke  of  the  execu- 
tioner.* 

The  only  other  "\*\Titer  of  note  who  flourished  after  Cyprian, 
in  the  third  century,t  was  Gregory,  surnamed  Thaumatur- 
gus,  or  The  Wonder -Worker.  He  belonged  to  a  pagan 
family  of  distinction ;  and,  when  a  youth,  was  intended  for 
the  profession  of  the  law;  but,  becoming  acquainted  with 
Orio;en  at  Caesarea  in  Palestine,  he  was  induced  to  embrace 

*  See  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  302,  note. 

-|-  It  has  not  been  thought  necessary  in  this  chapter  to  notice  either  Arnobins, 
an  African  rhetorician,  who  wrote  seven  Books  against  the  Gentiles ;  or  the 
Christian  Cicero,  Lactantius,  who  is  said  to  have  been  his  pupil.  Both  these 
authors  appeared  about  the  end  of  the  period  embraced  in  this  history,  and 
consequently  exerted  little  or  no  influence  during  the  time  of  which  it  treats. 


384  GREGORY  THAUMATURGUS. 

the  Christian  faith,  and  relinquish  flattering  prospects  of 
secular  promotion.  He  became  subsequently  the  bishop  of 
Neo-Csesarea  in  Pontus.  When  he  entered  on  his  charge  he 
is  said  to  have  had  a  congregation  of  only  seventeen  indivi- 
duals; but  his  ministry  must  have  been  singularly  success- 
ful; for,  according  to  tradition,  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  with  seventeen  exceptions,  were,  at  the  time  of  his 
death,  members  of  the  Church.  The  reports  respecting  him 
are  obviously  exaggerated,  and  no  credit  can  be  attached  to 
the  narrative  of  his  miracles.*  He  wrote  several  works,  of 
which  his  "  Panegyric  on  Origen,"  and  his  "  Paraphrase  on 
Ecclesiastes,"  are  still  extant.  The  genuineness  of  some  other 
tracts  ascribed  to  him  may  be  fairly  challenged. 

The  preceding  account  of  the  fathers  of  the  second  and 
third  centuries  may  enable  us  to  form  some  idea  of  the  value 
of  these  writers  as  ecclesiastical  authorities.  Most  of  them 
had  reached  maturity  before  they  embraced  the  faith  of  the 
gospel,  so  that,  with  a  few  exceptions,  they  wanted  the  ad- 
vantages of  an  early  Christian  education.  Some  of  them, 
before  their  conversion,  had  bestowed  much  time  and  atten- 
tion on  the  barren  speculations  of  the  pagan  philosophers; 
and,  after  their  reception  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church,  they 
still  continued  to  pursue  the  same  unprofitable  studies. 
Cyprian,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  of  these  fathers,  had  been 
baptized  only  about  two  years  before  he  was  elected  bishop 
of  Carthage;  and,  during  his  comparatively  short  episco- 
pate, he  was  generally  in  a  turmoil  of  excitement,  and  had, 
consequently,  little  leisure  for  reading  or  mental  cultivation. 
Such  a  writer  is  not  entitled  to  command  confidence  as  an 
expositor  of  the  faith  once  delivered  to  the  saints.  Even  in 
our  own  day,  with  all  the  facilities  supplied  by  printing  for 
the  rapid  accumulation  of  knowledge,  no  one  would  expect 
much  spiritual  instruction  from  an  author  who  would  un- 
dertake the  office  of  an  interpreter  of  Scripture  two  years 

*  His  life  was  written  by  Gregory  Nysseu  about  a  centui-y  after  his  death. 


ABSURDITIES  OF  THE  EARLY  FATHERS.       385 

after  his  conversion  from  heatlienism.  The  fathers  of  the 
second  and  third  centuries  were  not  regarded  as  safe  guides 
even  by  their  Christian  contemporaries.  Tatian  was  the 
founder  of  a  sect  of  extreme  Teetotallers.'""  Tertullian,  who, 
in  point  of  learning,  vigour,  and  genius,  stands  at  the  head 
of  the  Latin  writers  of  this  period,  was  connected  with  a 
party  of  gloomy  fanatics.  Origen,  the  most  voluminous 
and  erudite  of  the  Greek  fathers,  was  excommunicated  as  a 
heretic.  If  we  estimate  these  authors,  as  they  were  appre- 
ciated by  the  early  Church  of  Kome,  we  must  pronounce 
their  writings  of  little  value.  Tertullian,  as  a  Montanist, 
was  under  the  ban  of  the  Eoman  bishop.  Hippolytus  could 
not  have  been  a  favourite  with  either  Zephyrinus  or  Callis- 
tus,  for  he  denounced  both  as  heretics.  Origen  was  treated 
by  the  Roman  Church  as  a  man  under  sentence  of  excom- 
munication. Stephen  deemed  even  Cyprian  unworthy  of 
his  ecclesiastical  fellowship,  because  the  Carthaginian  pre- 
late maintained  the  propriety  of  rebaptizing  heretics. 

Nothing  can  be  more  unsatisfactory,  or  rather  childish, 
than  the  explanations  of  Holy  Writ  sometimes  given  by 
these  ancient  expositors.  According  to  Tertullian,  the  two 
sparrows  mentioned  in  the  New  Testament  t  signify  the  soul 
and  the  body; J  and  Clemens  Alexandrinus  gravely  pleads 
for  marriage  §  from  the  promise — "  Where  two  or  three  are 
gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am  I  in  the  midst  of 
them."  II  Cyprian  produces,  as  an  argument  in  support  of 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  that  the  Jews  observed  "  the 
third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours "  as  their  "  fixed  and  la^vful 
seasons  for  prayer."  H    Origen  represents  the  heavenly  bodies 

*  See  a  preceding  note  in  this  cliapter,  p.  367. 

t  Matt.  X.  29.  J  iScorpiace,  c.  ix. 

§  Stromata,  book  iii.  II  Matt,  xviii.  20. 

IT  "  For,"  says  he,  "  from  the  first  hour  to  the  third,  a  trinity  of  nnrnber  is 
manifested ;  from  the  fourth  on  to  the  sixth,  is  another  trinity ;  and  in  the 
seventh  closing  with  the  ninth,  a  perfect  trinity  is  numbered,  in  spaces  of 
three  hours." — On  the  Lord's  Prayer,  p.  426. 

2b 


386  ABSURDITIES  OF  THE  EAELY  FATHERS. 

as  literally  engaged  in  acts  of  devotion. ''•  If  these  authori- 
ties are  to  be  credited,  the  Gihon,  one  of  the  rivers  of  Para- 
dise, was  no  other  than  the  Nile,  t  Very  few  of  the  fathers 
of  this  period  were  acquainted  with  Hebrew,  so  that,  as  a 
class,  they  were  miserably  qualified  for  the  interpretation  of 
the  Scriptures.  Even  Origen  himself  must  have  had  a  very 
imperfect  knowledge  of  the  language  of  the  Old  Testament.  | 
In  consequence  of  their  literary  deficiencies,  the  fathers  of 
the  second  and  third  centuries  occasionally  commit  the  most 
ridiculous  blunders.  Thus,  Irenseus  tells  us  that  the  name 
Jesus  in  Hebrew  consists  of  two  letters  and  a  half,  and  de- 
scribes it  as  signifying  "  that  Lord  who  contains  heaven  and 
earth  !"§  This  father  asserts  also  that  the  Hebrew  word 
Adonai,  or  the  Lord,  denotes  "utterable  and  wonderful."  || 
Clemens  Alexandrinus  is  not  more  successful  as  an  inter- 
preter of  the  sacred  tongue  of  the  chosen  people;  for  he 
asserts  that  Jacob  was  called  Israel  "  because  he  had  seen 
the  Lord  God,"^  and  he  avers  that  Abraham  means  "the 
elect  father  of  a  sound  !""''*  Justin  Martyr  errs  egregiously 
in  his  references  to  the  Old  Testament;  as  he  cites  Isaiah 
for  Jeremiah,tt  Zechariah  for  Malachi,JJ;  Zephaniah  for 
Zechariah,§§  and  Jeremiah  for  Daniel.  1|||  Irenseus  repeats, 
as  an  apostolic  tradition,  that  when  our  Lord  acted  as  a 

*  "  Contra  CeLsum,"  v.  §  II. 

t  Theophilus  to  Avitolycus,  lib.  ii.  §  24. 

X  In  proof  of  this3  see  his  treatise  "  Contra  Celsum,"  i.  25,  also  "  Opera,"  iii. 
p.  616,  and  iv.  p.  86, 

§  "  Contra  Hajreses,"  ii.  c.  xxiv.  §  2.     See  Matt.  i.  21. 

II  "  Contra  Hpereses,"  ii.  c.  xxxv.  3.  He  seems  to  have  confounded  Adonai 
and  Yehovah.  The  latter  word  was  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  the  "  unutterable  " 
name.  Hence  it  has  been  thought  that  in  the  Latin  version  of  IrenfEus  we 
should  read  "inuominabile"  for  "  nominabile."   SeeStieren's  "Irenseus,"  i.  418. 

H  ^  Peedagogue,"  book  i.     See  Gen.  xxxii.  28. 

**  "  Stromata,"  book  v.  See  Gen.  xvii.  5.  Not  a  few  of  these  mistakes  may 
be  traced  to  Philo  Judaeus.  Thus,  this  interpretation  of  Abraham  may  be 
found  in  his  "  Questions  and  Solutions  on  Genesis,"  book  iii.  43. 

tt  "  Apol."  ii.  p,  88,  XX  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  Opera,  p.  268. 

^§  "  Apol"  ii.  p.  76,  1111  "  Apol."  ii.  p.  86. 


ABSURDITIES  OF  THE  EARLY  FATHERS.  387 

public  teacher  He  M'as  between  forty  and  fifty  years  of  age  ;* 
and  Tertullian  affirms  that  He  was  about  thirty  years  of  age 
at  the  time  of  His  crucifixion,  t  The  opinion  of  this  same 
writer  in  reference  to  angels  is  still  more  extraordinary.  He 
maintains  that  some  of  these  beings,  captivated  by  the 
beauty  of  the  daughters  of  men,  came  down  from  heaven 
and  married  them;  and  that,  out  of  complaisance  to  their 
brides,  they  communicated  to  them  the  arts  of  polishing 
and  setting  precious  stones,  of  preparing  cosmetics,  and 
of  using  other  appliances  which  minister  to  female  vanity.  | 
His  ideas  upon  topics  of  a  different  character  are  equally 
singular.  Thus,  he  affirms  that  the  soul  is  corporeal,  having 
length,  breadth,  height,  and  figure.  §  He  even  goes  so  far 
as  to  say  that  there  is  no  substance  which  is  not  corporeal, 
and  that  God  himself  is  a  body.  || 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  Great  Head  of  the  Church  per- 
mitted these  early  \^T:iters  to  commit  the  grossest  mistakes, 
and  to  propound  the  most  foolish  theories,  for  the  express 
purpose  of  teaching  us  that  we  are  not  implicitly  to  follow 
their  guidance.  It  might  have  been  thought  that  authors, 
who  flourished  on  the  borders  of  apostolic  times,  knew  more 
of  the  mind  of  the  Spirit  than  others  who  appeared  in 
succeeding  ages ;  but  the  truths  of  Scripture,  like  the 
phenomena  of  the  visible  creation,  are  equally  intelligible 
to  all  generations.  If  we  possess  spiritual  discernment,  the 
trees  and  the  flowers  A\dll  display  the  wisdom  and  the  good- 
ness of  God  as  distinctly  to  us  as  they  did  to  our  first 
parents ;  and,  if  we  have  the  "  unction  from  the  Holy  One," 
we  may  enter  into  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptures  as  fully 

*  "  Contra  Hasreses,"  ii.  c.  xxii.  §  5. 

t  He  thus  makes  His  ministry  about  a  year  in  length.  "  Adversus  Judfecs," 
c.  viii. 

t  "  De  Cultu  Feminarum,"  lib.  i.  c.  2,  and  lib.  ii.  c.  10. 

§  See  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  p.  196.  See  also  Warburton's  "  Divine  Legation 
of  Moses,"  i.  510.     Edit.  London,  1837. 

II  "  Adver-sus  Hermogenem,"  c.  35,  and  "  Adversus  Praxeam,"  c.  7v 


388  THE  BIBLE  ITS  OWN  INTERPRETER. 

as  did  Justin  Martyr  or  Irenseus.  To  assist  us  in  tlie 
interpretation  of  the  New  Testament,  we  liave  at  command 
a  critical  apj^aratus  of  which  they  were  unable  to  avail 
themselves.  Jehovah  is  jealous  of  the  honour  of  His  Word, 
and  He  has  inscribed  in  letters  of  light  over  the  labours  of 
its  most  ancient  interpreters — "  Cease  ye  from  man."  The 
"  opening  of  the  Scriptures,"  so  as  to  exhibit  their  beauty, 
their  consistency,  their  purity,  their  wisdom,  and  their 
power,  is  the  clearest  proof  that  the  commentator  is  pos- 
sessed of  "  the  key  of  knowledge."  When  tried  by  this  test, 
Thomas  Scott  or  Matthew  Henry  is  better  entitled  to  con- 
fidence than  either  Origen  or  Gregory  Thaumaturgus.  The 
Bible  is  its  own  safest  expositor.  "  The  law  of  the  Lord  is 
perfect,  converting  the  soul;  the  testimony  of  the  Lord  is 
sure,  making  wise  the  simple." 


CHAPTER  11. 

THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES  AND  THEIE  CLAIMS. 
THE  EXTERNAL  EVIDENCE. 

The  Epistles  attributed  to  Ignatius  have  attracted  greater 
notice,  and  have  created  more  discussion,  than  any  other 
uninspired  writings  of  the  same  extent  in  existence.  The 
productions  ascribed  to  this  author,  and  now  reputed 
genuine  by  the  most  learned  of  their  recent  editors,  might 
all  be  printed  on  the  one-fourth  of  a  page  of  an  ordinary 
newspaper;  and  yet,  the  fatigue  of  travelling  thousands  of 
miles  has  been  encountered,'"'  for  the  special  purpose  of 
searching  after  correct  copies  of  these  highly-prized  me- 
morials. Large  volumes  have  been  written,  either  to 
establish  their  authority,  or  to  prove  that  they  are  forgeries ; 
and,  if  collected  together,  the  books  in  various  languages  to 
which  they  have  given  birth,  would  themselves  form  a 
considerable  library.  Recent  discoveries  have  thrown  new 
light  on  their  pretensions,  but  though  the  controversy  has 

*  In  1842,  Archdeacon  Tattam,  who  had  returned  only  about  three  years 
before  from  Egypt,  where  he  had  been  searching  for  ancient  manuscripts,  set 
out  a  second  time  to  that  country,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Trustees  of  the 
British  Museum,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of  endeavouring  to  procure  copies  of 
the  Ignatian  epistles.  On  this  occasion  he  succeeded  in  ol)taining  possession 
of  the  Syriac  copy  of  the  three  letters  published  by  Dr  Cureton  in  1845. 
Shortly  before  the  Revolution  of  1G88,  Robert  Huntingdon,  afterwards  Bishop 
of  Raphoe,  and  then  chaplain  to  the  British  merchants  at  Aleppo,  twice 
undertook  a  voyage  to  Egypt  in  quest  of  copies  of  the  Ignatian  epistles.  On 
one  of  these  occasions  he  visited  the  monastery  in  the  Nitrian  desert  in  which 
the  letters  were  recently  foimd. 


ii90  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

now  continued  upwards  of  tliree  hundred  years,  it  lias  not 
hitherto  reached  a  satisfactory  termination/"'' 

The  Ignatian  letters  owe  almost  all  their  importance  to 
the  circumstance  that  they  are  alleged  to  have  been  written 
on  the  confines  of  the  apostolic  age.  As  very  few  records 
remain  to  illustrate  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  period, 
it  is  not  strange  that  epistles,  purporting  to  have  emanated 
from  one  of  the  most  distinguished  ministers  who  then 
flourished,  should  have  excited  uncommon  attention.  But 
doubts  regarding  their  genuineness  have  always  been 
entertained  by  candid  and  competent  scholars.  The  spirit 
of  sectarianism  has  entered  largely  into  the  discussion  of 
their  claims ;  and,  whilst  certain  distinct  references  to  the 
subject  of  Church  polity,  which  they  contain,  have  greatly 
enhanced  their  value  in  the  estimation  of  one  party,  the 
same  passages  have  been  quoted,  by  those  who  repudiate 
their  authority,  as  so  many  decisive  proofs  of  their  fabrica- 
tion. The  annals  of  literature  furnish,  perhaps,  scarcely 
any  other  case  in  which  ecclesiastical  prejudices  have  been 
so  much  mixed  up  with  a  question  of  mere  criticism. 

The  history  of  the  individual  to  whom  these  letters  have 
been  ascribed,  has  been  so  metamorphosed  by  fables,  that  it 
is  now,  perhaps,  impossible  to  ascertain  its  true  outlines. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  he  was  the  child  whom  our 
Saviour  set  in  the  midst  of  His  disciples  as  a  pattern  of 
humility  ;t  and  as  our  Lord,  on  the  occasion,  took  up  the 
little  personage  in  His  arms,  it  has  been  asserted  that 
Ignatius  was  therefore  surnamed  Theophorus,  that  is,  ho7^ne 
or  carried  hy  God.l     Whatever  may  be  thought  as  to  the 

*  Of  the  writers  who  have  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  Ignatian  contro- 
versy we  may  particularly  mention  Ussher,  Vossius,  Hammond,  DaiUe,  Pear- 
son, Larroque,  Rothe,  Baur,  Cureton,  Hefele,  and  Bunsea 

t  Matt,  xviii.  2-4 ;  Mark  ix.  36. 

J  There  has  been  a  keen  controversy  respecting  the  accentuation  of  Qeo- 
(})opos.  Those  who  place  the  accent  on  the  antepenult  (Qeocpopos)  give  it  the 
meaning  mentioned  in  the  text;  whilst  others,  placing  the  accent  on  the 


THE  STORY  OF  IGNATIUS.  391 

truth  of  tills  story,  it  probably  gives  a  not  very  inaccurate 
view  of  the  date  of  his  birth ;  for  he  was,  in  all  likelihood, 
iiiv  advanced  in  life''"  at  the  period  when  he  is  supposed  to 
have  written  these  celebrated  letters.  According  to  the 
current  accounts,  he  was  the  second  bishop  of  Antioch  at 
the  time  of  his  martyrdom ;  and  as  his  age  would  lead  us 
to  infer  that  he  was  then  the  senior  member  of  the  presby- 
ter}^,! the  tradition  may  have  thus  originated.  It  is  alleged 
that  Avhen  Trajan  visited  the  capital  of  Syria  in  the  ninth 
year  of  his  reign,  or  a.d.  107,  Ignatius  voluntarily  presented 
himself  before  the  imperial  tribunal,  and  avowed  his  Chris- 
tianity. It  is  added,  that  he  was  in  consequence  condemned 
to  be  carried  a  prisoner  to  Eome,  there  to  be  consigned  to 
the  wild  beasts  for  the  entertainment  of  the  populace.  On 
his  way  to  the  "Western  metropolis,  he  is  said  to  have 
stopped  at  Smyrna.  The  legend  represents  Polycarp  as 
then  the  chief  pastor  of  that  city;  and,  when  there,  Ignatius 
is  described  as  having  received  deputations  from  the  neigh- 
bouring churches,  and  as  having  addressed  to  them  several 
letters.  From  Smyrna  he  is  reported  to  have  proceeded  to 
Troas ;  where  he  dictated  some  additional  epistles,  including 
one  to  Polycarp.  The  claims  of  these  letters  to  be  con- 
sidered his  genuine  productions  have  led  to  the  controversy 
which  we  are  now  to  notice. 

The  story  of  Ignatius  exhibits  many  marks  of  error  and 
exaggeration;  and  yet  it  is  no  easy  matter  to  determine 
how  much  of  it  should  be  pronounced  fictitious.  Few, 
perhaps,  wiU  venture  to  assert  that  the  account  of  his 

peniilt  {Qeo(J}6pos),  understand  by  it  God-hearing,  the  explanation  given  in  the 
"Acts  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Ignatius."  See  Daille,  "De  Scriptis  quce  sub 
Dionysii  Areop.  et  Ignatii  Antioch.  nom.  circumferuntur,"  lib.  ii.  c.  25 ;  and 
Pearson's  "  Vindicite  Ignatianse,"  pars.  sec.  cap.  xii. 

*  Cave  reckons  that  at  the  time  of  his  martyrdom  he  was  probably  "  above 
fourscore  years  old."     See  his  "  Life  of  Ignatius." 

t  See  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  v.  Evodius  is  comraoidy  represented  as  tho 
first  bishop  of  Antioch. 


392  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

martyrdom  is  to  be  rejected  as  altogether  apocryplial;  and 
still  fewer  will  go  so  far  as  to  maintain  that  he  is  a  purely 
imaginary  character.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that, 
very  early  in  the  second  century,  he  was  connected  with 
the  Church  of  Antioch;  and  that,  about  the  same  period, 
he  suffered  unto  death  in  the  cause  of  Christianity.  Pliny, 
who  was  then  Proconsul  of  Bithynia,  mentions  that,  as  he 
did  not  well  know,  in  the  beginning  of  his  administration, 
how  to  deal  with  the  accused  Christians,  he  sent  those  of 
them  who  were  Roman  citizens  to  the  Emperor,  that  he 
might  himself  pronounce  judgment.'"'  It  is  possible  that 
the  chief  magistrate  of  Syria  pursued  the  same  course; 
and  that  thus  Ignatius  was  transmitted  as  a  prisoner  into 
Italy.  But,  upon  some  such  substratum  of  facts,  a  mass 
of  incongruous  fictions  has  been  erected.  The  "  Acts  of  his 
Martyrdom,"  still  extant,  and  written  probably  upwards  of 
a  hundred  years  after  his  demise,  cannot  stand  the  test  of 

/  chronological  investigation;  and  have  evidently  been  com- 
piled by  some  very  superstitious   and   credulous  author. 

\  According  to  these  Acts,  Ignatius  was  condemned  by  Trajan 
at  Antioch  in  the  7i{ntJif  year  of  his  reign;  but  it  has 
been  contended  that,  not  until  long  afterwards,  was  the 
Emperor  in  the  Syrian  capital.  J    In  the  "  Acts,"  Ignatius  is 

*  "  Fuerunt  alii  similis  amentise  :  quos,  quia  cives  Eomani  erant,  annotavi 
in  Urbem  remittendos." — Plinii,  Epist.  lib.  x.  epist.  96. 

f  The  Greek  says  the  ninth,  and  the  Latin  the  fourth  year.  According 
to  both,  the  condemnation  took  place  early  in  the  reign  of  Trajan.  See  also 
the  first  sentence  of  the  "  Acts."  In  his  translation  of  these  "  Acts,"  Wake, 
regardless  of  this  statement,  and  in  ojiposition  to  all  manuscript  authority, 
represents  the  sentence  as  pronounced  "  in  the  nineteenth  year"  of  Trajan. 

t  See  Jacobson's  "  Patres  Apostolici,"  ii.  p.  504.  See  also  Greswell's  "  Dis- 
sertations," vol.  iv.  p.  422.  It  is  evident  that  the  date  in  the  "  Acts"  cannot  be 
the  mistake  of  a  transcriber,  for  in  the  same  document  the  martyrdom  is  said 
to  have  occurred  when  Sura  and  Synecius  were  consuls.  These,  as  Greswell 
observes,  were  actually  consuls  "  in  the  ninth  of  Trajan."  Greswell's  "  Dis- 
sertations," iv.  p.  416.  Hefele,  however,  has  attempted  to  shew  that  Trajan 
was  really  in  Antioch  about  this  time.  See  his  "  Pat.  Apost.  Opera  Prolego- 
mena," p.  35.     Edit.  Tubingen,  1842. 


THE  STORY  OF  IGNATIUS.  393 

described  as  presenting  himself  before  liis  sovereign  of  Ids 
own  accord,  to  proclaim  his  Christianity — a  piece  of  fool- 
hardiness  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  discover  any  reasonable  | 
apology.      The  report  of  the  interview  between   Ignatius 
and  Trajan,  as  given  in  this  document,  would,  if  believed, 
abundantly  warrant  the  conclusion  that  the  martyr  must  j 
have  entirely  lost  the  humility  for  which  he  is  said  to  have  i 
obtained  credit  when  a  child ;  as  his  conduct,  in  the  pre-  | 
sence  of  the  Emperor,  betrays  no  small  amount  of  boast-  / 
fulness  and  presumption.     The  account  of  his  transmission 
to  Eome,  that  he  might  be  thrown  to  wild  beasts,  presents  j 
difficulties  with  which  even  the  most  zealous  defenders  of  / 
his  legendary  history  have  found  it  impossible  to  grapple.  1 
He  was  sent  away,  say  they,  to  the  Italian  metropolis  that 
the  sight  of  so  distinguished  a  victim  passing  through  so 
many  cities  on  his  way  to  a  cruel  death  might  strike  terror 
into  the  hearts  of  the  Christian  inhabitants.     But  we  are  \ 
told  that  he  was  conveyed  from  Syria  to  Smyrna  by  water/''  j 
so  that  the  explanation  is  quite  unsatisfactory;  and,  had  / 
the  journey  been  accomplished  by  land,   it  would  stiU  be 
insufficient,  as  the  disciples  of  that  age  were  unhappily  only 
too  familiar  with  spectacles  of  Christian  martyrdom.     Our , 
perplexity  increases  as  we  proceed  more  minutely  to  inves-  \ 
tigate  the  circumstances  under  which  the  epistles  are  re-  J 
ported  to  have  been  composed.     Whilst  Ignatius  is  said  to 
have  been  hurried  with  great  violence  and  barbarity  from 
the  East  to  the  West,  he  is  at  the  same  time  represented,  \ 
with  strange  inconsistency,  as   remaining  for  many  days  / 
together  in  the  same  place,t  as  receiving  visitors  from  the 

*  "  Acts  of  his  Martyrdom,"  §  8. 

t  He  is  said,  when  at  Smyrna,  to  have  been  visited  by  a  deputation  from 
the  Maguesians.  But  had  notice  been  sent  to  them  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at 
Smyrna,  the  messenger  would  have  required  three  days  to  perforin  the 
journey;  and  had  the  Magnesians  set  out  instantaneously,  they  must  have 
occupied  three  days  more  in  travelling  to  him.  Thus,  notwithstanding  all 
the  precipitation  with  which  he  was  hurried  along,  he  could  scarcely  have 
been  less  than  a  week  in  Smyrna.     See  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  pp.  326,  327. 


394  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

cliurclies  all  around,  and  as  writing  magniloquent  epistles. 
AVhat  is  still  more  remarkal)le,  though  he  was  pressed  by 
the  soldiers  to  hasten  forward,  and  though  a  prosperous 
gale  speedily  carried  his  vessel  into  Italy,'"  one  of  these 
letters  is  supposed  to  outstrip  the  rapidity  of  his  own  pro- 
gress, and  to  reach  Eome  before  himself  and  his  impatient 
escort  ! 

Early  in  the  fourth  century  at  least  seven  epistles  attri- 
buted to  Ignatius  were  in  circulation,  for  Eusebius  of 
CtBsarea,  who  then  flourished,  distinctly  mentions  so  many, 
and  states  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  From  Smyrna 
the  martyr  is  said  to  have  written  four  letters — one  to  the 
Ephesians,  another  to  the  Magnesians,  a  third  to  the  Tral- 
lians,  and  a  fourth  to  the  Eomans.  From  Troas  he  is 
reported  to  have  written  three  additional  letters — one  to 
Polycarp,  a  second  to  the  Smyrnseans,  and  a  third  to  the 
Philadelphians.t  At  a  subsequent  period  eight  more 
epistles  made  their  appearance,  including  two  to  the 
Apostle  John,  one  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  one  to  Maria  Casso- 
bolita,  one  to  the  Tarsians,  one  to  the  Philippians,  one  to 
the  Antiochians,  and  one  to  Hero  the  deacon.  Thus,  no 
less  than  fifteen  epistles  claim  Ignatius  of  Antioch  as  their 
author. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  the  merits  of  the  eight  letters 
unknown  to  Eusebius.  They  were  probably  all  fabricated 
after  the  time  of  that  historian;  and  critics  have  long 
since  concurred  in  rejecting  them  as  spurious.  Until 
recently,  those  engaged  in  the  Ignatian  controversy  were 

*  "  He  was  pressed  by  the  soldiers  to  hasten  to  the  pubHc  sj^ectacles  at  great 
Eome."  "And  the  wind  continuing  favourable  to  us,  in  one  day  and  night  we 
were  hurried  on." — Acts  of  his  Martyrdom,  §  10,  11. 

t  Philadelphia  is  distant  from  Troas  about  two  hundred  miles.  "  Corpus 
Ignatianum,"  jjp.  331,  332.  Here,  then,  is  another  difficulty  connected  with  this 
hasty  journey.  How  could  a  deputation  from  Philadelphia  meet  Ignatius  in 
Troas,  as  some  allege  they  did,  if  he  did  not  stop  a  considerable  time  there  ? 
See  other  difficulties  suggested  by  Dr  Cureton.     "  Cor.  Ignat."  p.  332. 


THE  SYEIAC  VERSION.  395 

occupied  chiefly  \yitli  tlie  examination  of  the  claims  of  the 
documents  mentioned  by  the  bishop  of  Csesarea.  Here, 
however,  the  strange  variations  in  the  copies  tended  greatly 
to  complicate  the  discussion.  The  letters  of  different  manu- 
scripts, when  compared  together,  disclosed  extraordinary 
discrepancies;  for,  whilst  all  the  codices  contained  much  of 
the  same  matter,  a  letter  in  one  edition  was,  in  some  cases, 
about  double  the  length  of  the  corresponding  letter  in 
another.  Some  writers  contended  for  the  genuineness  of 
the  shorter  epistles,  and  represented  the  larger  as  made  up 
of  the  true  text  extended  by  interpolations ;  whilst  others 
pronounced  the  larger  letters  the  originals,  and  condemned 
the  shorter  as  unsatisfactory  abridgments."''  But,  though 
both  editions  found  most  erudite  and  zealous  advocates, 
many  critics  of  eminent  ability  continued  to  look  with 
distrust  upon  the  text,  as  well  of  the  shorter,  as  of  the 
larger  letters;  whilst  not  a  few  were  disposed  to  suspect 
that  Ignatius  had  no  share  whatever  in  the  composition  of 
any  of  these  documents. 

In  the  year  1845  a  new  turn  was  given  to  this  contro- 
versy by  the  publication  of  a  Syriac  version  of  three  of  the 
Ignatian  letters.  They  w^ere  printed  from  a  manuscript 
deposited  in  1843  in  the  British  Museum^  and  obtained, 
shortly  before,  from  a  monastery  in  the  desert  of  Nitria  in 
Egypt.  The  work  was  dedicated  by  permission  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  views  propounded  in  it 
were  understood  to  have  the  sanction  of  the  English  metro- 
politan.t  Dr  Cureton,  the  editor,  has  since  entered  more 
fully  into  the  discussion  of  the  subject  in  his  "  Corpus  Igna- 
tianum  "  J — a  volume  dedicated  to  His  Eoyal  Highness  the 

*  Such  is  the  opinion  maintained  by  the  celebrated  Whiston  in  his  "  Pri- 
mitive Christianity."     More  recently  Meier  took  up  nearly  the  same  position. 

t  See  Preface  to  the  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  p.  4. 

X  Published  in  1849.  In  1846  he  pubUshed  his  "  Vindicire  Ignatianse  ;  or 
the  Genuine  Writings  of  St  Ignatius,  as  exhibited  in  the  ancient  Syriac 
version,  vindicated  from  the  charge  of  heresy." 


396  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

Prince  Albert,  in  which  the  various  texts  of  all  the  epistles 
are  exhibited,  and  in  which  the  claims  of  the  three  recently 
discovered  letters,  as  the  only  genuine  productions  of  Ig-  I 
natius,  are  ingeniously  maintained.     In  the  Syriac  copies,'""  j 
these  letters  are  styled  "  The  Three  Epistles  of  Ignatius, 
Bishop,  and  Martyr,"  and  thus  the  inference  is  suggested 
that,  at  one  time,  they  were  the  only  three  epistles  in  existence. 
Dr  Cureton's  statements  have  obviously  made  a  great  impres- 
sion upon  the  mind  of  the  literary  public,  and  there  seems 
at  present  to  be  a  pretty  general  disposition  in  certain  f 
quarters  t  to  discard  all  the  other  epistles  as  forgeries,  and 
to  accept  those  preserved  in  the   Syriac  version   as  the 
veritable  compositions  of  the  pastor  of  Antioch. 

It  must  be  obvious  from  the  foregoing  explanations  that 
increasing  light  has  wonderfully  diminished  the  amount  of 
literature  which  once  obtained  credit  under  the  name  of  the 
venerable  Ignatius.     In  the  sixteenth  century  he  was  re- 
puted by  many  as  the  author  of  fifteen  letters :  it  was 
subsequently  discovered  that  eight  of  them  must  be  set 
aside  as  apocryphal :  farther  investigation  convinced  critics 
that  considerable  portions  of  the  remaining  seven  must  be 
rejected:   and  when  the  short  text  of  these  epistles  was 
published,  \  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,' ; 
candid  scholars  confessed  that  it  still  betrayed  unequivocal  I 
indications  of   corruption.  §      But    even   some   Protestant  ' 
writers  of  the  highest  rank  stoutly  upheld  their  claims,  and 

*  In  1847  another  copy  of  tlie  Syriac  version  of  the  three  epistles  was 
deposited  in  the  British  Museum,  and  since,  Sir  Henry  Rawliuson  is  said  to 
have  obtained  a  third  copy  at  Bagdad.  See  "  British  Quarterly  "  for  October 
1855,  p.  452. 

t  Dr  Lee,  late  Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  Canabridge,  Chevalier  Bun- 
sen,  and  other  scholars  of  great  eminence,  have  espoused  the  views  of  Dr 
Cureton. 

X  By  Archbishop  Ussher  in  1644,  and  by  Vossius  in  1646. 

§  Such  was  the  opinion  of  Ussher  himself.     "  Concludimus nullas 

omni  ex  parte  sinceras  esse  habendas  et  genuinas."  Dissertation  prefixed  to 
his  edition  of  "Polycarp  and  Ignatius,"  chap.  18. 


Pearson's  "vindici^."  397 

/  the  learned  Pearson  devoted  years  to  the  preparation  of  a 
N  defence  of  their  authority.'"     His   "Yindicise  Ignatianse"  , 
has  long  been  considered  by  a  certain  party  as  unanswer-  > 
able ;  and,  though  the  publication  has  been  read  by  very 
/few,t  the  advocates  of  what  are  called  "  High-Church  prin- 
i  ciples"  have  been  reposing  for  nearly  two  centuries  under 
I  the  shadow  of  its  reputation.     The  critical  labours  of  Dr 
Cureton  have  somewhat  disturbed  their  dream  of  security, 
as  that  distinguished  scholar  has  adduced  very  good  evi- 
dence to  shew  that  about   three-fourths  of  the   matter  J 
which  the  Bishop  of  Chester  spent  a  considerable  portion  of  : 
his  mature  age  in  attempting  to  prove  genuine,  is  the  work  [ 
of  an  impostor.     It  is  now  admitted  by  the  highest  authori-  \ 
ties  that  four  of  the  seven  short  letters  must  be  given  up 
as  spurious ;  and  the  remaining  three,  which  are  addressed, 
respectively  to  Polycarp,    to  the  Ephesians,   and   to   the'> 
Eomaus,  and  which  are  found  in  the  Syriac  version,  are  ( 
much    shorter   even   than   the   short    epistles   which   had  ( 
abeady  appeared  under  the  same  designations.     The  Epistle 
to  Polycarp,  the  shortest  of  the  seven  letters  in  preceding  / 
editions,  is  here  presented  in  a  still  more  abbreviated  form ; 
the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  wants  fully  the  one-third  of  its 
previous  matter;  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  has  lost 
nearly  three-fourths  of  its  contents.     Nor  is  this  all.     In 

*  Pearson  was  occui)ied  six  years  in  the  preparation  of  this  work.  The 
publication  of  Daill6,  to  which  it  was  a  reply,  appeared  in  1666.  Daille  died 
in  1670,  at  the  advanced  age  of  seventy-six.  The  work  of  Pearson  did  not 
appear  until  two  years  afterwards,  or  in  1672.  The  year  follo\ving  he  received 
the  bishopric  of  Chester  as  his  reward. 

t  "  In  the  whole  course  of  my  inquiry  respecting  the  Ignatian  Epistles," 
says  Dr  Cureton,  "I  have  never  met  with  one  person  xuho  professes  to  have  read 
Bishop  Pearson's  celebrated  book;  but  I  was  informed  by  one  of  the  most 
learned  and  eminent  of  the  present  bench  of  bishops,  that  Person,  after 
having  perused  the  '  Vindicise,'  had  expressed  to  him  his  opinion  that  it  was 
a  'very  unsatisfactory  work.'" — Corpus  Ignat.,  Preface,  pp.  14,  15,  note. 
Bishop  Pearson's  work  is  written  in  Latin. 

X  The  "  Three  Epistles  "  edited  by  Dr  Cureton  contain  only  about  the  one- 
fourth  of  the  matter  of  the  seven  shorter  letters  edited  by  Ussher. 


398  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

the  Syriac  version  a  large  fragment  of  one  of  the  four 
/  recently  rejected  letters  reappears;  as  the  new  edition  of 
/  the  Epistle  to  the  Eomans  contains  two  entire  paragraphs 
\  to  be  found  in  the  discarded  letter  to  the  Trallians. 

It  is  only  due  to  Dr  Cureton  to  acknowledge  that  his 
publications  have  thrown  immense  light  on  this  tedious 
and  keenly  agitated  controversy.  But,  unquestionably, 
he  has  not  exhausted  the  discussion.  Instead  of  abruptly 
adojDting  the  conclusion  that  the  three  letters  of  the  Syriac 
version  are  to  be  received  as  genuine,  we  conceive  he  would 
have  argued  more  logically  had  he  inferred  that  they 
reveal  one  of  the  earliest  forms  of  a  gross  imposture.  We 
are  persuaded  that  the  epistles  he  has  edited,  as  well^as  all 
the  others  previously  published,  are  fictitious ;  and  we  shall 
endeavour  to  demonstrate,  in  the  sequel  of  this  chapter, 
that  the  external  evidence  in  their  favour  is  most  unsatis- 
factory. 

AVlien  discussing  the  testimonies  from  the  writers  of 
antiquity  in  their  support,  it  is  not  necessary  to  examine 
any  later  witness  than  Eusebius.  The  weight  of  his  lite- 
rary character  influenced  all  succeeding  fathers,  some  of 
whom,  who  appear  never  to  have  seen  these  documents, 
refer  to  them  on  the  strength  of  his  authority.'"'  In  his 
"  Ecclesiastical  History,"  which  was  published  as  some  think 
about  A.D.  325,  he  asserts  that  Ignatius  wrote  seven  letters, 
and  from  these  he  makes  a  few  quotations.!  But  his  ad- 
mission of  the  genuineness  of  a  correspondence,  bearing 
date  upwards  of  two  hundred  years  before  his  own  appear- 
ance as  an  author,  is  an  attestation  of  very  doubtful  value. 
He  often  makes  mistakes  respecting  the  character  of  eccle- 
siastical memorials ;  and  in  one  memorable  case,  of  far  more 
consequence   than  that  now  under  consideration,  he  has 

*  Dr  Cureton  lias  shewn  that  even  the  learned  Jerome  must  have  known 
very  little  of  these  letters.     "  Corpus  Ignat.,"  Introd.  p.  67. 
t  Euseb.  iii.  c.  3(5. 


TESTIMONY  OF  ORIGEN.  399 

blundered  most  egregiously ;  for  he  has  published,  as 
genuine,  the  spurious  correspondence  between  Abgarus  and 
our  Saviour.""'  He  was  under  strong  temptations  to  form 
an  unduly  favourable  judgment  of  the  letters  attributed  to 
Ignatius,  inasmuch  as,  to  use  the  words  of  Dr  Cureton, 
"  they  seemed  to  afford  evidence  to  the  apostolic  succession 
in  several  churches,  an  account  of  which  he  professes  to  be 
one  of  the  chief  objects  of  his  history/' t  His  reference  to 
them  is  decisive  as  to  the  fact  of  their  existence  in  the 
early  part  of  the  fourth  century;  but  those  who  adopt  the 
views  propounded  in  the  "Corpus  Ignatianum,"  are  not  pre- 
pared to  bow  to  his  critical  decision;  for,  on  this  very 
occasion,  he  has  given  his  sanction  to  four  letters  which 
they  pronounce  apocryphal. 

The  only  father  who  notices  these  letters  before  the 
fourth  centm-y,  is  Origen.  He  quotes  from  them  twice ;  \ 
the  citations  which  he  gives  are  to  be  found  in  the  Syriac 
version  of  the  three  epistles ;  §  and  it  would  appear  from  his 
writings  that  he  was  not  acquainted  with  the  seven  letters 
current  in  the  days  of  Eusebius.  ||  Those  to  which  he 
refers  were,  perhaps,  brought  under  his  notice  when  he 
went  to  Antioch  on  the  invitation  of  Julia  Mammsea,  the 
mother  of  the  Emperor;  as,  for  reasons  subsequently  to 
be  stated,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  manufactured  in 
that  neighbourhood  not  long  before  his  visit.  If  presented 
to  him  at  that  time  by  parties  interested  in  the  recognition 
of  their  claims,  they  were,  under  the  circumstances,  exactly 
such  documents  as  were  likely  to  impose  upon  him;  for  the 

*  Eu«eb.  i.  c.  13.  t  "Corpus  Ignatianum,"  Introd. p.  71. 

it:  Proleg.  in  "  Cantic.  Canticorum,"  and  Homil.  vi.  in  "  Lucam." 

§  In  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 

II  He  quotes  the  words — "I  am  not  an  incorporeal  demon,"  from  the 
"  Doctrine  of  Peter ; "  but  they  are  found  in  the  shorter  recension  of  the 
.seven  letters  in  the  "  Epistle  to  the  Smyrnajans,"  §  3.  Had  this  epistle  been 
known  to  him,  he  would  certainly  have  quoted  from  an  apostolic  father  rather 
than  from  a  work  whicli  he  knew  to  be  spurious.  See  Oi'igcn,  "  Opera,"  i.  p. 
40,  note. 


400  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

student  of  Philo,  and  the  author  of  the  •'  Exhortation  to 
Martyrdom,"  could  not  but  admire  the  spirit  of  mysticism 
by  which  they  are  pervaded,  and  the  anxiety  to  die  under 
persecution  which  they  proclaim.  AVhilst,  therefore,  his 
quotation  of  these  letters  attests  their  existence  in  his  time, 
it  is  of  very  little  additional  value.  Again  and  again  in 
his  writings  we  meet  with  notices  of  apocryphal  works 
unaccompanied  by  any  intimations  of  their  spuriousness."^''  }, 
He  asserts  that  Barnabas,  the  author  of  the  epistle  still 
extant  under  his  name,t  was  the  individual  mentioned  in 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  as  the  companion  of  Paul ;  and  he 
frequently  quotes  the  "  Pastor"  of  Hermas J  as  a  book  given 
by  inspiration  of  God.§  Such  facts  abundantly  prove  that 
his  recognition  of  the  Ignatian  epistles  is  a  very  equivocal 
criterion  of  their  genuineness. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  shew  that  two  other  writers, 
earlier  than  Origen,  have  noticed  the  Ignatian  correspond- 
ence; and  Eusebius  himself  has  quoted  Polycarp  and  Ire- 
nseus  as  if  bearing  witness  in  its  favour.  Polycarp  in  early 
life  was  contemporary  with  the  pastor  of  Antioch;  and 
Irenseus  is  said  to  have  been  the  disciple  of  Polycarp ;  and, 
could  it  be  demonstrated  that  either  of  these  fathers 
vouched  for  its  genuineness,  the  testimony  would  be  of 
peculiar  importance.  But,  when  their  evidence  is  examined, 
it  is  found  to  be  nothing  to  the  purpose.  In  the  Treatise 
against  Heresies,  Irenseus  speaks,  in  the  following  terms, 
of  the  heroism  of  a  Christian  martyr — "  One  of  our  people 
said,  when  condemned  to  the  beasts  on  account  of  his  testi- 
mony towards  God — As  I  am  the  wheat  of  God,  I  am  also 
ground  by  the  teeth  of  beasts,  that  I  may  be  found  the  pure 
bread  of  God."  ||     These  words  of  the  martyr  are  found  in 

*  "  Opera,"  ii.  20,  21  ;  iii.  271. 

•\  See  Period  II.  sec.  ii.  chap.  i.  p.  367.     Origen,  "  Opera,"  iv.  473. 
X  Ibid.  p.  368.  §  "Opera,"  i.  79;  iv.  683. 

"Contra  Hajreses,"  lib.  v.  c.  28,  §  4.      "  Quidam  de  nostris  dixit,  propter 


QUOTATION  FROM  IEEN^>US.  401 

tlie  Syriac  Epistle  to  tlie  Eomans,  and  hence  it  lias  l^een  in- 
ferred that  they  are  a  quotation  from  that  letter.  But  it  is 
far  more  probable  that  the  words  of  the  letter  were  copied 
out  of  Irenoeus,  and  quietly  appropriated,  by  a  forger,  to  the 
use  of  his  Ignatius,  Avith  a  view  to  obtain  credit  for  a  false 
document.  The  individual  who  uttered  them  is  not  named 
by  the  pastor  of  Lyons ;  and,  after  the  death  of  that  writer, 
a  fabricator  might  put  them  into  the  mouth  of  whomsoever  j 
he  pleased  without  any  special  danger  of  detection.  The 
Treatise  against  Heresies  obtained  extensive  circulation; 
and  as  it  animadverted  on  errors  which  had  been  promul- 
gated in  Antioch,^'  it,  no  doubt,  soon  found  its  way  into  the 
Syrian  capital,  t  But  who  can  believe  that  Irenaeus  describes 
Ignatius,  when  he  speaks  of  ''one  of  our  people  f"  The 
martyr  Avas  not  such  an  insignificant  personage  that  he  / 
could  be  thus  ignored.  He  was  one  of  the  most  eminent 
Christians  of  his  age — the  companion  of  apostles — and  the 
presiding  minister  of  one  of  the  most  influential  Chu];ches  in 
the  world.  Irenoeus  is  obviously  alluding  to  some  disciple 
who  occupied  a  very  different  position.  He  is  speaking, 
not  of  what  the  martyr  turote,  but  of  what  he  said — not 
of  his  letters,  but  of  his  words.  Any  reader  who  considers  \ 
the  situation  of  Irenseus  a  few  years  before  he  published 
this  treatise,  can  have  no  difficulty  in  understanding  the 
reference.  He  had  witnessed  at  Lyons  one  of  the  most  terrible 
persecutions  the  disciples  ever  had  endured;  and,  in  the 
letter  to  the  Churches  of  Asia  and  Phrygia,  he  had  graphi- 
cally described  its  horrors.  |  He  there  tells  how  his  brethren 
had  been  condemned  to  be  thrown  to  wild  beasts,  and  he 

martyrium  in  Deum  adjudicatiLS  ad  bestias :  Quoniam  frumentum  sum  Christi, 
et  per  dentes  bestiarum  molor,  ut  rnundus  panis  Dei  inveniar." 

*  Thus  he  speaks  of  "  Saturninus,  who  was  from  Autioch."      "  Contra 
Ilaereses,"  hb.  i.  c.  24,  §  1. 

t  It  seems  to  have  been  soon  translated  into  Syriac.     See  Buusen's  "  Hip- 
polytus,"  iv.  Preface,  p.  8. 

X  See  large   extracts  from   this  letter  in   Euscb.  v.  c.  i.       Also  Routh's 
"  Rcliquiao,"  i.  329. 

2  C 


402  THE  TGNATIAN  EPI8TLES. 

records  with  simplicity  and  pathos  the  constancy  with 
which  they  suffered.  But  in  such  an  epistle  he  could  not 
notice  every  case  which  had  come  under  his  observation, 
and  he  here  mentions  a  new  instance  of  the  Christian  cour- 
age of  some  believer  unknoAvn  to  fame,  when  he  states — 
"  one  of  our  people  when  condemned  to  the  beasts,  said, 
*  As  I  am  the  wheat  of  God,  I  am  also  ground  by  the  teeth 
of  beasts,  that  I  may  be  found  the  pure  bread  of  God.'" 

The  Treatise  against  Heresies  supplies  the  clearest 
evidence  that  Irenseus  was  quite  ignorant  of  the  existence 
of  the  Ignatian  epistles.  These  letters  contain  pointed 
references  to  the  errorists  of  the  early  Church,  and  had 
they  been  known  to  the  pastor  of  Lyons,  he  could  have 
brought  them  to  bear  Avith  most  damaging  effect  against 
the  heretics  he  assailed.  Ignatius  was  no  ordinary  witness, 
for  he  had  heard  the  truth  from  the  lips  of  the  apostles; 
he  had  spent  a  long  life  in  the  society  of  the  primitive  dis- 
ciples; •and  he  filled  one  of  the  most  responsible  stations 
that  a  Christian  minister  could  occupy.  The  heretics  boldly 
affirmed  that  they  had  tradition  on  their  side,*  and  there- 
fore the  testimony  of  Ignatius,  as  of  an  individual  who  had 
received  tradition  at  the  fountain-head,  would  have  been 
regarded  by  Irenaeus  as  all-important.  And  the  author  of 
the  Treatise  against  Heresies  was  not  slow  to  employ 
such  evidence  when  it  was  in  any  way  available.  He  plies 
his  antagonists  with  the  testimony  of  Clement  of  Rome,t 
of  Polycarp,|  of  Papias,§  and  of  Justin  Martyr.  1|  But 
throughout  the  five  books  of  his  discussion  he  never  ad-  j 
duces  any  of  the  words  of  the  pastor  of  Antioch.  He  never 
throws  out  any  hint  from  which  w^e  can  infer  that  he  was 
aware  of  the  existence  of  his  Epistles.H     He  never  even 

*  Irenseus,  "Contra  Hsereses,"  lib.  iii.  c.  2,  §  1,  2. 

t  Lib.  iii.  c,  3,  §  3.  J  Lib.  iii.  c.  iii.  §  4. 

§  Lib.  V.  c.  xxxiii.  §  3,  4.  ||  Lib.  iv.  c.  vi.  §  2. 

II  In  his  "  Vindicise,"  (Pars.  i.  cap.  6,)  Pearson  attempts  to  parry  this  argu- 


TESTIMONY  OF  POLYCAEP.  403 

mentions  his  name.     Could  we  desire  more  convincing  proof  / 
that  he  had  never  heard  of  the  Ignatian  correspondence  1      / 

The  only  other  witness  now  remaining  to  be  examined  is 
Polycarp.  It  has  often  been  affirmed  that  he  distinctly 
acknowledges  the  authority  of  these  letters ;  and  yet,  when 
honestly  interrogated,  he  will  be  found  to  deliver  quite  a 
different  deposition.  But,  before  proceeding  to  consider  his 
testimony,  let  us  inquire  his  age  when  his  epistle  was  writ- 
ten. It  bears  the  following  superscription  : — "  Polycarp, 
and  the  elders  who  are  ivith  him,  to  the  Church  of  God 
which  is  at  Philippi."  At  this  time,  therefore,  though  the 
early  Christians  paid  respect  to  hoary  hairs,  and  were  not 
willing  to  permit  persons  without  experience  to  take  prece- 
dence of  their  seniors,  Polycarp  must  have  been  at  the  head 
of  the  presbytery.  But,  at  the  death  of  Ignatius,  when 
according  to  the  current  theory  he  dictated  this  letter,  he 
was  a  young  man  of  six  and  twenty.*  Such  a  supposition 
is  very  much  out  of  keeping  with  the  tone  of  the  document. 
In  it  he  admonishes  the  widows  to  be  sober;  t  he  gives 
advice  to  the  elders  and  deacons ;  J  he  expresses  his  great 
concern  for  Valens,  an  erring  brother,  who  had  once  been 
a  presbyter  among  them;§  and  he  intimates  that  the 
epistle  was  written  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  Philip- 
pians  themselves.il     Is  it  at  all  probable  that  Polycarp,  at 

ment  by  urging  that  Irenoeus  does  not  mention  other  writers,  such  as  Barna- 
bas, Quadratus,  Aristides,  Athenagoras,  and  Theophihis.  But  the  reply  is 
obvious — 1.  These  writers  were  occupied  chiefly  in  defending  Christianity 
against  the  attacks  of  paganism,  so  that  testimonies  against  heresy  could  not 
be  expected  in  their  works.  2.  None  of  them  were  so  early  as  Ignatius,  so 
that  their  testimony,  even  could  it  have  been  obtained,  would  have  been  of 
less  value.  Some  of  them,  such  as  Theophilus,  were  the  contemporaries  of 
Irenaeus.  3.  None  of  them  held  such  an  important  position  in  the  Chm'ch 
as  Ignatius. 

*  He  was  martyred  a.d.  167,  at  the  age  of  eighty-six.  According  to  the 
Acts  of  his  Martyrdom,  Ignatius  was  martyred  sixty  years  before,  or  a.d. 
107.  Polycarp  must,  therefore,  have  been  now  about  twenty-six.  See  more 
particularly  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  v.  note. 

t  Sec.  4.  t  Sees.  5,  6.  §  Sec.  11.  ||  Sec.  3. 


404  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

the  age  of  six  and  twenty,  was  in  a  position  to  warrant 
him  to  use  such  a  style  of  address'?  Are  we  to  believe  he 
was  already  so  well  known  and  so  highly  venerated  that  a 
Cluistian  community  on  the  other  side  of  the  ^gean  Sea, 
and  the  oldest  Church  in  all  Greece,  would  apply  to  him 
for  advice  and  direction'?  We  must  be  prepared  to  admit 
all  this,  before  we  can  acknowledge  that  his  epistle  refers  to 
Ignatius  of  Antioch. 

Let  us  attend  now  to  that  passage  in  the  letter  to  the 
Philippians  where  he  is  supposed  to  speak  of  the  Syrian 
pastor.  "  I  exhort  all  of  you  that  ye  obey  the  word  of 
righteousness,  and  exercise  all  patience,  which  ye  have  seen 
set  forth  before  your  eyes,  not  only  in  the  Messed  Ignatius, 
a7id  Zosimus,  and  Rufus,  hut  also  in  others  ofyou!"^  These 
words  would  suggest  to  an  ordinary  reader  that  Poly  carp 
is  here  speaking,  not  of  Ignatius  of  Antioch,  but  of  an 
Ignatius  of  Philippi.  If  this  Ignatius  did  not  belong  to 
the  Philippian  Church,  why,  when  addressing  its  members, 
does  he  speak  of  Ignatius,  Zosimus,  Eufus,  and  "  others  of 
YOU '? "  Ignatius  of  Antioch  could  not  have  been  thus  de- 
scribed. But  who,  it  may  l^e  asked,  were  Zosimus  and 
Eufus  here  mentioned  as  fellow-sufferers  with  Ignatius'? 
They  were  exactly  in  the  position  which  the  words  of  Poly- 
carp  literally  indicate;  they  were  men  of  Philippi;  and,  as 
such,  they  are  commemorated  in  the  "  Martyrologies."  f  It 
is  impossible,  therefore,  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the 
Ignatius  of  Polycarp  was  also  a  Philippian. 
,  It  appears,  then,  that  this  testimony  of  the  pastor  of 
/Smyrna  has  been  strangely  misunderstood.  Ignatius,  as  is 
well  known,  was  not  a  very  uncommon  name ;  and  it  would 
seem  that  several  martyrs  of  the  ancient  Church  bore  this 

*  ov  jiovov  iu  ro'is  fiaKaplois  'lyrnriw,  kol  Zuxrlfia,  Kai  Fov(j)a),  dX\a  Koi  iv  iiXXois 
Tols  (^  vjiav. — §  9. 

t  See  Barouius,  "  Annal.  ad  Annum."  109,  torn.  ii.  c.  48,  anc]  Jacobsou's 
"  Pat.  Apost."  ii.  482,  note  6.     Edit.  Oxon.,  1838. 


TESTIMONY  OF  TOLYCAEP.  405 

designation.  Cyprian,  for  example,  tells  us  of  an  Ignatius 
in  Africa  who  was  put  to  death  for  the  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity in  the  former  part  of  the  third  century.'"'  It  is 
apparent  from  the  words  of  Polycarp  that  there  was 
also  an  Ignatius  of  Philippi,  as  well  as  an  Ignatius  of 
Ajitioch. 

It  may,  however,  be  objected  that  the  conclusion  of  this 
letter  clearly  points  to  Ignatius  of  Antioch,  inasmuch  as 
Polycarp  there  speaks  apparently  of  Syria,  and  of  some 
one  interested  about  Ignatius  who  might  shortly  visit  that 
countryf.  Some  critics  of  high  name  have  maintained  that 
this  portion  of  the  epistle  is  destitute  of  authority,  and  that 
it  has  been  added  by  a  later  hand  to  countenance  the 
Ignatian  forgery.J  But  every  candid  and  discriminating 
reader  may  see  that  the  charge  is  destitute  of  foundation. 
An  Ignatian  interpolator  would  not  have  so  mismanaged 
his  business.  He  would  not  have  framed  an  appendix 
which,  as  we  shall  presently  shew,  testifies  against  himself. 
The  passage  to  which  such  exception  has  been  taken  is  un- 
questionably the  true  postscript  of  the  letter,  for  it  bears 
internal  marks  of  genuineness. 

In  this  postscript  Polycarp  says — "  What  you  know  cer- 
tainly both  of  Ignatius  himself,  and  of  those  who  are  ivitli 
him,  communicate."  §     Here  is  another  proof  that  the  Igna- 

*  Epist.  xxxiv.  p.  109. 

t  "  Scripsistis  milii,  et  vos  et  Ignatius,  ut  si  quis  vadit  ad  Syriam,  deferat 
literas  meas  quas  fecero  ad  vos."  The  Greek  of  Eusebius  is  somewhat  differ- 
ent, but  may  express  the  same  sense.  See  Euseb.  iii.  36.  There  is  an  impor- 
tant variation  even  in  the  readings  of  Eusebius.  See  Cotelerius,  vol.  ii.  p.  191, 
note  3. 

X  Thus  Bunsen,  in  his  "  Ignatius  von  Antiochen  und  seine  Zeit,"  says — 
"  At  the  present  stand-point  of  the  criticism  of  Ignatius,  this  passage  can 
only  be  a  witness  against  itself."  And,  again — "  The  forger  of  Ignatius  has 
interpolated  this  passage."  And,  again — "  The  connexion  is  entirely  broken 
by  that  interpolation."  (Pp.  108,  109.)  Viewed  as  a  postscript,  it  is  not 
remarkable  that  the  transition  should  be  somewhat  abrupt. 

§  "  Et  de  ipso  Ignatio,  et  de  his  qui  cum  eo  sunt,  quod  certius  agnoveritis, 
significate." 


406  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

tius  of  Polycarp  is  not  Ignatius  of  Antiocli.  The  Syrian 
pastor  is  said  to  have  been  hurried  with  the  utmost  expedi- 
tion to  Eome  that  he  might  be  thrown  to  tlie  beasts  before 
the  approaching  termination  of  the  public  spectacles;  and 
it  is  reported  that  when  he  reached  the  great  city,  he 
was  forthwith  consigned  to  martyrdom*  But,  though 
letters  had  been  meanwhile  passing  between  Philippi  and 
Smyrna,  this  Ignatius  is  understood  to  be  still  alive.  It 
would  appear,  too,  that  Zosimus  and  Eufus,  previously 
named  as  his  partners  in  tribulation,  continued  to  be  his 
companions.  Polycarp,  therefore,  must  be  speaking  of  the 
"  patience ''  of  confessors  who  were  yet  "  in  bonds,"  t  and 
not  of  a  man  who  had  already  been  devoured  by  the 
lions. 

Other  parts  of  this  postscript  are  equally  embarrasssing 
to  those  who  contend  for  the  authority  of  the  Ignatian 
Epistles.  Thus,  Polycarp  says — "  The  Epistles  of  Ignatius 
which  were  sent  to  you  by  him,  and  whatever  others  we 
have  by  us,  we  have  sent  to  you."  \  If  these  words  apply 
to  Ignatius  of  Antioch,  it  follows  that  he  must  have  written 
several  letters  to  the  Philippians;  and  yet  it  is  now  almost 
universally  admitted  that  even  the  one  extant  epistle  ad- 
dressed to  them  in  his  name  is  an  impudent  fabrication. 
Again,  Polycarp  states — "  Ye  have  written  to  me,  both  ye 
and  Ignatius,  that  when  any  one  goes  to  Syria,  he  can  carry 
my  letters  to  you."  §  But  no  such  suggestion  is  to  be  found, 
either  in  the  Syriac  version  of  the  Three  Epistles,  or  in 
the  larger  edition  known  to  Eusebius.     Could  we  desire 

*  See  the  "  Acts  of  his  Martyixlom,"  §  10,  12. 

t  See  this"  Epistle,"  §  1,  9. 

X  "  Epistolas  sane  Ignatii,  qua3  transmissae  sunt  vobis  ab  eo,  et  alias,  quan- 
tascunque  apud  nos  habuimus,  transmisimus  vobis."  According  to  the  Greek 
of  Eusebius  we  should  read  "  The  letters  of  Ignatius  which  were  sent  to  us 
(f]ixiv)  by  him."  Either  reading  is  alike  perplexing  to  the  advocates  of  the 
Syriac  version  of  the  Ignatian  epistles.     See  Jacobsou,  ii.  489,  not.  5. 

§  See  a  preceding  note,  p.  405. 


TESTIMONY  OF  POLY  CARP.  40  7 

clearer  proof  that  Polycarp  must  liere  be  speaking  of  an- 
other Ignatius,  and  another  correspondence'? 

The  words  which  we  have  hist  quoted  deserve  an  atten- 
tive consideration.  Were  a  citizen  of  New  York,  in  the 
postscript  of  a  letter  to  a  citizen  of  London,  to  suggest  that 
his  correspondent  should  take  an  opportunity  of  writing  to 
him,  when  any  common  friend  went  to  Jerusalem,  the 
Englishman  might  well  feel  perplexed  by  such  a  communi- 
cation. Why  should  a  letter  from  London  to  New  York 
travel  round  by  Palestine  1  Such  an  arrangement  would 
not,  however,  be  a  whit  more  absurd  than  that  seemingly 
pointed  out  in  this  postscript.  Philippi  and  Smyrna  were 
not  far  distant,  and  there  was  considerable  intercourse 
between  them;  but  Syria  was  in  another  quarter  of  the 
Empire,  and  Polycarp  could  have  rarely  found  an  individual 
passing  to  Antioch  from  "  the  chief  city "  of  a  *'  part  of 
Macedonia,"  and  travelling  to  and  fro  by  Smyrna.  This 
difficulty  admits,  however,  of  a  very  simple  and  satisfactory 
solution.  We  have  no  entire  copy  of  the  epistle  in  the 
original  Greek,*  and  the  text  of  the  old  Latin  version  in 
this  place  is  so  corrupt  that  it  is  partially  unintelligible ;  t 
but  as  the  context  often  guides  us  in  the  interpretation  of 
a  manuscript  where  it  is  blotted  or  torn,  so  here  it  may 
enable  us  to  spell  out  the  meaning.  The  insertion  of  one 
letter  and  the   change  of  another  in  a  single  word|  will 

*  It  would  seem  that  only  two  Greek  copies  are  known  to  exist,  both  want- 
ing the  concluding  part.     See  Cotelerius,  vol.  ii.  p.  186,  note  1. 

+  It  is  not  easy  to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  passage — "  Si  habueri- 
mus  tempus  opportunum,  sive  ego,  seu  legatus  quem  misero  pro  vobis." 
Some  words  seem  to  be  wanting  to  complete  the  sense. 

i  2fxvpvav  for  Supt'af.  In  the  beginning  of  the  Epistle  from  Smyrna  con- 
cerning Polycarp's  martyrdom,  the  Church  is  said  to  be — 17  TrdpoiKova-a 
2p.vpuav.  The  very  same  mistake  has  been  made  in  another  case.  Thus,  in 
an  extract  published  by  Dr  Cureton  from  a  Syriac  work,  Polycarp  is  called 
Bishop  in  Hyria,  instead  of  in  Smyrna.  See  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  p.  220, 
line  5  from  the  foot.  Such  mistakes  in  manuscripts  are  of  very  frequent 
occurrence.     See  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  pp.  278,  300.     A  more  extraordinary 


408  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

render  the  passage  intelligible.  If  we  read  Smyrna  for 
Syria,  the  obscurity  vanishes.  Polycarp  then  says  to  the 
Philippians — "  Ye  have  written  to  me,  both  ye  and  Igna- 
tius, that,  when  any  one  goes  to  Smyrna,  he  can  carry  my 
letters  to  you."  The  postscript,  thus  understood,  refers  to 
the  desire  of  his  correspondents,  that  he  should  write  fre- 
quently, and  that,  when  a  friend  went  from  Philippi  to 
Smyrna,  he  should  not  be  permitted  to  return  without 
letters. 

As  it  can  be  thus  shewn  that  the  letter  of  Polycarp,  when 

tested  by  impartial  criticism,  refuses  to  accredit  the  Epistles 

,  ascribed  to  Ignatius  of  Antioch,  it  follows  that,  with  the 

JO  '  ' 

single  exception  of  Origen,  no  father  of  the  first  three  cen- 
,  turies  has  noticed  this  correspondence.  Had  these  letters, 
V  at  the  alleged  date  of  their  appearance,  attracted  such  at- 
tention as  they  would  themselves  lead  us  to  believe,  is  it 
possible  that  no  writer  for  upwards  of  a  century  after  the 
demise  of  their  rej)uted  author,  would  have  bestowed  upon 
them  even  a  passing  recognition  ?  They  convey  the  im- 
pression that,  when  Ignatius  was  on  his  way  to  Rome,  all 
Asia  Minor  was  moved  at  his  presence — that  Greece  caught 
the  infection  of  excitement — and  that  the  Western  capital 
itself  awaited,  with  something  like  breathless  anxiety,  the 
arrival  of  the  illustrious  martyr.  Strange,  indeed,  then  that 
even  his  letter  to  the  Romans  is  mentioned  by  no  Western 
father  until  between  two  and  three  hundred  years  after  the 
time  of  its  assumed  publication  !  Nor  were  Western  writers 
wanting  who  would  have  sympathised  with  its  spirit.  It 
would  have  been  quite  to  the  taste  of  TertuUian,  and  he 
could  have  quoted  it  to  shew  that  some  of  the  peculiar  prin- 
ciples of  Montanism  had  been  held  by  a  man  of  the  apostolic 
era.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  had  the  letter  then  been  in 
existence,  it  was  likely  to  have  escaped  his  observation.    He 

blunder,  which  long  confounded  the  critics,  has  been  recently  corrected  by  Dr 
Wordsworth.    See  his  "  St.  Hippolytus,"  pp.  318,  319,  Appendix. 


HISTORY  OF  THEIR  FABRICATION.  409 

had  lived  for  years  in  Rome,  and  we  have  good  reason  to 
believe  that  he  was  a  presbyter  of  the  Church  of  the  Imperial 
city.  A  man  of  his  inquiring  spirit,  and  literary  habits, 
must  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  Epistle  had  it  ob- 
tained currency  in  Italy.  But  in  not  one  of  his  numerous 
treatises  does  he  ever  speak  of  it,  or  even  name  its  alleged 
author.""'  Hippo] ytus  of  Portus  is  another  writer  who  might 
have  been  expected  to  know  something  of  this  production. 
He  lived  Avithin  a  few  miles  of  Rome,  and  he  was  conversant 
with  the  history  of  its  Church  and  with  its  ecclesiastical 
memorials.  He,  as  well  as  Tertullian,  could  have  sympathised 
with  the  rugged  and  ascetic  spirit  pervading  the  Ignatian 
correspondence.  But,  even  in  his  treatise  against  all  here- 
sies, he  has  not  fortified  his  arguments  by  any  testimony 
from  these  letters.  He  had  evidently  never  heard  of  the  now 
far  famed  documents,  t 

The  conclusion  to  be  drawn  from  these  facts  must  be 
sufiiciently  obvious.  The  Ignatian  Epistles  began  to  be 
fabricated  in  the  time  of  Origen ;  and  the  first  edition  of 
them  appeared,  not  at  Troas  or  Smyrna,  but  in  Syria  or 
Palestine.  At  an  early  period  festivals  were  kept  in  honour 
of  the  martyrs;  and  on  his  natal  day,j;  why  should  not  the 
Church  of  Antioch  have  something  to  teU  of  her  gi'eat  Igna- 
tius ?  The  Acts  of  his  Martyrdom  were  probably  written  in 
the  former  part  of  the  third  century — a  time  when  the  work 
of  ecclesiastical  forgery  was  rife§ — and  the  Epistle  to  the 

*  Pearson  alleges  that  the  reason  why  TertuUian  does  not  qiiote  Ignatius 
against  the  heretics  was  because  he  did  not  require  his  testimony  !  He  had, 
forsooth,  apostohc  evidence.  "  Quasi  vero  Iguatii  testimonio  opus  esset  ad 
earn  rem,  cujus  testem  Apostolum  habuit."  "Vindicise,"  Pars.  j)rima,  caput,  xi. 
He  finds  it  convenient,  however,  to  mention  Hermas,  Clement  of  Rome,  Justin 
Martyr,  and  many  others. 

t  See  also  in  Euseb.  v.  28,  a  long  extract  from  a  work  against  the  heresy  of 
Artemon  in  which  various  early  writers,  who  asserted  that  "  Christ  is  God  and 
man,"  are  named,  and  Ignatius  omitted. 

X  See  Neander's  "  General  History,"  by  Torrey,  i.  455.  Octavo  Edition. 
Edinbm'gh,  1847.     See  also  Kaye's  "Tertullian,"  p.  415. 

§  The  number  of  spurious  writings  which  appeared  in  the  early  ages  was 


410  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

Eomans,  wliich  is  inserted  in  these  Acts,  is  in  all  likelihood 
of  earlier  date  than  any  of  the  other  letters.  The  Epistle  to 
the  Ephesians,  perhaps,  next  made  its  appearance,  and  then 
followed  the  Epistle  to  PolycarjD.  These  letters  gradually 
crept  into  circulation  as  "  The  Three  Epistles  of  Ignatius, 
Bishop,  and  Martyr."  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that, 
as  edited  by  Dr  Cureton,  they  are  now  presented  to  the 
public  in  their  original  language,  as  well  as  in  their  original 
form.  Copies  of  these  short  letters  are  not  known  to  be 
extant  in  any  manuscript  either  Greek  or  Latin.  Dr  Cure- 
ton  has  not  attempted  any  explanation  of  this  emphatic 
fact.  If  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  in  its  newly  discovered 
form,  is  genuine,  how  does  it  happen  that  there  are  no  pre- 
vious traces  of  its  existence  in  the  Western  Church  1  How 
are  we  to  account  for  the  extraordinary  circumstance  that 
the  Church  of  Rome  can  produce  no  copy  of  it  in  either 
Greek  or  Latin  I  She  had  every  reason  to  preserve  such  a 
document  had  it  ever  come  into  her  possession;  for,  even 
considered  as  a  pious  fraud  of  the  third  century,  the  address 
"  to  her  ivho  sitteth  at  the  head  in  the  place  of  the  country 
of  the  Romans,"'"'  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  testimonies  to 
her  early  pre-eminence  to  be  found  in  the  whole  range  of 
ecclesiastical  literature.     Why  should  she  have  permitted  it 

very  great.  Shortly  after  the  date  mentioned  in  the  text  it  is  well  known  that 
an  individual  named  Leucius  forged  the  Acts  of  John,  Andrew,  Peter,  and 
others.     See  Jones  on  the  "  Canon,"  p.  210,  and  ii.  p.  289. 

*  This  is  a  literal  translation  of  jiart  of  the  superscription  of  the  letter  as 
given  by  Dr  Cureton  himself  in  his  "Epistles  of  Saint  Ignatius,"  p.  17.  In 
the  "  Corpus  Ignatianum "  he  has  somewhat  weakened  the  strength  of  the 
expression  by  a  more  free  translation — "  To  her  who  presideth  in  the  place  of 
the  country  of  the  Romans."  "  Corp.  Ignat."  p.  230.  Tertullian  speaks  ("  De 
Praescrip."  c.  36)  of  the  "  Apostolic  sees  presiding  over  their  oion  flaces" — 
referring  to  an  arrangement  then  recently  made  which  recognised  the  prece- 
dence of  Churches  to  which  Apostles  had  ministered.  This  arrangement, 
which  was  unknown  in  the  time  of  Ignatius,  was  suggested  by  the  disturb- 
ances and  divisions  created  by  the  heretics.  Though  the  words  in  the  text 
may  be  quoted  in  support  of  the  claims  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  they  do  not 
necessarily  imply  his  presidency  over  all  Churches,  but  they  plainly  ac- 
knowledge his  position  as  at  the  head  of  the  Churches  of  Italy. 


VARIOUS  RECENSIONS.  411 

to  be  supplanted  by  an  interpolated  document  ?  Can  any 
man,  who  adopts  the  views  of  Dr  Cureton,  fairly  answer 
such  an  inquiry  ? 

It  is  plain  that  the  mistake  or  corruption  of  a  word  in 
the  postscript  of  the  Epistle  of  Polycarp  has  had  much  to 
do  with  this  Ignatian  imposture.  In  some  worn  or  badly 
Amtten  manuscript,  Syria  was  perhaps  read  instead  of 
Sm}Tna,  and  the  false  reading  probably  led  to  the  incuba- 
tion of  the  whole  brood  of  Ignatian  letters.  The  error,  \ 
whether  of  accident  or  design,  was  adopted  by  Eusebius,* 
and  from  him  passed  into  general  currency.  AYe  may  thus  * 
best  account  for  the  strange  multiplication  of  these  Ignatian 
epistles.  It  was  clear  that  the  Ignatius  spoken  of  by  Poly- 
carp had  w^ritten  more  letters  than  what  first  appeared,  t 
and  thus  the  epistles  to  the  Smyrnaeans,  the  Magnesians, 
the  Trallians,  and  the  Philadelphians,  in  due  time  emerged 
into  notice.  At  a  subsequent  date  the  letters  to  the  PhiHp- 
pians,  the  Antiochians,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  others,  were 
forthcomino-. 

The  variety  of  forms  assumed  by  this  Ignatian  fraud  is 
not  the  least  remarkable  circumstance  connected  with  its 
mysterious  history.  AU  the  seven  Epistles  mentioned  by 
Eusebius  exist  in  a  Longer  and  a  Shorter  Kecension;  whilst 
the  Syriac  version  exhibits  three  of  them  in  a  reduced  size, 
and  a  third  edition.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  other  spurious 
productions  display  similar  transformations.  "  A  great  / 
number  of  spurious  or  interpolated  works  of  the  early  ages  ' 
of  Christianity,"  says  Dr  Cureton,  "  are  found  in  two  Eecen- 
sions,  a  Shorter  and  a  Longer,  as  in  the  instance  of  the 
Ignatian  Epistles.  Thus,  w^e  find  the  two  Eecensions  of  the 
Clementines,  the  two  Recensions  of  the  Acts  of  St  Andrew, 

the  Acts  of  St  Thomas,  the  Journeying  of  St  John, 

the  Letter  of  Pilate  to  Tiberius."  J    It  is  still  more  suspicious 

*  See  Euseb.  iii.  36.  +  See  preceding  note,  p.  406. 

X  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  Intro,  p.  86,  note. 


412  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

that  some  of  these  spurious  writings  present  a  striking  simi- 
larity in  point  of  style  to  the  Ignatian  Epistles."'  The  stan- 
dard coin  of  the  realm  is  seldom  put  into  the  crucible,  but 
articles  of  pewter  or  of  lead  are  freely  melted  down  and 
recast  according  to  the  will  of  the  modeller.  We  cannot 
add  a  single  leaf  to  a  genuine  flower,  but  an  artificial  rose 
may  be  exhibited  in  quite  another  form  by  a  fresh  process 
of  manipulation.  Such,  too,  has  been  the  history  of 
ancient  ecclesiastical  records.  The  genuine  works  of  the 
fathers  have  come  down  to  us  in  a  state  of  wonderful  pre- 
servation ;  and  comparatively  few  attempts  have  been  made, 
by  interpolation  or  otherwise,  to  interfere  with  their  integ- 
rity ;t  but  spurious  productions  seem  to  have  been  consi- 
dered legitimate  subjects  for  the  exercise  of  the  art  of  the 
fabricator ;  and  hence  the  strange  discrepancies  in  their  text 
which  have  so  often  puzzled  their  editors. 

*  See  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  pp.  265,  267,  269,  271,  286. 
t  See  Blunt 's  "  Eight  Use  of  the  Early  Fathers."    First  Series.  Lectures 
V.  and  vi. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE    IGNATIAN   EPISTLES   AND    THEIK    CLAIMS. 
THE    INTERNAL   EVIDENCE. 

The  history  of  tlie  Ignatian  Epistles  may  well  remind  us 
of  the  story  of  the  Sibylline  Books.  A  female  in  strange 
attire  is  said  to  have  appeared  before  Tarquin  of  Rome, 
offering  to  sell  nine  manuscripts  which  she  had  in  her  pos- 
session; but  the  king,  discouraged  by  the  price,  declined 
the  application.  The  woman  withdrew ;  destroyed  the  one- 
third  of  her  literary  treasures;  and,  returning  again  into 
the  royal  presence,  demanded  the  same  price  for  what  were 
left.  The  monarch  once  more  refused  to  come  up  to  her 
terms ;  and  the  mysterious  visitor  retired  again,  and  burnt 
the  one-half  of  her  remaining  store.  Her  extraordinary 
conduct  excited  much  astonishment;  and,  on  consulting 
with  his  augurs,  Tarquin  was  informed  that  the  documents 
which  she  had  at  her  disposal  were  most  valuable,  and  that 
he  should  by  all  means  endeavour  to  secure  such  a  prize. 
The  king  now  willingly  paid  for  the  three  books,  not  yet 
committed  to  the  flames,  the  full  price  originally  demanded 
for  all  the  manuscripts.  The  Ignatian  Epistles  have  ex- 
perienced something  like  the  fate  of  those  Sibylline  oracles. 
In  the  sixteenth  century,  fifteen  letters  were  brought  out 
from  beneath  the  mantle  of  a  hoary  antiquity,  and  offered 
to  the  world  as  the  productions  of  the  pastor  of  Antioch. 
Scholars  refused  to  receive  them  on  the  terms  required,  and 
forthwith  eidit  of  them  were  admitted  to  be  foroeries.     In 


414  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

tlie  seventeentli  century,  tlie  seven  remaining  letters,  in  a 
somewhat  altered  form,  again  came  forth  from  obscurity, 
and  claimed  to  be  the  Avorks  of  Ignatius.  Again,  discerning 
critics  refused  to  acknowledge  their  pretensions ;  but  curio- 
sity was  roused  by  this  second  apparition,  and  many  ex- 
pressed an  earnest  desire  to  obtain  a  sight  of  the  real 
epistles.  Greece,  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Egypt  were  ransacked 
in  search  of  them,  and  at  length  three  letters  are  found. 
The  discovery  creates  general  gratulation;  it  is  confessed 
that  four  of  the  Epistles,  so  lately  asserted  to  be  genuine, 
are  apocryphal;  and  it  is  boldly  said  that  the  three  now 
forthcoming  are  above  challenge. '"'  But  Truth  still  refuses 
to  be  compromised,  and  sternly  diso^ATis  these  claimants 
for  her  approbation.  The  internal  evidence  of  these  three 
epistles  abundantly  attests  that,  like  the  last  three  books 
of  the  Sibyl,  they  are  only  the  last  shifts  of  a  grave 
imposture,  t 

The  candid  investigator,  who  compares  the  Curetonian 
version  of  the  letters  with  that  previously  in  circulation, 
must  acknowledge  that  Ignatius,  in  his  new  dress,  has  lost 
nothing  of  his  absurdity  and  extravagance.  The  passages 
of  the  Epistles,  which  were  formerly  felt  to  be  so  objection- 
able, are  yet  to  be  found  here  in  all  their  unmitigated  folly. 
Ignatius  is  still  the  same  anti-evangelical  formalist,  the 
same  puerile  boaster,  the  same  dreaming  mystic,  and  the 
same  crazy  fanatic.  These  are  weighty  charges,  and  yet 
they  can  be  substantiated.    But  we  must  enter  into  details, 


*  It  would  be  very  unfair  to  follow  up  this  comparison  by  speaking  of  the 
Trustees  of  the  British  Museum,  as  the  representatives  of  hierarchical  pride 
and  power,  proceeding,  like  Tarquin  at  the  instigation  of  his  augurs,  to  give 
a  high  price  for  the  manuscripts.  We  believe  that  these  gentlemen  have 
rendered  good  service  to  the  cause  of  truth  and  literature  by  the  purchase. 

+  Bunsen  rather  reluctantly  admits  that  the  highest  literary  authority  of 
the  present  century,  the  late  Dr  Neander,  declined  to  recognise  even  the 
Syriac  version  of  the  Tgnatian  Epistles.  See  "  Hijipolytus  and  his  Age,"  iv. 
Preface,  p.  26. 


I 


THEIR  STYLE.  415 

that  we  may  fairly  exhibit  the  spirit,  and  expose  the  false- 
hood of  these  letters. 

I.  The  style  of  the  Epistles  is  certainly  not  above  sus- 
picion. On  the  ground  of  style  alone,  it  is,  unquestionably, 
somewhat  hazardous  to  pronounce  a  decisive  judgment 
upon  any  document ;  but,  if  such  an  element  is  ever  to  be 
taken  into  consideration,  it  cannot,  in  this  case,  be  over- 
looked. It  is  well  known  that,  of  the  seven  epistles  men- 
tioned by  Eusebius,  there  was  one  which  scholars  of  the 
highest  reputation  always  regarded  with  extreme  dubiety. 
In  style  it  appeared  to  them  so  difierent  from  the  rest  of 
the  letters,  and  so  unlike  what  might  have  been  expected 
from  an  apostolic  minister,  that  some  who  were  prepared 
to  admit  the  genuineness  of  the  other  documents,  did  not 
hesitate  to  declare  it  a  forgery.  We  allude  to  the  Epistle 
to  Polycarp.  Even  Archbishop  Ussher  and  Cardinal  Bona  ^'^ 
concurred  in  its  condemnation.  It  so  happens,  however, 
that  it  is  one  of  the  three  letters  recently  re-edited;  and  it 
appears  that,  of  the  three,  it  has  been  the  least  altered.  If 
then  such  a  man  as  Ussher  be  considered  a  safe  and  sufficient 
judge  of  the  value  of  an  ancient  ecclesiastical  memorial, 
the  Epistle  to  Polycarp,  published  by  Dr  Cureton,  must  be 
jDronounced  spurious.  Their  editor  urges  that  the  letters 
to  the  Ephesians  and  Romans,  as  expurgated  in  the  Syriac 
version,  now  closely  resemble  the  Epistle  to  Polycarp 
in  style ;  and  if  so,  may  we  not  fairly  infer  that,  had  they 
been  presented,  in  their  new  form,  to  the  learned  Primate 
of  Armagh,  consistency  would  have  bound  him  to  denounce 
them  as  also  forgeries  1 

II.  The  way  in  which  the  Word  of  God  is  ignored  in  these 
Epistles  argues  strongly  for  their  spuriousness.  Every 
one  acquainted  with  the  early  fathers  miist  have  observed 
their  frequent  use  of  the  sacred  records.  A  considerable 
portion  of  a  chapter  is  sometimes  introduced  in  a  quota- 

*  See  "  Corpus  Ignat."  Introd.  p.  51. 


416  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

tion.  ^'^  Hence  it  has  been  remarked  tliat  were  all  the 
copies  of  the  Bible  lost  and  the  writings  of  these  fathers 
preserved,  a  large  share  of  the  Holy  Volume  might  thus  be 
recovered.  But  Ignatius  would  contribute  nothing  to  the 
work  of  restoration;  as,  in  the  whole  of  the  three  letters, 
not  a  single  verse  of  Scripture  is  given  at  length.  They, 
no  doubt,  occasionally  use  Bible  phraseology,  as  without  it 
an  ecclesiastical  document  could  not  well  be  written ;  but 
not  one  promise  is  quoted,  and  not  one  testimony  from  the 
Word  is  repeated  for  the  edification  of  the  faithful,  t  An 
apostolical  pastor  on  his  way  to  martyrdom  would  have 
written  very  differently.  He  would  have  reminded  his 
brethren  of  the  "lively  oracles,"  and  he  would  have  men- 
tioned some  of  those  precious  assurances  which  now  con- 
tributed to  his  own  spiritual  refreshment.  He  would  have 
told  them  to  have  "no  confidence  in  the  flesh; ''J  to  take 
unto  themselves  "  the  sword  of  the  Spirit  which  is  the  Word 
of  God;"§  and  to  lay  aside  every  weight  and  the  sin 
which  did  so  easily  beset  them,  "  looking  unto  Jesus."  \\ 
But,  instead  of  adopting  such  a  course,  this  Ignatius 
addresses  them  in  the  style  of  a  starched  and  straitlaced 
churchman.  "  Let  your  treasures,"  says  he,  "  be  your  good 
works.  Let  your  baptism  be  to  you  as  armory."  ''Look 
to  the  hisliop  that  God  also  may  look  upon  you.  I  will  be 
instead  of  the  souls  of  those  who  are  subject  to  the  bishop, 
and  the  presbyters  and  the  deacons."  H     What  intelligent 

*  Thus,  in  his  "Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,"  Clemens  Romanus,  on  one 
occasion,  (§  16,)  quotes  the  whole  of  the  53d  chapter  of  Isaiah;  and,  on  an- 
other, (§  18,)  the  whole  of  the  51st  Psalm,  with  the  exception  of  the  last  two 


t  How  different  from  the  course  pursued  by  Clement  of  Rome  and  by  Poly- 
carp  !  Thus,  Clement  says  to  the  Corinthians — " Let  us  do  as  it  is  written" 
and  then  goes  on  to  quote  several  passages  of  Scripture.  §  13.  Polycarp  says 
— "  I  trust  that  ye  are  well  exer<iised  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,"  and  then  pro- 
like Clement,  to  make  some  quotations.  §  12. 

t  Phil.  iii.  3.  §  Eph.  vi.  17.  II  Heb.  xii.  1,  2. 

IT  "  Epistle  to  Polycarp."    Lest  the  plain  English  reader  should  believe  that 


CHRONOLOGICAL  BLUNDERS.  417 

Chiistian  can  believe  that  a  minister,  instructed  hj  Paul  or 
Peter,  and  filling  one  of  the  most  important  stations  in  the 
apostolic  Church,  was  verily  such  an  ignorant  driveller  1 

III.  The  chronological  blunders  in  these  Epistles  betray 
their  forgery.  In  the  "Acts  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Ignatius," 
he  and  Polycarp  are  represented  as  "  feUow-scholars "  of 
the  Apostle  John,'""  and  the  pastor  of  Smyrna  is  supposed 
to  be,  in  point  of  age,  at  least  as  venerable  a  personage  as 
the  pastor  of  Antioch.  The  letter  to  Polycarp  is  evidently 
written  under  the  same  impression.  Ignatius  there  says  to 
him — "I  praise  God  that  I  have  been  deemed  luorthy  of 
thy  countenance,  which  in  God  I  long  after."  When  these 
words  are  supposed  to  have  been  penned,  Polycarp  was 
only  about  six  and  twenty  years  of  age;t  and  the  Church 
of  Smyrna,  mth  which  he  was  connected,  did  not  occupy 
a  very  prominent  place  in  the  Christian  commonwealth. 
Is  it  probable  that  a  man  of  the  mature  faith  and  large 
experience  of  Ignatius  would  have  thus  addressed  so  youth- 
ful a  minister'?  It  also  seems  passing  strange  that  the 
aged  martyr  should  commit  all  the  widows  of  the  com- 
munity to  his  special  guardianship,  and  should  think  it 
necessary  to  add — "  It  is  becoming  to  men  and  women  who 
marry,  that  they  marry  hy  the  counsel  of  the  bishop."  Was 
an  individual,  who  was  himself  not  much  advanced  beyond 
boyhood,  the  most  fitting  person  to  give  advice  as  to  these 
matrimonial  engagements'?  A  similar  mistake  as  to  age  is 
made  in  the  case  of  Onesimus,  who  is  supposed  to  be  bishop 
of  Ephesus.  This  minister,  who  is  understood  to  be  men- 
tioned in  the  New  Testament,!  is  said  at  an  early  date  to 
have  been  pastor  of  the  Church  of  the  metropolis  of  the 
Proconsular    Asia;    and    the    Ignatian    forger    obviously 

the  folly  of  the  original  is  exaggerated  in  the  translation,  I  beg  to  say  that, 
here  and  elsewhere,  the  English  version  of  Dr  Ciireton  is  given  word  for 
woi'd. 

*  Sec.  8.  +  See  Period  II.  sec.  ii.  chai^.  ii.  p.  403. 

X  Epistle  to  Philemon,  10. 

2d 


418  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

imagined  that  lie  was  still  alive  when  his  hero  passed 
through  Smyrna  on  his  way  to  the  Western  capital.  But 
Onesimus  perished  in  the  Domitian  persecution,*  so  that 
lo-natius  is  made  to  write  to  a  Christian  brother  who  had 
been  long  in  his  grave.!  The  fabricator  proceeds  more 
cautiously  in  his  letter  to  the  Komans.  How  marvellous 
that  this  old  gentleman,  who  is  willing  to  pledge  his  soul 
for  every  one  who  would  submit  to  the  bishop,  does  not 
find  it  convenient  to  7iame  the  bishop  of  Eonie!  The 
experiment  might  have  been  somewhat  hazardous.  The 
early  history  of  the  Koman  Church  was  better  known  than 
that  of  any  other  in  the  Avorld,  and,  had  he  here  .made 
a  mistake,  the  whole  cheat  might  have  been  at  once  de- 
tected. Though  his  erudition  was  so  great  that  he  could 
tell  "the  places  of  angels," J  he  evidently  did  not  dare  to 
commit  himself  by  giving  us  a  piece  of  earthly  information, 
and  by  telling  us  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Church  of  the 
Great  City  in  the  ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  Trajan.  But 
the  same  prudence  does  not  prevail  throughout  the  Epistle. 
He  here  obviously  speaks  of  the  Church  of  Eome,  not  as 
she  existed  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Clement,  but  of 
the  same  Church  as  she  was  known  after  the  death  of 
Victor.  In  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  the 
Church  of  the  Syrian  capital  would  not  have  acknowledged 
the  precedence  of  her  Western  sister.  On  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  the  Church  of  Antioch  was  herself  the  first 
Christian  community  in  the  Empire.  She  had  a  higher 
antiquity,  a  more  distinguished  prestige,  and  perhaps  a 

*  See  Daillo,  lib.  ii.  c.  13.  p.  316. 

t  According  to  some  accounts,  Timothy  presided  over  the  Church,  of 
Ephesus  until  nearly  the  close  of  the  first  century,  when  he  was  succeeded  by 
Gains.  See  Daille,  ii.  c.  13.  Some  attempt  to  get  over  the  difficulty  by 
alleging  that  there  was  a  second  Onesimus  in  Ephesus,  who  succeeded  Gains, 
but  of  this  there  is  no  evidence  whatever.  The  writer  who  thought  that 
Ignatius  had  been  at  school  with  Polycarp,  also  believed,  and  with  greater 
reason,  that  he  was  contemporary  with  the  Onesimus  of  the  New  Testament. 

t  "  Eiiistle  to  the  Komans." 


ANACHRONISMS.  419 

more  numerous  membership  than  any  other  Church  in 
existence.  In  the  Syrian  metropolis  the  disciples  had  first 
been  called  Christians;  there,  Barnabas  and  Paul  had  been 
separated  to  the  work  to  which  the  Lord  had  called  them; 
there,  Peter  had  preached ;  and  there,  prophets  had  laboured. 
But  a  century  had  brought  about  a  wonderful  change. 
The  Church  of  Rome  had  meanwhile  obtained  the  first  place 
among  Christian  societies;  and,  before  the  middle  of  the 
third  century,  "the  See  of  Peter"  was  honoured  as  the 
centre  of  catholic  unity.  Towards  the  close  of  the  second 
century,  many  persons  of  rank  and  power  joined  her  com- 
munion,'' and  her  political  influence  was  soon  felt  to  be  so 
formidable  that  even  the  Eoman  Emperor  began  to  be 
jealous  of  the  Roman  bishop. t  But  the  Ignatian  forger  did 
not  take  into  account  this  ecclesiastical  revolution.  Hence 
he  here  incautiously  speaks  in  the  language  of  his  own  age, 
and  writing  "  to  her  ivho  sittcth  at  the  head  in  the  place  of 
the  country  of  the  Romans,"  he  says  to  her  with  all  due 
humility — "I  am  not  commanding  you  like  Peter  and 
Paul"! — "Ye  have  taught  others" — "It  is  easy  for  you  to 
do  whatsoever  you  please." 

IV.  Various  words  in  these  Epistles  have  a  meaning 
Avhicli  they  did  not  acquire  until  long  after  the  time  of 
Ignatius.  Thus,  the  term  employed  in  the  days  of  the 
Apostles  to  denote  iDiirity,  or  chastity,  here  signifies  ceM- 
hacy.\     Even  in  the  commencement  of  the  third  century 

*  Euseb.  V.  21.  t  See  Period  IT.  sec.  i.  chap.  v.  p.  354. 

X  Paul  was  certainly  at  Eome  before  Peter,  and  according  to  the  reading  of 
some  copies  of  Ireneeus,  in  the  celebrated  passage,  lib.  iii.  c.  3.  §  2,  the  Chiu-ch 
of  Eome  is  said  to  have  been  foimded  by  "Paul  and  Peter"  (see  Stieren's 
"  Irenfeus,"  i.  428)  ;  but  Ignatius  here  uses  the  style  of  expression  current  in 
the  third  century,  and  speaks  of  "Peter  and  Paul." 

§  In  the  Epistle  to  Polycarp,  Ignatius  says,  "  If  a  man  be  able  in  strength 
to  continue  in  chastity,  {i.e.  celibacy,)  for  the  honour  of  the  body  of  our  Lord, 
let  him  continue  without  boasting."  Here  the  word  in  the  Greek  is  ayvua. 
But  this  word  is  applied  in  the  New  Testament  to  Timothy,  who  may  have 
been  "the  husband  of  one  wife."    See  1  Tim.  iv.  12,  and  v.  2.    It  is  also 


420  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

those  who  led  a  single  life  were  beginning  to  be  considered 
Christians  of  a  superior  type,  as  contrasted  with  those  who 
were  married;  and  clerical  celibacy  was  becoming  very 
fashionable*  The  Ignatian  fabricator  ^mtes  under  the 
influence  of  the  jDopular  sentiment.  "The  house  of  the 
Church  "  at  Antioch,  of  which  Paul  of  Samosata  kept  pos- 
session after  his  deposition  about  a.d.  269,t  seems  to  have 
been  a  dwelling  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the  ecclesiastical 
functionaries,!  and  the  schemer  who  wrote  the  first  draft 
of  these  letters  evidently  believed  that  the  ministers  of 
Christ  should  be  a  brotherhood  of  bachelors.  Hence 
Ignatius  is  made  thus  to  address  Polycarp  and  his  clergy — 
"Labour  together  one  with  another;  make  the  struggle 
together  one  with  another;  run  together  one  with  another; 
suffer  together  one  with  another;  sleep  together  one  ivitli 
another;  rise  together  one  ivith  another.^'  Polycarp  and 
others  of  the  elders  of  Smyrna  were  probably  married  ;§  so 
that  some  inconvenience  might  have  attended  this  arrange- 
ment. 

The  word  hishop  is  another  term  found  in  these  Epistles, 
and  employed  in  a  sense  which  it  did  not  possess  at  the 

applied  by  Polyce,rp,  in  his  Epistle,  to  married  women.  "  Let  us  teach  your 
(or  our)  wives  to  walk  in  the  faith  that  is  given  to  them,  both  in  love  and 
purity^''  {dyaTTT]  kol  ayve'iq). — Epistle  to  the  F/iilippians,  ^  4.  See  also  "The 
Shej)herd  of  Hermas,"  book  ii.  command.  4 ;  Cotelerius,  i.  87. 

*  This  is  very  evident  from  the  recently  discovered  work  of  Hippolytus,  as 
well  as  from  other  writers  of  the  same  period.  See  Bunsen's  "  Hii3j)olytus," 
i,  p.  312. 

t  Euseb.  vii.  30. 

X  Some  have  supposed  that  this  was  the  church  of  Antioch,  but  it  is  not 
likely  that  Paul  would  have  cared  to  retain  the  church  when  deserted  by  the 
people.  Besides,  the  building  is  called,  not  the  church,  but  "  the  house  of 
the  Church"  (r^y  fKKXrjaias  oIkos). 

§  If  the  reading  adopted  by  Junius,  and  others,  of  a  passage  in  the  4th 
chapter  of  his  Epistle  be  correct,  Polycarp  must  have  been  a  married  man, 
and  probably  had  a  family.  "  Let  us  teach  our  wives  to  walk  in  the  faith  that 
is  given  to  them,  both  in  love  and  purity,  ....  and  to  bring  up  their  children  in 
the  instruction  and  fear  of  the  Lord."  See  Jacobson's  "  Pat.  Apost."  ii.  472, 
note. 


THE  LANGUAGE  BETRAYS  THE  FORGERY.  421 

alleged  date  of  tlieir  publication.  Every  one  knows  that, 
in  the  New  Testament,  it  does  not  signify  the  chief  pastor 
of  a  Church;  but,  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
as  will  subsequently  appear,'"'  it  began  to  have  this  accep- 
tation. Clement  of  Rome,  writing  a  few  years  before  the 
time  of  the  martyrdom  of  Ignatius,  uses  the  words  bishop 
and  presbyter  interchangeably.!  Polycarp,  in  his  own 
Epistle,  dictated,  perhaps,  forty  years  after  the  death  of  the 
Syrian  pastor,  still  adheres  to  the  same  phraseology.  In 
the  Peshito  version  of  the  New  Testament,  executed  pro- 
bably in  the  former  half  of  the  second  century,J  the  same 
terminology  prevails.§  Ignatius,  however,  is  far  in  advance 
of  his  generation.  When  new  terms  are  introduced,  or 
when  new  meanings  are  attached  to  designations  akeady 
current,  it  seldom  happens  that  an  old  man  changes  his 
style  of  speaking.  He  is  apt  to  persevere,  in  spite  of 
fashion,  in  the  use  of  the  phraseology  to  which  he  has  been 
accustomed  from  his  childhood.  But  Ignatius  is  an  excep- 
tion to  all  such  experience,  for  he  repeats  the  new  nomen- 
clature with  as  much  flippancy  as  if  he  had  never  heard  any 
other.  II  Surely  this  minister  of  Antioch  must  be  worthy  of 
all  the  celebrity  he  has  attained,  for  he  can  not  only  carry  on 
a  written  correspondence  with  the  dead,  but  also  anticipate 
by  half  a  century  even  the  progress  of  language  ! 

*  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  vii. 

t  See  his  "  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,"  c.  42,  44,  47,  54. 

X  See  Westcott  on  the  "  Canon,"  pp.  262,  264,  265. 

§  "  In  the  estimation  of  those  able  and  apostolical  men  who,  in  the  second 
century,  prepared  the  Syriac  -^^ersion  of  the  New  Testament  for  the  use  of 
some  of  the  Oriental  Churches,  the  bishop  and  presbyter  of  the  apostolic 
ordination  were  titles  of  the  same  individual.  Hence  in  texts  wherein  the 
Greek  word  episcopos,  '  bishop,'  occurs,  it  is  rendered  in  their  version  by  the 
QjrvAC  vford  '  Kashisha;  i^Yeshyter:'—Etheridge's  Syrian  Churdies  and  Gospels, 
l^p.  102,  103. 

II  The  use  of  the  word  catholic  in  the  "Seven  Epistles,"  edited  by  Ussher, 
is  sufficient  to  discredit  them.  See  "  Epist.  to  Smyrnfeans,"  §  8.  The  word 
did  not  come  into  use  until  towards  the  close  of  the  second  century.  See 
Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap,  viii.,  and  p.  337,  note. 


422  THE  IGNATIAN  EnSTLES. 

V.  The  2:)uerilities,  vapouring,  and  inysticism  of  these 
letters  proclaim  their  forgery.  We  would  expect  an  aged 
apostolic  minister,  on  his  way  to  martyrdom,  to  speak  as  a 
man  in  earnest,  to  express  himself  with  some  degree  of 
dignity,  and  to  eschew  trivial  and  ridiculous  comparisons. 
But,  when  treating  of  a  grave  subject,  what  can  be  more 
silly  or  indecorous  than  such  language  as  the  following — 
"  Ye  are  raised  on  high  by  the  engine  of  Jesus  Christ,  which 
is  the  cross,  and  ye  are  drawn  by  the  rope,  which  is  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  your  pulley  is  your  faith."'"  Well  may  the 
Christian  reader  exclaim,  with  indignation,  as  he  peruses 
these  words,  Is  the  Holy  Ghost  then  a  mere  rope  ^  Is  that 
glorious  Being  who  worketh  in  us  to  will  and  to  do  accord- 
ing to  His  own  good  pleasure,  a  mere  piece  of  tackling  per- 
taining to  the  ecclesiastical  machinery,  to  be  moved  and 
managed  according  to  the  dictation  of  Bishop  Ignatius?! 
But  the  frivolity  of  this  impostor  is  equalled  by  his  gas- 
conade. He  thus  tantalises  the  Komans  with  an  account  of 
his  attainments — "I  am  able  to  write  to   you  heavenly 

things,  hnt  I  fear  lest  I  should  do  you  an  injury!' 

"  I  am  able  to  know  heavenly  things,  and  the  places  of 
angels,  and  the  station  of  powers  that  are  visible  and  in- 
visible." Where  did  he  gather  all  this  recondite  lore  ? 
Certainly  not  from  the  Old  or  New  Testament.  May  we  not 
safely  pronounce  this  man  to  be  one  who  seeks  to  be  wise 
above  what  is  written,  "  intruding  into  those  things  which 
he  hath  not  seen,  vainly  puffed  up  by  his  fleshly  mind  1  "J 
He  seems,  indeed,  to  have  himself  had  some  suspicion  that 
such  was  his  character,  for  he  says,  again,  to  his  brethren  of 
the  AYestern  metropoHs — "  I  know  many  things  in  God,  but 

*  "  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians." 

t  Daille  has  well  observed — "  Funi  Dei  quidem  verbum,  ministerium,  bene- 
ficia  Don  inepte  comparaveris ;  Spiritum  vero,  qui  his,  ut  sic  dicam,  divinao 
beuignitatis  funiculis,  ad  uos  movendos  et  attrahendos  utitur,  ipsi  illi  quo 
utitur,  funi  comparare,  ab  omni  ratione  alienum  est." — Lib.  ii.  c.  27,  pp.  409, 410. 

X  Col.  ii.  18. 


ANXIETY  FOR  MARTYEDOM.  423 

I  moderate  myself  that  I  may  not  iJcrish  through  hoasting; 
for  "now  it  is  becoming  to  me  that  I  should  fear  the  more 
abundantly,  and  should  not  look  to  those  that  puff  me  up." 
Let  us  now  hear  a  specimen  of  the  mysticism  of  this  dotard. 
"  There  was  hidden  from  the  Euler  of  this  world  the  virgi- 
nity of  Mary,  and  the  birth  of  our  Lord,  and  the  three 
mysteries  of  the  shout,  which  were  done  in  the  quietness  of 
God  by  means  of  the  star,  and  here  by  the  manifestation  of 
the  Son  magic  began  to  be  dissolved.""""  Who  can  under- 
take to  expound  such  jargon  ?  What  are  we  to  understand 
by  "the  quietness  of  God  V  Who  can  tell  how  "the  three 
mysteries  of  the  shout"  were  "  done  by  means  of  the  starl" 
VI.  The  unhallowed  and  insane  anxiety  for  martyrdom 
which  appears  throughout  these  letters  is  another  decisive 
proof  of  their  fabrication.  He  who  was,  in  the  highest 
sense,  the  Faithful  Witness  betrayed  no  fanatic  impatience 
for  the  horrid  tragedy  of  crucifixion;  and,  true  to  the 
promptings  of  his  human  nature,  he  prayed,  in  the  very 
crisis  of  His  agony — "  0  my  Father,  if  it  he  possible,  let  this 
cup  pass  from  )ner\  The  Scriptures  represent  the  most 
exalted  saints  as  shrinking  instinctively  from  suffering.  In 
the  prophecy  announcing  the  violent  death  of  Peter,  it  is 
intimated  that  even  the  intrepid  apostle  of  the  circumcision 
would  feel  disposed  to  recoil  from  the  bloody  ordeal.  "  When 
thou  shalt  be  old,"  said  our  Lord  to  him,  "  thou  shalt  stretch 
forth  thy  hands,  and  another  shall  gird  thee,  and  carry  thee 
ivhitherthou  wouldest  not/'l  Paul  mentions  with  thankful- 
ness how,  on  a  critical  occasion,  the  Lord  stood  with  him, 
and  "  delivered"  him  "  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lion."§  Long 
after  the  apostolic  age,  the  same  spirit  continued  to  be 
cherished,  and  hence  we  are  told  of  Polycarp  that,  even 
when  bowed  do^vn  by  the  weight  of  years,  he  felt  it  right 
to  retire  out  of  the  way  of  those  who  sought  his  destruction. 

*  «  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians."  t  Matt.  xxvi.  39. 

±  Johuxxi.  18.  5  2Tim.  iv.  17. 


424  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

The  disciples,  wliom  lie  had  so  long  taught,  took  the  same 
view  of  Christian  duty ;  and  accordingly,  in  the  Epistle  of 
the  Church  of  Smyrna,  whicli  records  his  martyrdom,  the 
conduct  of  those  who  "present  themselves  of  their  own 
accord  to  the  trial"  is  emphatically  condemned.*  "We  do 
not,"  say  the  believers  of  Smyrna,  "commend  those  who 
offer  themselves  to  persecution,  seeing  the  gospel  teaches  no 
such  thing!' \  But  a  man  who  is  supposed  to  have  enjoyed 
far  higher  advantages  than  Polycarp — a  minister  who  is 
said  to  have  been  contemporary  with  all  the  apostles — a 
ruler  of  the  Church  who  is  understood  to  have  occupied  a 
far  more  prominent  and  influential  position  than  the  pastor 
of  Smyrna — is  exhibited  in  the  legend  of  his  martyrdom  as 
appearing  "of  his  own  free  will" J  at  the  judgment-seat  of 
the  Emperor,  and  as  manifesting  the  utmost  anxiety  to  be 
delivered  into  the  mouth  of  the  lion.  In  the  commence- 
ment of  the  second  century  the  Churches  of  Rome  and 
Ephesus  doubtless  possessed  as  much  spiritual  enlighten- 
ment as  any  other  Churches  in  the  world,  and  it  is  a  libel 
upon  their  Christianity  to  suppose  that  they  could  have 
listened  with  any  measure  of  complacency  to  the  senseless 
ravings  to  be  found  even  in  the  recent  edition  of  the  Igna- 
tian  Letters.  §  The  writer  is  made  to  assure  the  believers  in 
these  great  cities  that  he  has  an  unquenchable  desire  to  be 
eaten  alive,  and  he  beseeches  them  to  pray  that  he  may 
enjoy  this  singular  gratification.  "  I  hope,"  says  he,  "  through 
your  prayers  that  I  shall  be  devoured  by  the  beasts  in 

*  We  have  here  an  additional  and  very  clear  proof  that  Polycarp,  in  his  Epistle, 
is  not  referring  to  Ignatius  of  Antioch.  Instead  of  pronouncing  the  letters 
now  current  as  treating  "  of  faith  and  patience,  and  of  all  things  that  pertain 
to  edification,"  he  would  have  condemned  them  as  specimens  of  foUy,  impa- 
tience, and  presumption.  Dr  Cureton  seems  to  think  that,  because  Ignatius 
was  an  old  man,  he  was  at  liberty  to  throw  away  his  life  ("  Corp.  Ignat." 
p.  321) ;  but  Polycarp  was  still  older,  and  he  thought  differently. 

t  Sec.  4.  X  See  "  Corpus  Ignatianum,"  p.  253. 

§  The  reader  is  to  understand  that  all  the  extracts  given  in  the  text  are 
from  the  Syriac  version  of  the  "  Three  Epistles." 


WHEN  FABRICATED.  425 

Rome."'" "I  beg  of  you,  be  not  with  me  in  the  love 

that  is  not  in  its  season.  Leave  me,  that  I  may  be  for  the 
beasts,  that  by  means  of  them  I  may  be  worthy  of  God. 
....  With  provoking  lyrovohe  ye  the  beasts  that  they  may 
be  a  grave  for  me,  and  may  leave  nothing  of  my  body,  that 
not  even  when  I  am  fallen  asleep  may  I  be  a  burden  upon 

any  man I  rejoice  in  the  beasts  which  are  prepared 

for  me,  and  I  pray  that  they  may  he  quickly  found  for  me, 
and  I  will  provoke  them  that  they  may  quickly  devour  me.^'f 
Every  man  jealous  for  the  honour  of  primitive  Christianity 
should  be  slow  to  believe  that  an  apostolic  preacher  ad- 
dressed such  outrageous  folly  to  apostolic  Churches. 

When  reviewing  the  external  evidence  in  support  of  these 
Epistles,  we  have  had  occasion  to  shew  that  they  were  pro- 
bably fabricated  in  the  former  part  of  the  third  century. 
The  internal  evidence  corroborates  the  same  conclusion. 
Ecclesiastical  history  attests  that  during  the  fifty  years  pre- 
ceding the  death  of  CyprianJ  the  principles  here  put  for- 
ward were  fast  gaining  the  ascendency.  As  early  as  the 
days  of  Tertullian,  ritualism  was  rapidly  supplanting  the 
freedom  of  evangelical  worship ;  baptism  was  beginning  to 
be  viewed  as  an  "armour"  of  marvellous  potency ;§  the 
tradition  that  the  great  Church  of  the  West  had  been 
founded  by  Peter  and  Paul  was  now  extensively  propagated; 
and  there  was  an  increasing  disposition  throughout  the 
Empire  to  recognise  the  precedence  of  "  her  who  sitteth  at 
the  head  in  the  place  of  the  country  of  the  Romans."     It  is 

*  "Epistle  to  the  Ephesians." 

t  "Epistle  to  the  Romans."  Pearson  can  see  nothing  but  the  perfection  of 
piety  in  all  this.     "  In  quibus  nihil  putidum,  nihil  odiosum,  nihil  inscitd  aut 

imprudenter  scriptum  est." "  Omnia  ciim  pia,  legitima,  praeclara." — 

Vindicice,  pars  secunda,  o.  ix. 

X  From  A.D.  208  to  a.d.  258. 

§  Thus  in  the  "  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla,"  fabricated  about  the  beginning 
of  the  third  century,  Thecla  says— "  Give  me  the  seal  of  Christ,  {i.e.  baptism,) 
and  no  temptation  shall  toxLch  me"  (c.  18.)  See  Jones  on  the  "Canon  of  the 
New  Testament,"  ii.  p.  312. 


426  THE  TGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

apparent  from  the  writings  of  Cyprian  that  in  some  quar- 
ters the  "  church  system "  was  already  matured.  The 
language  ascribed  to  Ignatius — "  Be  careful  for  unanimity, 
than  ivhiclh  there  is  nothing  more  excellent"'' — then  ex- 
pressed a  prevailing  sentiment.  To  maintain  unity  was 
considered  a  higher  duty  than  to  uphold  truth,  and  to  be 
subject  to  the  bishop  was  deemed  one  of  the  greatest  of 
evangelical  virtues.  Celibacy  was  then  confounded  with 
chastity,  and  mysticism  was  extensively  occupying  the  place 
of  scriptural  knowledge  and  intelligent  conviction.  And 
the  admiration  of  martyrdom  which  presents  itself  in  such 
a  startling  form  in  these  Epistles  was  one  of  the  character- 
istics of  the  period.  Paul  taught  that  a  man  may  give  his 
body  to  be  burned  and  yet  want  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  ;t 
but  Origen  does  not  scruple  to  describe  martyrdom  as  "  the 
cup  of  salvation,"  the  bajjtism  which  cleanses  the  sufferer, 
the  act  which  makes  his  blood  precious  in  God's  sight  to  the 
redemption  of  others.;];  Do  not  all  these  circumstances 
combined  supply  abundant  proof  that  these  Epistles  were 
written  in  the  time  of  this  Alexandrian  father  '?  § 

It  is  truly  wonderful  that  men,  such  as  Dr  Cureton,  have 
permitted  themselves  to  be  befooled  by  these  Syriac  manu- 
scripts. It  is  still  more  extraordinary  that  writers,  such  as 
the  pious  and  amiable  Milner,||   have  published,  with  all 

*  "Epistle  to  Polycarp."  f  1  Cor.  xiii.  3. 

X  See  Blmit's  "  Early  Fathers,"  p.  237.  See  also  Origeu's  "  Exhortation  to 
Martyrdom,"  §  27,  30,  50. 

§  According  to  Dr  Lee,  a  strenuous  advocate  for  the  Syriac  version' of  the 
"  Three  Epistles,"  this  translation,  as  he  supposes  it  to  be,  was  made  "  not 
later  perhaps  than  the  close  of  the  second,  or  beginning  of  the  third  century" 
"  Corpus  Ignat."  Introd.  p.  86,  note.  Dr  Cureton  occasionally  supplies  strong 
presumptive  evidence  that  the  translation  has  been  made,  not  from  Greek 
into  Syriac,  but  from  Syriac  into  Greek.    "  Cor.  Ignat."  p.  278. 

II  Though  Milner,  in  his  "History  of  the  Church  of  Christ,"  quotes  these 
letters  so  freely,  he  seems  to  have  scarcely  turned  his  attention  to  the  con- 
troversy respecting  them.  Hence  he  intimates  that  Ussher  reckoned  sevemt 
of  them  genuine,  though  it  is  notorious  that  the  Primate  of  Armagh  rejected 
the  Epistle  to  Polycarp.    (See  Milner,  cent.  ii.  chap,  i.)     Others,  as  well  as 


PEARSON  AND  CALVIN.  427 

gravity,  the  rhapsodies  of  Ignatius  for  the  edification  of 
their  readers.  It  wouki  almost  appear  as  if  the  name  Bishop 
has  such  a  maoic  influence  on  some  honest  and  enliohtened 

O  CD 

Episcopalians,  that  when  the  interests  of  their  denomina- 
tion are  supposed  to  be  concerned,  they  can  be  induced  to 
close  their  eyes  against  the  plainest  dictates  of  common 
sense  and  the  clearest  light  of  historical  demonstration.  In 
deciding  upon  matters  of  fact  the  spirit  of  party  should 
never  be  permitted  to  interfere.  Truth  is  the  common  pro- 
perty of  the  catholic  Church ;  and  no  good  and  holy  cause 
can  require  the  support  of  an  apocryphal  correspondence. 

It  is  no  mean  proof  of  the  sagacity  of  the  great  Calvin, 
that,  upwards  of  three  hundred  years  ago,  he  passed  a 
sweeping  sentence  of  condemnation  on  these  Ignatian 
Epistles.  At  the  time,  many  were  startled  by  the  boldness 
of  his  language,  and  it  was  thought  that  he  was  somewhat 
precipitate  in  j)ronouncing  such  a  decisive  judgment.  But 
he  saw  distinctl}^  and  he  therefore  spoke  fearlessly.  There 
is  a  far  more  intimate  connexion  than  many  are  disposed 
to  Ijelieve  between  sound  theology  and  sound  criticism,  for 
a  right  knowledge  of  the  Word  of  God  strengthens  the 
intellectual  vision,  and  assists  in  the  detection  of  error 
wherever  it  may  reveal  itself.  Had  Pearson  enjoyed  the 
same  clear  views  of  gospel  truth  as  the  Eeformer  of 
Geneva,  he  would  not  have  wasted  so  many  precious  years 
in  writing  a  learned  vindication  of  the  nonsense  attributed 
to  Ignatius.  Calvin  knew  that  an  apostolic  man  must  have 
been  acquainted  with  apostolic  doctrine,  and  he  saw  that 
these  letters  must  have  been  the  productions  of  an  age  when 
the  pure  light  of  Christianity  was  greatly  obscured.    Hence 

Milner,  who  have  written  respecting  these  Epistles,  have  committed  similar 
mistakes.  Thus,  Dv  Elrington,  Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  in  Trinity 
College,  Dublin,  the  recent  editor  of  "  Ussher's  AVorks,"  when  referring  to  the 
Primate's  share  in  this  controversy,  speaks  of  "the  recent  discovery  of  a 
Syriac  version  of  four  Epistles  by  Mr  Cureton  ! "  "  Life  of  Ussher,"  p.  235, 
note. 


428  THE  IGNATIAN  EPISTLES. 

he  denounced  tliem  so  emphatically :  and  tune  has  verified 
his  deliverance.  His  language  respecting  them  has  been 
often  quoted,  but  we  feel  we  cannot  more  appropriately 
close  our  observations  on  this  subject  than  by  another 
repetition  of  it.  "  There  is  nothing  more  abominable  than 
that  trash  which  is  in  cii^culation  under  the  name  of 
Ignatius." ''' 

*  "Instit."  lib.  i.  c.  xiii.  §  29. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  GNOSTICS,  THE  MONTANISTS,  AND  THE  MANICH^ANS. 

When  Christianity  made  its  appearance  in  the  world,  it 
produced  a  profound  sensation.  It  spread  on  all  sides  with 
great  rapidity;  it  was  at  once  felt  to  be  a  religion  for  the 
common  people;  and  some  individuals  of  highly  cultivated 
minds  soon  acknowledged  its  authority.  For  a  time  its 
progress  was  impeded  by  the  persecutions  of  Nero  and 
Domitian ;  but,  about  the  beginning  of  the  second  century, 
it  started  upon  a  new  career  of  prosperous  advancement, 
and  quickly  acquired  such  a  position  that  the  most  distin- 
guished scholars  and  philosophers  could  no  longer  overlook 
its  pretensions.  In  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and  Hadrian,  a 
considerable  number  of  men  of  learning  were  already  in  its 
ranks;  but  it  would  appear  that,  on  the  whole,  it  derived 
very  equivocal  aid  from  the  presence  of  these  new 
adherents.  Not  a  few  of  the  literati  who  joined  its 
standard  attempted  to  corrupt  it ;  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John,  the 
champions  of  ortliodoxy  had  to  contend  against  no  less 
than  thirty-two  heresies.* 

Of  those  who  now  adulterated  the  gospel,  the  Gnostics 
were  by  far  the  most  subtle,  the  most  active,  and  the  most 
formidable.  The  leaders  of  the  party  were  all  men  of  edu- 
cation ;  and  as  they  were  to  be  found  chiefly  in  the  large 
cities,  the  Church  in  these  centres  of  influence  was  in  no 

*  Sec  Bunseu's  "  Hippolytus,"  i.  p.  27. 


430  THE  GNOSTICS. 

small  degree  embarrassed  and  endangered  by  their  specula- 
tions. Some  of  the  peculiarities  of  Gnosticism  have  been 
already  noticed;'""  but  as  the  second  century  was  the  period 
when  it  made  most  progress  and  awakened  most  anxiety, 
we  must  here  advert  more  distinctly  to  its  outlines.  The 
three  great  antagonists  of  the  gospel  were  the  Grecian 
philosophy,  the  heathen  mythology,  and  a  degenerate 
Judaism ;  and  Gnosticism  may  be  described  as  an  attempt 
to  effect  a  compromise  between  Christianity  and  these  rivals. 
As  might  have  been  expected,  the  attempt  met  with  much 
encouragement ;  for  many,  who  hesitated  to  accept  the  new 
religion  unconditionally,  were  constrained  to  acknowledge 
that  it  exhibited  many  indications  of  truth  and  divinity ; 
and  they  were,  therefore,  prepared  to  look  on  it  with  favour 
when  presented  to  them  in  an  altered  shajDC  and  furnished 
with  certain  favourite  appendages.  The  Gnostics  called 
themselves  believers;  and  their  most  celebrated  teachers 
would  willingly  have  remained  in  the  bosom  of  the  Church ; 
but  it  soon  appeared  that  their  principles  were  subversive 
of  the  New  Testament  revelation;  and  they  were  accord- 
ingly excluded  from  ecclesiastical  fellowship. 

Gnosticism  assumed  a  variety  of  forms,  and  almost  every 
one  of  its  teachers  had  his  own  distinctive  creed ;  but,  as  a 
system,  it  was  always  known  by  certain  remarkable  fea- 
tures. It  uniformly  ignored  the  doctrine  that  God  made 
all  things  out  of  nothing ;  t  and,  taking  for  granted  the 
eternity  of  matter,  it  tried  to  account,  on  philosophical 
principles,  for  the  moral  and  spiritual  phenomena  of  the 
world  which  we  inhabit.  The  Gnosis,  \  or  knowledge,  which 
it  supplied,  and  from  which  it  derived  its  designation,  was 
a  strange  congeries  of  wild  speculations.  The  Scriptures 
describe  the  Most  High  as  humbling  Himself  to  behold  the 

*  Period  T.  sec.  ii.  chap.  iii.  pp.  202,  203. 

t  See  Tertullian,  "  Adversus  Hermogenem,"  c.  x.  and  iv.. 

+  yvSxTis. 


THE  GNOSTICS.  431 

tilings  that  are  on  eartli,'^'  as  exercising  a  constant  pro- 
vidence over  all  His  creatures,  as  decking  the  lilies  of  the 
valley,  and  as  numbering  the  very  hairs  of  our  heads ;  but 
Gnosticism  exhibited  the  Supreme  God  as  separated  by  an 
immeasurable  interval  from  matter,  and  as  having  no  direct 
communication  with  anything  thus  contaminated.  The 
theory  by  means  of  which  many  of  its  adherents  endea- 
voured to  solve  the  problem  of  the  origin  of  evil,t  and  to 
trace  the  connexion  between  the  finite  and  the  infinite,  was 
not  without  ingenuity.  They  maintained  that  a  series  of 
Aeons,  or  divine  beings,  emanated  from  the  Primal  Essence ; 
but,  as  sound  issuing  from  a  given  point  gradually  becomes 
fainter  until  it  is  finally  lost  in  silence,  each  generation  of 
Aeons,  as  it  receded  from  the  great  Fountain  of  Spiritual 
Existence,  lost  somewhat  of  the  vigour  of  divinity;  and  at 
length  an  Aeon  was  produced  without  power  sulficient  to 
maintain  its  place  in  the  Pleroma,  or  habitation  of  the 
Godhead.  This  scheme  of  a  series  of  Aeons  of  gradually 
decreasing  excellence  was  apparently  designed  to  shew  how, 
from  an  Almighty  and  Perfect  Intelligence,  a  weak  and 
erring  being  might  be  generated.  There  were  Gnostics  who 
carried  the  principle  of  attenuation  so  far  as  to  teach  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  celestial  world  were  distributed  into 
no  less  than  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  heavens,  J  each 
somewhat  inferior  to  the  other.  According  to  some  of  these 
systems,  an  Aeon  removed  by  many  emanations  from  the 
source  of  Deity,  and,  in  consequence,  possessed  of  com- 
paratively little  strength,  passed  over  the  bounds  of  the 
Pleroma,  and  imparted  life  to  matter.  Another  Power, 
called  the  Demiurge,  was  now  produced,  who,  out  of  the 

*  Ps.  cxiii.  6. 

t  See  TertuUian,  "  Adversus  Marcionem,"  lib.  i.  c.  2.  About  this  time  many 
works  were  written  on  the  subject.  Eusebius  mentions  a  pubhcation  by 
Irenaeus,  "  On  Sovereignty,  or  on  the  Truth  that  God  is  not  the  Author  of  Evil" 
and  another  by  Maxiinus  on  "  The  Origin  of  EvilP    Euseb.  v.  20,  27. 

+  Irenaeus,  "  Contra  Ilseres,"  lib.  i,  c.  24,  §  7. 


432  THE  DEMIURGE. 

materials  already  in  existence,  fasliioned  tlie  present  world. 
The  human  race,  ushered,  under  such  circumstances,  upon 
the  stage  of  time,  are  ignorant  of  the  true  God,  and  in 
bondage  to  corrupt  matter.  But  all  men  are  not  in  a  state 
of  equal  degradation.  Some  possess  a  spiritual  nature; 
some,  a  physical  or  animal  nature;  and  some,  only  a  cor- 
poreal or  carnal  nature.  Jesus  now  appeared,  and,  at  His 
baptism  in  the  Jordan,  Christ,  a  powerful  Aeon,  joined  Him, 
that  He  might  be  fitted  for  redeeming  souls  from  the 
ignorance  and  slavery  in  which  they  are  entangled.  This 
Saviour  taught  the  human  family  the  knowledge  of  the 
true  God.  Jesus  was  seized  and  led  to  crucifixion,  and  the 
Aeon  Christ  now  departed  from  Him ;  but,  as  His  body  was 
composed  of  the  finest  ethereal  elements,  and  was,  in  fact, 
a  phantom,  He  did  not  really  suffer  on  the  accm^sed  tree. 
Many  of  the  Gnostics  taught  that  there  are  two  spheres  of 
future  enjoyment.  They  held  that,  whilst  the  spiritual 
natures  shall  be  restored  to  the  Pleroma,  the  physical  or 
animal  natures  shall  be  admitted  to  an  inferior  state  of 
happiness;  and  that  such  souls  as  are  found  to  be  inca- 
pable of  purification  shall  be  consigned  to  perdition  or 
annihilation. 

Whilst,  according  to  all  the  Gnostics,  the  Demiurge,  or 
maker  of  this  world,  is  far  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Deity, 
these  system-builders  were  by  no  means  agreed  as  to  his 
position  and  his  functions.  Some  of  them  regarded  him  as 
an  Aeon  of  inferior  intelligence  who  acted  in  obedience  to 
the  will  of  the  Great  God;  others  conceived  that  he  was  no 
other  than  the  God  of  the  Jews,  who,  in  their  estimation, 
was  a  Being  of  somewhat  rugged  and  intractable  character ; 
whilst  others  contended  that  he  was  an  Evil  Power  at  open 
war  with  the  righteous  Sovereign  of  the  universe.  The 
Gnostics  also  differed  in  their  views  respecting  matter. 
Those  of  them  who  were  Egyptians,  and  who  had  been  ad- 
dicted to  the  study  of  the  Platonic  philosophy,  held  matter 


VALENTINE.  433 

to  be  inert  until  impregnated  with  life;  but  tlie  Syrians, 
who  borrowed  much  from  the  Oriental  theology,  taught 
that  it  was  eternally  subject  to  a  Lord,  or  Euler,  who  had 
been  perpetually  at  variance  with  the  Great  God  of  the 
Pleroma. 

Two  of  the  most  distinguished  Gnostic  teachers  who 
flourished  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century  were 
Saturninus  of  Antioch  and  Basilides  of  Alexandria.''"  Va- 
lentine, who  appeared  somewhat  later,  and  who  is  supposed 
to  have  first  excited  attention  at  Kome  about  a.d.  140,  was 
still  more  celebrated.  He  taught  that  in  the  Pleroma  there 
are  fifteen  male  and  fifteen  female  Aeons,  whom  he  professed 
to  distinguish  by  their  names;  and  he  even  proceeded  to 
point  out  how  they  are  distributed  into  married  pairs. 
Some  have  supposed  that  certain  deep  philosophical  truths 
were  here  concealed  by  him  under  the  veil  of  allegory.  As 
he,  like  others  of  the  same  class,  conveyed  parts  of  his 
Gnosis  only  into  the  ears  of  the  initiated,  it  may  be  that 
the  explanation  of  its  symbols  was  reserved  for  those  who 
^vere  thus  made  acquainted  with  its  secret  wisdom.  It  has 
been  alleged  that  he  personified  the  attributes  of  God,  and 
that  the  Aeons,  whom  he  names  and  joins  together,  are 
simply  those  divine  perfections  which,  when  combined,  are 
fitted  to  produce  the  most  remarkable  results.  Thus,  he 
associated  Profundity  and  Thought,  Intelligence  and  Truth, 
Reason  and  Life.f  His  system  seems  to  have  had  many 
attractions  for  his  age,  as  his  disciples,  in  considerable 
numbers,  were  soon  to  be  found  both  in  the  East  and  in 
the  West. 

AVhen  Valentine  was  at  Eome,  Marcion,  another  heresi- 
arch  of  the  same  class,  was  also  in  the  great  metroj^olis.J 

*  Irenseus,  lib.  i.  c.  24,  According  to  Clemens  Alexaudrinus,  Basilides 
flourished  in  the  reigns  of  Hadrian  and  Antoninus  Pius.  "  Stromata,"  lib.  vii. 
Opera,  p.  764. 

+  Bv66s  Koi  evvoia,  vovs  Koi  d\T]6fia,  Xo'yo?  Kol  ^cotj. 

t  According  to  some,  Valentine  was  the  disciple  of  Marcion.     Clemens 
2  E 


434  MARCION. 

This  man  is  said  to  liave  been  bom  in  Pontus,  and  tbongli 
some  of  tlie  fathers  have  attempted  to  fix  a  stain  upon  his 
early  reputation,  his  subsequent  character  seems  to  have 
been  irreproachable.'''"     There  is  reason  to  think  that  he  was 
one  of  the  most  upright   and  amiable   of  the  Gnostics. 
These  errorists  were  charged  by  their  orthodox  antagonists 
with  gross  immorality;  and  there  was  often,  perhaps,  too 
much  ground  for  the  accusation ;  for  some  of  them,  such  as 
Carpocrates,t  avowed  and  encouraged  the  most  shameless 
licentiousness ;  but  others,  such  as  Marcion,  were  noted  for 
their  ascetic  strictness.     All  the  more  respectable  Gnostics 
appear  to  have  recommended  themselves  to  public  con- 
I  fidence  by  the  austerity  of  their  discipline.     They  enjoined 
/  rigorous  fasting,  and  inculcated  abstinence  from  wine,  flesli- 
/  meat,  and  marriage.     The  Oriental  theology,  as  well  as  the 
I     Platonic  philosophy,  sanctioned  such  a  mode  of  living ;  and, 
f     therefore,  those  by  whom  it  was  practised  were  in  a  favour- 
able position  for  gaining  the  public  ear  when  they  came 
i      forward  as  theological  instructors. 

^  Gnosticism  may  appear  to  us  a  most  fantastic  system; 
but,  in  the  second  century,  it  was  dreaded  as  a  very  formi- 
dable adversary  by  the  Church;  and  the  extent  to  which  it 
spread  attests  that  it  possessed  not  a  few  of  the  elements  of 
popularity.  Its  doctrine  of  Aeons,  or  Divine  Emanations, 
was  quite  in  accordance  with  theories  which  had  then 
gained  extensive  currency;  and  its  account  of  the  forma- 
tion of  the  present  world  was  countenanced  by  established 
modes  of  thinking.  Many  who  cherished  a  hereditary  pre- 
judice against  Judaism  were  gratified  by  the  announce- 
ment that  the  Demiurge  was  no  other  than  the  God 
of  the  Israelites;  and  many  more  were  flattered  by  the 

Alexandrinus  states  that  Marcion  was  his  senior.  "  Strom."  Hb.  viii.  Ter- 
tullian  says  expressly  that  Valentine  was  at  one  time  the  disciple  of  Marcion. 
''  De  Carne  Christi,"  c.  1. 

*  See  Neander's  "  General  History,"  by  Torrey,  ii.  pp.  171,  174,  notes. 

+  See  Kaye's  "  Clement  of  Alexandria,"  pp.  316,  317. 


ERRORS  OF  GNOSTICISM.  435 

statement  that  some  souls  are  essentially  purer  and  better 
than  others.'""  The  age  was  sunk  in  sensuality;  and,  as  it  1 
was  the  great  boast  of  the  heresiarchs  that  their  Gnosis 
secured  freedom  from  the  dominion  of  the  flesh,  multitudes, ; 
who  secretly  sighed  for  deliverance,  were  thus  induced  to/ 
test  its  efficacy.  But  Gnosticism,  in  whatever  form  it  pre- 
sented itself,  was  a  miserable  perversion  of  the  gospel. 
Some  of  its  teachers  entirely  rejected  the  Old  Testament; 
others  reduced  its  history  to  a  myth ;  whilst  all  mutilated 
and  misinterpreted  the  writings  of  the  apostles  and  evange- 
lists. Like  the  Jewish  Cabbalists,  who  made  void  the  law 
of  God  by  expositions  which  fancy  suggested  and  tradition 
embalmed,  the  Gnostics  by  their  far-fetched  and  unnatural 
comments,  threw  an  air  of  obscurity  over  the  plainest  pas- 
sages of  the  New  Testament.  Some  of  them,  aware  that 
they  could  derive  no  support  from  the  inspired  records, 
actually  fabricated  Gospels,  and  affixed  to  them  the  names 
of  apostles  or  evangelists,  in  the  hope  of  thus  obtaining 
credit  for  the  spurious  documents.!  Whilst  Gnosticism  in 
this  way  set  aside  the  authority  of  the  Word  of  God,  it 
also  lowered  the  dignity  of  the  Saviour;  and  even  when 
Christ  was  most  favourably  represented  by  it,  He  was  but 
an  Aeon  removed  at  the  distance  of  several  intermediate 
generations  from  the  Supreme  Euler  of  the  universe.  The 
propagators  of  this  system  altogether  misconceived  the 
scope  of  the  gospel  dispensation.  They  substituted  sal- 
vation by  carnal  ordinances  for  salvation  by  faith;  they 
represented  man  in  his  natural  state  rather  as  an  ignoramus 
than  a  sinner;  and,  whilst  they  absurdly  magnified  their 
own  Gnosis,  they  entirely  discarded  the  doctrine  of  a  vica- 
rious atonement. 

*  Tlie  Ophites  carried  thi.s  feeling  so  far  as  to  maintain  that  the  serpent 
which  deceived  Eve  was  no  other  than  the  divine  Aeon  Sophia,  or  Wisdom, 
who  thus  weakened  the  power  of  laldabaoth,  or  the  Demiurge. 

t  See  Mosheim,  "  De  Caussis  Suppositorum  Librorum  inter  Christiauos 
Sceculi  Primi  et  Secuudi."    "Dissert,  ad  Hist.  Eccl.  Pertin."  vol.  i.  221. 


436  MONTANUS. 

Shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  second  century  the  Church 
began  to  be  troubled  by  a  heresy  in  some  respects  very  dif- 
ferent from  Gnosticism.  At  that  time  the  persecuting  spirit 
displayed  by  Marcus  Aurelius  filled  the  Christians  through- 
out the  Empire  with  alarm,  and  those  of  them  who  were 
given  to  despondency  began  to  entertain  the  most  gloomy 
anticipations.  An  individual,  named  Montanus,  who  laid 
claim  to  prophetic  endowments,  now  appeared  in  a  village 
on  the  borders  of  Phrygia;  and  though  he  seems  to  have 
possessed  a  rather  mean  capacity,  his  discipline  was  so 
suited  to  the  taste  of  many,  and  the  predictions  which  he 
uttered  so  accorded  with  prevailing  apprehensions,  that  he 
soon  created  a  deep  impression.  When  he  first  came  for- 
ward in  the  character  of  a  Divine  Instructor  he  had  been 
recently  converted  to  Christianity ;  and  he  seems  to  have 
strangely  misapprehended  the  nature  of  the  gospel.  When 
he  delivered  his  pretended  communications  from  heaven, 
he  is  said  to  have  wrought  himself  up  into  a  state  of 
frenzied  excitement.  His  countrymen,  who  had  been  ac- 
customed to  witness  the  ecstasies  of  the  priests  of  Bacchus 
and  Cybele,  saw  proofs  of  a  divine  impulse  in  his  bodily 
contortions;  and  some  of  them  at  once  acknowledged  his 
extraordinary  mission.  By  means  of  two  wealthy  female 
associates,  named  Priscilla  and  Maximilla,  who-  also  pro- 
fessed to  utter  prophecies,  Montanus  was  enabled  rajDidly 
to  extend  his  influence.  His  fame  spread  abroad  on  all 
sides;  and,  in  a  few  years,  he  had  followers  in  Europe  and 
in  Africa,  as  well  as  in  Asia. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  this  heresiarch  attempted  to  over- 
turn the  creed  of  the  Church.  He  was  neither  a  profound 
thinker  nor  a  logical  reasoner;  and  he  certainly  had  not 
maturely  studied  the  science  of  theology.  But  he  possessed 
an  ardent  temperament,  and  he  seems  to  have  mistaken  the 
suggestions  of  his  own  fanaticism  for  the  dictates  of  inspi- 
ration.    The  doctrine  of  the  personal  reign  of  Christ  during  ' 


MONTANUS.  437 

the  millennium  appears  to  have  formed  a  prominent  topic 
in  his  ministrations.""'  He  maintained  that  the  discipline 
of  the  Church  had  been  left  incomplete  by  the  apostles,  and 
that  he  ^vas  empowered  to  supply  a  better  code  of  regula- 
tions. According  to  some  he  proclaimed  himself  the  Para- 
clete; but,  if  so,  he  most  grievously  belied  his  assumed 
name,  for  his  system  was  far  better  fitted  to  induce  despon- 
dency than  to  inspire  comfort.  All  his  precepts  were  con- 
ceived in  the  sour  and  contracted  spirit  of  mere  ritualism. 
He  insisted  upon  long  fasts;  he  condemned  second  mar- 
riages ;  t  he  inveighed  against  all  who  endeavoured  to  save 
themselves  by  flight  in  times  of  persecution ;  and  he  asserted 
that  such  as  had  once  been  guilty  of  any  heinous  transgres- 
sion should  never  ao-ain  be  admitted  to  ecclesiastical  fellow- 
ship.  Whilst  he  promulgated  this  stern  discipline,  he  at  the 
same  time  delivered  the  most  dismal  predictions,  announcing, 
among  other  things,  the  speedy  catastrophe  of  the  Eoman 
Empire.  He  also  gave  out  that  the  Phrygian  village  where 
he  ministered  was  to  become  the  New  Jerusalem  of  reno- 
vated Christianity. 

But  the  Church  was  still  too  strongly  impregnated  with 
the  free  spirit  of  the  gospel  to  submit  to  such  a  prophet 
as  ]\Iontauus.  He  had,  however,  powerful  advocates,  and 
even  a  Roman  bishop  at  one  time  gave  him  countenance. { 
Though  his  discipline  commended  itself  to  the  morose  and 
Pharisaical,  it  was  rejected  by  those  who  rightly  understood 

*  His  great  text  was  Eev.  xx.  6,  7.  Hence  some  now  began  to  dispute  the 
autliority  of  the  Apocalypse. 

f  Others,  who  do  not  appear  to  have  been  connected  with  Montanus,  but 
who  lived  about  the  same  time,  held  the  same  views  on  the  subject  of  mar- 
riage. Thus,  Athenagoras  says — "  A  second  marriage  is  by  us  esteemed  a 
specious  adultery." — Apology,  §  33. 

X  "  Nam  idem  (Praxeas)  tunc  Episcopum  Romanum,  agnoscentem  jam  pro- 
phetias  Montani,  Priscas,  Maximillaj,  et  ex  ea  agnitione  pacem  ecclesiis  Asise 
et  Phrygise  inferentem,  falsa  de  ipsis  prophetis  et  ecclesiis  eorum  adseverando 
et  prsecessorum  ejus  auctoritates  defendendo  coegit  et  litteras  pacis  revocare 
jam  emissas  et  a  proposito  recipiendorum  charismatum  concessare." — TertuU 
liatif  Adv.  Praxean.,  c.  i. 


438  MANI. 

the  mystery  of  godliness.  Several  councils  were  held  to 
discuss  its  raerits,  and  it  was  emphatically  condemned.'"" 
The  signal  failure  of  some  of  the  Montanist  predictions  had 
greatly  lowered  the  credit  of  the  party;  Montanus  was 
pronounced  a  false  prophet ;  and  though  the  sect  was  sup- 
ported by  TertuUian,  the  most  vigorous  writer  of  the  age, 
it  gradually  ceased  to  attract  notice.t 

About  a  century  after  the  appearance  of  Montanus, 
another  individual,  in  a  more  remote  part  of  Asia,  acquired 
great  notoriety  as  a  heresiarch.  The  doctrine  of  two  First 
Principles,  a  good  deity  and  an  evil  deity,  had  been  long 
current  in  the  East.  Even  in  the  days  of  Isaiah  we  may 
trace  its  existence,  for  there  is  a  most  significant  allusion  to 
it  in  one  of  his  prophecies,  in  which  Jehovah  is  represented 
as  saying — "  I  am  the  Lord,  and  there  is  none  else,  there  is 
no  God  beside  me.  .  .  .  I  form  the  light,  and  create  dark- 
ness; I  make  peace,  and  create  evil :  I  the  Lord  do  all 
these  things."!  About  the  fifth  century  before  Christ,  the 
Persian  theology  had  been  reformed  by  Zoroaster,  and  the 
subordination  of  the  two  Principles  to  one  God,  the  author 
of  both,  had  been  acknowledged  as  an  article  of  the  esta- 
blished creed.  In  the  early  part  of  the  third  century  of  the 
Christian  era,  there  was  a  struggle  between  the  adherents 
of  the  old  and  the  new  faith  of  Parsism ;  and  the  supporters 
of  the  views  of  Zoroaster  had  been  again  successful.  But 
a  considerable  party  stiU  refused  to  relinquish  the  doctrine 
of  the  independence  of  the  two  Principles ;  and  some  of 
these  probably  joined  themselves  to  Mani,  a  Persian  by 
birth,  who,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  third  century,  became 
distinguished  as  the  propagator  of  a  species  of  mongrel 
Christianity.      This  man,  Avho  was  born  about  a.d.   240, 

*  Euseb.  V.  16. 

t  It  would  appear,  however,  that  it  maintained  a  lingering  existence  for 
several  centuries.     Even  Justinian,  about  A.D.  530,  enacts  laws  against  the 
.Montanists  or  Tertulliauists. 
X  Isaiah  xlv.  5,  7. 


MANI.  439 

p(^ssessed  genius  of  a  higli  order.  Though  he  finished  his 
career  when  he  was  only  thirty -seven  years  of  age,  he  had 
ah-eady  risen  to  eminence  among  his  countrymen,  and 
attracted  the  notice  of  several  successive  sovereigns.  He 
is  said  to  have  been  a  skilful  physician,  an  accomplished 
painter,  and  an  excellent  astronomer,  as  well  as  an  acute 
metaphysician.  Like  Montanus,  he  laid  claim  to  a  divine 
commission,  and  alleged  that  he  was  the  Paraclete  who  was 
promised  to  guide  into  all  truth.  He  maintained  that 
there  are  two  First  Principles  of  all  things,  light  and  dark- 
ness :  God,  in  the  kingdom  of  light,  and  the  devil,  in  the 
kingdom  of  darkness,  have  existed  from  eternity.  Mani 
thus  accounted  for  the  phenomena  of  the  world  around  us — 
"  Over  the  kino-dom  of  lioht,''  said  this  heresiarch,  "  ruled 
God  the  Father,  eternal  in  His  sacred  race,  glorious  in  His 

might,  the   truth   by  His  very  essence But   the 

Father  himself,  glorious  in  His  majesty,  incomprehensible 
in  His  greatness,  has  united  with  Himself  blessed  and 
glorious  Aeons,  in  number  and  greatness  surpassing  estima- 
tion."* He  taught  that  Christ  appeared  to  liberate  the 
light  from  the  darkness,  and  that  he  himself  was  now 
deputed  to  reveal  the  mysteries  of  the  universe,  and  to 
assist  men  in  recovering  their  freedom.  He  rejected  a 
great  portion  of  the  canon  of  Scripture,  and  substituted 
certain  writings  of  his  own,  which  his  followers  were  to 
receive  as  of  divine  authority.  His  disciples,  called  Mani- 
chees  or  Manichseans,  assumed  the  name  of  a  Church,  and 
were  divided  into  two  classes,  the  Elect  and  the  Hearers. 
The  Elect,  who  were  comparatively  few,  were  the  sacred 
order.  They  alone  were  made  acquainted  with  the  mysteries, 
or  more  recondite  doctrines,  of  the  sect ;  they  practised 
extreme  abstinence ;  they  subsisted  chiefly  upon  olives  ;t 

*  Augustin,  "Contra  Epist.  Fundamenti,"  c.  13. 

t  On  the  ground  that  their  oil  is  the  food  of  light!     SchafF's  "  History  of 
the  Christian  Church,"  p.  249. 


440  MANl. 

and  tliey  lived  in  celibacy.  They  were  not  to  kill,  or  even 
wound,  an  animal ;  neither  were  they  to  pull  up  a  vegetable, 
or  pluck  a  flower.  The  Hearers  were  permitted  to  share  in 
the  business  and  pleasures  of  the  world,  but  they  were 
taught  only  the  elements  of  the  system.  After  death,  ac- 
cording to  Mani,  souls  do  not  pass  immediately  into  the 
world  of  light.  They  must  first  undergo  a  two-fold  purifi- 
cation ;  one,  by  water  in  the  moon  ;  another,  hjjire  in  the 
sun. 

Mani  had  provoked  the  enmity  of  the  Magians ;  and, 
at  their  instigation,  he  was  consigned,  about  a.d.  277,  by 
order  of  the  Persian  monarch,  to  a  cruel  and  ignominious 
death.  But  the  sect  wdiich  he  had  organized  did  not  die 
along  with  him.  His  system  was  well  fitted  to  please  the 
Oriental  fancy  ;  its  promise  of  a  higher  wisdom  to  those 
who  obtained  admission  into  the  class  of  the  Elect  encou- 
raged the  credulity  of  the  auditors ;  and,  to  such  as  had 
not  carefully  studied  the  Christian  revelation,  its  hypothesis 
of  a  Good  and  of  an  Evil  Deity  accounted  rather  plausibly 
for  the  mingled  good  and  evil  of  our  present  existence. 
The  Manichaeans  were  exposed  to  much  suffering  in  the 
country  where  they  first  appeared ;  and,  as  a  sect  of  Persian 
origin,  they  were  oppressed  by  the  Eoman  government ;  but 
they  were  not  extinguished  by  persecution,  and,  far  down 
in  the  middle  ages,  they  still  occasionally  figure  in  the 
drama  of  history. 

Synods  and  councils  may  pass  resolutions  condemnatory 
of  false  doctrine,  but  it  is  somewhat  more  difficult  to  coun- 
teract the  seduction  of  the  principles  from  which  heresies 
derive  their  influence.  The  Gnostics,  the  Montanists,  and 
the  Manichseans,  owed  much  of  their  strength  to  fallacies 
and  superstitions  Avith  which  the  Christian  teachers  of  the 
age  were  not  fully  prepared  to  grapple ;  and  hence  it  was 
that,  whilst  the  errorists  themselves  were  denounced  by 
ecclesiastical  authority,  a  large  portion  of  their  peculiar 


MORTAL  AND  VENIAL  SINS.  441 

leaven  found  its  way  into  tlie  Cliurcli,  and  gradually  pro- 
duced an  immense  change  in  its  doctrine  and  discipline. 
A  notice  of  the  more  important  of  the  false  sentiments  and 
dangerous  practices  which  the  heretics  propagated  and  the 
catholics  adopted,  may  enable  us  to  estimate  the  amount  of 
the  damage  which  the  cause  of  truth  now  sustained. 
•  The  Montanists  recognised  the  distinction  of  venial  and 
mortal  sins.  They  held  that  a  professed  disciple,  wdio  was 
guilty  of  what  they  called  mortal  sin,  should  never  again 
be  admitted  to  sealing  ordinances.*  It  is  apparent  from 
the  writings  of  Hippolytus,  the  famous  bishop  of  Portus, 
that,  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century,  some  of  the 
most  influential  of  the  catholics  cordially  supported  this 
principle.  Soon  afterwards  it  was  openly  advocated  by  a 
powerful  party  in  the  Church  of  Eome,  and  its  rejection  by 
Cornelius,  then  at  the  head  of  that  community,  led  to  the 
schism  of  Novatian.  But  the  distinction  of  venial  and 
mortal  sins,  upon  which  it  proceeded,  was  even  now  gene- 
rally acknowdedged.  This  distinction,  which  lies  at  the 
basis  of  the  ancient  penitential  discipline,  was  already  be- 
ginning to  vitiate  the  whole  catholic  theology.  Some  sins, 
it  is  true,  are  more  heinous  than  others,  but  the  compara- 
tive turpitude  of  transgressions  depends  much  on  the 
circumstances  in  which  they  are  committed.  The  wages 
of  every  sin  is  death,t  and  it  is  absurd  to  attempt  to  give 
a  stereotyped  character  to  any  one  violation  of  God's  law 
by  classing  it,  in  regard  to  the  extent  of  its  guilt,  in  a 
particular  category.  Christianity  regards  sin,  in  whatever 
form,  as  a  spiritual  poison  ;  and  instead  of  seeking  to  solve 
the  curious  problem — how  much  of  it  may  exist  in  the  soul 
without  the  destruction  of  spiritual  life  ? — it  wisely  instructs 
us  to  guard  against  it  in  our  very  thoughts,  and  to  abstain 

♦  "We  find  Tertullian,  after  lie  became  a  Montauist,  dwelling  on  the  dia- 
tinction  of  venial  and  mortal  sins.     See  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  pp.  255,  .339. 
t  Rom.  vi.  2.3. 


442  rURGATORY  AND  PENANCE. 

from  even  the  "appearance  of  evil."'"'  "When  lust,"  or 
indwelling  depravity  of  any  description,  "  has  conceived,  it 
bringeth  forth  sin;  and  sin,  when  it  is  finished,  bringeth 
forth  death."t  Experience  has  demonstrated  that  the  ad- 
mission of  the  distinction  of  venial  and  mortal  sins  is  most 
perilous  to  the  best  interests  of  the  Christian  community ; 
for,  whilst  it  is  without  foundation  in  the  inspired  statute- 
book,  it  must  inevitably  lead  to  the  neglect  or  careless  per- 
formance of  many  duties  which  the  Most  High  has  solemnly 
enjoined. 

The  Platonic  philosophy  taught  the  necessity  of  a  state 
of  purification  after  death; J  and  a  modification  of  this 
doctrine  formed  part  of  at  least  some  of  the  systems  of 
Gnosticism.  §  It  is  incnlcated  by  TertuUian,  the  great  cham- 
pion of  Montanism  ;  II  and  we  have  seen  how,  according  to 
Mani,  departed  souls  must  pass,  first  to  the  moon,  and  then 
to  the  sun,  that  they  may  thus  undergo  a  twofold  purga- 
tion. Here,  again,  a  tenet  originally  promulgated  by  the 
heretics,  became  at  length  a  portion  of  the  creed  of  the 
Church.  The  Manichseans,  as  well  as  the  Gnostics,  rejected 
the  doctrine  of  the  atonement,  and  as  faith  in  the  perfec- 
tion of  the  cleansing  virtue  of  the  blood  of  Christ  declined, 
a  behef  in  Purgatory  became  popular.lF 

The  Gnostics,  with  some  exceptions,  insisted  greatly  on 
the  mortification  of  the  body  ;  and  the  same  species  of  dis- 
cijDline  was  strenuously  recommended  by  the  Montanists 
and  the  Manichseans.  All  these  heretics  believed  that  the 
largest  measure  of  future  happiness  was  to  be  realised  by 
those   who   practised   the    most    rigid   asceticism.      Mani 

*  1  Thess.  V.  22.  f  James  i.  15. 

J  See  Ciiclwoi'tli's  "  Intellectual  System,"  with  Notes  by  Mosheim,  iii.  p.  297. 
Edition,  London,  1845. 

§  See  Hagenbach's  "  History  of  Doctrines,"  i.  j).  218. 

II  See  Kaye's  "  TertuUian,"  p.  348. 

H  The  doctrine  of  Purgatory,  as  now  held,  was  not,  however,  fully  recognised 
until  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  or  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century. 


CELIBACY.  443 

admitted  tliat  an  individual  without  any  extraordinary 
amount  of  self-denial,  might  reach  the  \\"orld  of  Light,  for 
he  held  out  the  hope  of  heaven  to  his  Hearers ;  but  he 
taught  that  its  highest  distinctions  were  reserved  for  the 
Elect,  who  scrupulously  refrained  from  bodily  indulgence. 
The  Church  silently  adopted  the  same  principle ;  and  the 
distinction  between  lyreccpts  and  counsels,  which  was  soon 
introduced  into  its  theology,  rests  upon  this  foundation. 
By  precepts  are  understood  those  duties  which  are  obligatory 
upon  all ;  by  counsels,  those  acts,  whether  of  charity  or 
abstinence,  which  are  expected  from  such  only  as  aim  at 
superior  sanctity.'"*  The  Elect  of  the  Manichseans,  as  well  as 
many  of  the  Gnostics,!  declined  to  enter  into  wedlock,  and 
the  Montanists  were  disposed  to  confer  double  honour  on 
the  single  clergy.  J  The  Church  did  not  long  stand  out 
against  the  fascinations  of  this  popular  delusion.  Her 
members  almost  universally  caught  up  the  impression  that 
marriage  stands  in  the  way  of  the  cultivation  of  piety ; 
and  bishops  and  presbyters,  who  lived  in  celibacy,  began  to 
be  regarded  as  more  holy  than  their  brethren.  This  feeling 
continued  to  gain  strength  ;  and  from  it  sprung  that  vast 
system  of  monasticism  which  spread  throughout  Christen- 
dom, with  such  amazing  rapidity,  in  the  fourth  century. 

It  thus  appears  that  asceticism  and  clerical  celibacy  have 
been  grafted  on  Christianity  by  Paganism.  Hundreds  of 
years  before  the  New  Testament  was  written.  Buddhism 
could  boast  of  multitudes  of  monks  and  eremites.  §  The 
Gnostics,  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century,  celebrated 

*  See  Mosheim's  "  Institutes,"  by  Soames,  i.  166. 

+  Marcion,  it  appears,  declined  to  baptize  those  who  were  married.  "  Non 
tiuguitur  apud  iUum  caro,  nisi  virgo,  nisi  vidua,  nisi  cselebs,  nisi  divortio 
baptisma  mercata." — Tertullian,  Adver.  Marcionem,  lib.  i.  c.  29. 

%  See  Neander's  "  General  History,"  ii.  253. 

§  In  the  "Westminster  Keview"  for  October  1856,  there  is  an  article  on 
Buddhism,  vrriiien,  indeed,  in  the  anti- evangelical  spirit  of  that  periodical,  but 
containing  withal  much  cui'ious  and  important  information. 


444  WILL-WORSHIP. 

the  praises  of  a  single  life  ;  and  tlie  Elect  of  the  Manichseans 
were  all  celibates.  Meanwhile  marriage  was  permitted  to 
the  clergy  of  the  catholic  Church.  Well  might  the  apostle 
exhort  the  disciples  to  beware  of  those  ordinances  which 
have  "  a  shew  of  ivisdom  in  will- worship,  and  humility,  and 
neglecting  of  the  body"*  as  the  austerities  of  the  cloister 
are  miserable  preparatives  for  the  enjoyments  of  a  world 
of  purity  and  love.  Christianity  exhibited  startling  tokens 
of  degeneracy  when  it  attempted  to  nourish  piety  upon 
the  spawn  of  the  heathen  superstitions.  The  gospel  is 
designed  for  social  and  for  active  beings  ;  as  it  hallows  all 
the  relations  of  life,  it  also  teaches  us  how  to  use  all  the 
good  gifts  of  God  ;  and  whilst  celibacy  and  protracted  fast- 
ing may  only  generate  misanthropy  and  melancholy,  faith, 
walking  in  the  ways  of  obedience,  can  purify  the  heart, 
and  induce  the  peace  that  passeth  all  understanding. 

*  Col.  ii.  23. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  DOCTRINE  OF  TttE  CHURCH. 

For  some  time  after  the  apostolic  age,  the  doctrine  of  tlie 
Cliiircli  remained  uncliano-ed.  Tliose  who  had  been  taught 
the  gospel  by  the  lips  of  its  inspired  heralds  could  not  have 
been  readily  induced  to  relinquish  any  of  its  distinctive 
principles.  It  must,  indeed,  be  admitted  that  the  purity 
of  the  evangelical  creed  was  soon  deteriorated  by  the  ad- 
mixture of  dogmas  suggested  by  bigotry  and  superstition  ; 
Irat,  it  may  safely  be  asserted  that,  throughout  the  whole 
of  the  period  now  before  us,  its  elementary  articles  were 
substantially  maintained  by  almost  all  the  Churches  of  the 
Empire. 

Though  there  was  still  a  pretty  general  agreement  re- 
sjDecting  the  cardinal  points  of  Christianity,  it  is  not  to 
be  thought  strange  that  the  early  writers  occasionally  ex- 
pressed themselves  in  a  way  which  would  now  be  considered 
loose  or  inaccurate.  Errorists,  by  the  controversies  they 
awakened,  not  unfrequently  created  much  perplexity  and 
confusion  ;  but,  in  general,  the  truth  eventually  issued  from 
discussion  with  renovated  credit ;  for,  in  due  time,  acute 
and  able  advocates  came  forward  to  prove  that  the  articles 
assailed  rested  on  an  impregnable  foundation.  During 
these  debates  it  was  found  necessary  to  distinguish  the 
different  shades  of  doctrine  by  the  establishment  of  a  fixed 
terminology.  The  disputants  were  obliged  to  define  with 
precision  the  expressions  they  employed  ;  and  thus  various 


446  "the  APOSTLES    CEEED. 

forms  of  speecli  ceased  to  have  an  equivocal  meaning. 
But,  in  tlie  second  or  tliird  century,  theology  had  not 
lassumed  a  scientific  form ;  and  the  language  of  orthodoxy 
(was,  as  yet,  unsettled.  Hence,  when  treating  of  doctrinal 
questions,  those  whose  views  were  substantially  correct 
sometimes  gave  their  sanction  to  the  use  of  phrases  which 
were  afterwards  condemned  as  the  symbols  of  heterodoxy.''''' 

About  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  all  adults  who 
were  admitted  to  baptism  were  required  to  make  a  declara- 
tion of  their  faith  by  assenting  to  some  such  formula  as 
that  now  called  "The  Apostles'  Creed  ;"t  and  though  no 
general  council  had  yet  been  held,  the  chief  pastors  of  the 
largest  and  most  influential  Churches  maintained,  by 
letters,  an  official  correspondence,  and  were  in  this  way 
well  acquainted  with  each  other's  sentiments.  A  consider- 
able number  of  these  epistles,  or  at  least  of  extracts  from 
them,  are  still  extant ;  J  and  there  is  thus  abundant  proof 
of  the  unity  of  the  faith  of  the  ecclesiastical  rulers.  But, 
in  treating  of  this  subject,  it  is  necessary  to  be  more 
specific,  and  to  notice  particularly  the  leading  doctrines 
which  were  now  commonly  received. 

Before  entering  directly  on  this  review,  it  is  proper  to 
mention  that  the  Holy  Scriptures  were  held  in  the  highest 
estimation.  The  reading  of  them  aloud  formed  part  of  the 
stated  service  of  the  congregations,  and  one  or  other  of  the 

*  The  most  remarkable  instance  of  this  is  the  condemnation  of  the  word 
onoovcrtos,  as  applied  to  om"  Lord,  by  the  Synod  of  Antioch  in  A.D.  269.  It  is 
well  known  that  the  very  same  word  was  adoi)ted  in  a.d.  325,  by  the  Council 
of  Nice  as  the  symbol  of  orthodoxy  ;  and  yet  these  two  ecclesiastical  assemblies 
held  the  same  views.  See  also,  as  to  the  application  of  the  word  viroa-Tains, 
Burton's  "  Ante-Nicene  Testimonies,"  p.  129. 

t  "  The  infei'ence  to  be  drawn  from  a  comparison  of  diflferent  passages 
scattered  through  TertuUian's  writings  is,  that  the  Apostle's  Creed  in  its  pre- 
sent form  was  not  known  to  him  as  a  summary  of  faith  ;  but  that  the  various 
clauses  of  which  it  is  composed  were  generally  received  as  articles  of  faith  by 
orthodox  Christians." — A'aye's  TertuUian,  p.  324. 

t  These  may  be  found  in  Routh's  "  Reliquiae."  Eusebius  has  preserved  many 
of  them. 


DIFFUSION  OF  SCRIPTURE  KNOWLEDGE.  447 

passages  brought,  at  tlie  time,  under  the  notice  of  the  audi- 
tory, usually  constituted  the  groundwork  of  the  preacher's 
discourse.     Their  perusal  was  recommended  to  the  laity  ;''^ 
the  husband  and  wife  talked  of  them  familiarly  as  they  sat 
by  the  domestic  hearth  ;  t  and  children  were  accustomed  to 
commit  them  to  memory.  J     As  many  of  the  disciples  could  \ 
not  read,  and  as  the  expense  of  manuscripts  was  consider-  \ 
able,  copies  of  the  sacred  books  were  not  in  the  hands  of 
all ;  but  their  frequent  rehearsal  in  the  public  assembhes   | 
made  the  multitude  familiar  with  their  contents,  and  some  I 
of  the  brethren  possessed  an  amount  of  acquaintance  with  / 
these  records  which,  even  at  the  present  day,  would  be  deemed 
most  extraordinary.     Eusebius  speaks  of  several  individuals 
who  could  repeat,  at  will,  any  required  passage  from  either 
the  Old  or  New  Testament.     On  a  certain  occasion  the  his- 
torian happened  to  be  present  when  one  of  these  walking 
concordances  pom'ed  forth  the  stores  of  his  prodigious  me- 
mory.    "  I  was  struck  with  admiration,"  says  he,  "  when  I 
first  beheld  him  standing  amidst  a  large  crowd,  and  reciting 
certain  portions  of  Holy  Writ.     As  long  as  I  could  only 
hear  his  voice,  I  supposed  that  he  was  reading,  as  is  usual 
in  the  congregations  ;  but,  when  I  came  close  up  to  him,  I 
discovered  that,  employing  only  the  eyes  of  his  mind,  he 
uttered  the  divine  oracles  like  some  prophet."  § 

It  was  not  extraordinary  that  the  early  Christians  were 
anxious  to  treasure  up  Scripture  in  the  memory,  for  in  all 
matters  of  faith  and  practice  the  Written  AVord  was  regarded 
as  the  standard  of  ultimate  appeal.     No  human  authority 

*  "  Si  quis  legat  Scripturas et   erit  consummatus   discipulus,  et 

similis  patrifamilias,  qui  de  thesaiu'o  suo  profert  nova  et  Vetera." — Irenceus, 
iv.  c.  26,  §  i. 

t  "  Ubi  f omenta  fidei  de  scripturanim  interjectione  ?" — Tertullian,  Ad  Ux- 
ore7n,  lib.  ii.  c.  6. 

t  As  in  the  case  of  Origen.     In  the  Didascalia  we  meet  with  the  following 

directions — "Teach  then  your  children  the  word  of  the  Lord Teach 

them  to  write,  and  to  read  the  Holy  Scriptures." — Ethiopic  Didascalia,  hy 
Piatt,  p.  130.  §  Euseb.  viii.  c.  13. 


448  PLENARY  INSPIRATION  OF  SCRIPTURE. 

whatever  was  deemed  equal  to  the  award  of  this  divine 
arbiter.     "  They  wlio  are  labouring  after  excellency,"  says 
a  father  of  this  period,  "  will  not  stop  in  their  search  after 
truth,  until  they  have  obtained  "proof  of  that  which  they  be- 
lieve from  the  Scriptures  themselves."^     Nor  was  there  any 
dispute  as  to  the  amoimt  of  confidence  to  be  placed  in  the 
language  of  the  Bible.     The  doctrine  of  its  plenary  inspi- 
ration— a  doctrine  which  many  in  modern  times  either 
openly  or  virtually  deny — was  now  received  without  abate- 
ment or  hesitation.     Even  Origen,  who  takes  such  liberties 
when  interpreting  the  sacred  text,  admits  most  fully  that 
it  is  all  of  divine  dictation.     "  I  believe,"  says  he,  "  that, 
I  for  those  who  know  how  to  draw  virtue  from  the  Scriptures, 
/  every  letter  in  the  oracles  of  God  has  its  end  and  its  tvork, 
I  even  to  an  iota  and  particle  of  a  letter.     And,  as  among 
j   plants,  there  is  not  one  but  has  its  peculiar  virtue,  and  as 
I   they  only  who  have  a  knowledge  of  botanical  science  can 
\  tell  how  each  should  be  prepared  and  applied  to  a  useful 
\  purpose ;  so  it  is  that  he  who  is  a  holy  and  spiritual  botanist 
I  of  the  Word  of  God,  by  gathering  up  each  atom  and  ele- 
«  ment,  will  find  the  virtue  of  that  Word,  and  acknowledge 
;  that  there  is  nothiug  in  all  that  is  written  that  is  super- 
muous."t 

It  has  been  already  stated  |  that  little  difference  of  sen- 
timent existed  in  the  early  Church  respecting  the  books 
to  be  included  in  the  canon  of  the  New  Testament.  All, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Gnostics  and  some  other  heretics, 
recognized  the  claims  of  the  four  Gospels,  §  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  of  the  E^Distles  of  Paul,  of  the  First  Epistle  of 
Peter,  and  of  the  First  Epistle  of  John.      Though,  for  a 

*  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  "  Stromata,"  lib.  vii. 

t  Homil.  xxxix.  on  Jer.  xliv.  22. 

J  Period  I.  sec.  ii.  chap.  i.  p.  184. 

§  The  fathers  traced  analogies  between  the  four  Gospels  and  the  four  car- 
dinal points,  the  living  creatures  with  four  faces,  and  the  four  rivers  of  Para- 
dise.   See  Irenaeus,  lib.  iii.  c.  xi.  §  8  ;  and  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxiii.,  Opera,  p.  281. 


SCRIPTURE  AND  TRADITION.  449 

time,  some  Churches  hesitated  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
maining epistles,  their  doubts  seem  to  have  been  gradually 
dissipated.  At  first  the  genuineness  of  the  Apocalypse  was 
undisputed;  but,  after  the  rise  of  the  Montanists,  who  were 
continually  quoting  it  in  proof  of  their  theory  of  a  millen- 
nium, some  of  their  antagonists  foolishly  questioned  its 
authority.  At  an  early  period  two  or  three  tracts"^'  written 
by  uninspired  men  were  received  as  Scripture  by  a  number 
of  Churches.  They  were  never,  however,  generally  acknow- 
ledged ;  and  at  length,  by  common  consent,  they  were 
excluded  from  the  can  on.  t 

The  code  of  heathen  morality  supplied  a  ready  apology 
for  falsehood,  J  and  its  accommodating  principles  soon  found 
too  much  encouragement  within  the  pale  of  the  Church. 
Hence  the  pious  frauds  which  were  now  perpetrated. 
Various  works  made  their  appearance  with  the  name  of 
some  apostolic  man  appended  to  them,§  their  fabricators 
thus  hoping  to  give  currency  to  opinions  or  to  practices 
which  might  otherwise  have  encountered  much  opposition. 
At  the  same  time  many  evinced  a  disposition  to  supplement 
the  silence  of  the  Written  AVord  by  the  aid  of  tradition. 
But  though  the  writers  of  the  period  sometimes  lay  undue 
stress  upon  the  evidence  of  this  vague  witness,  they  often 
resort  to  it  merely  as  an  offset  against  statements  professedly 
derived  from  the  same  source  which  were  brought  forward 
by  the  heretics  ;  and  they  invariably  admit  that  the  autho- 
rity of  Scripture  is  entitled  to  override  the  authority  of 
tradition.  "  The  Lord  in  the  Gospel,  reproving  and  rebuking, 
declares,"  says  CyjDrian,  "ye  reject  the  commandment   of 

*  Such  as  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas  and  the  Shepherd  of  Hennas. 

t  See  Westcott  on  the  Canon,  pp.  452,  453. 

X  "  The  opinion  that  falsehood  was  allowable,  and  might  even  be  necessary 
to  guide  the  multitude,  was,"  says  Neander,  "  a  principle  inbred  into  the  aris- 
tocratic spirit  of  the  old  world." — General  History,  ii.  p.  72. 

§  Such  as  the  nmnerous  works  ascribed  to  Clemens  Komanus,  and  the 
Ignatian  Epistles. 

2  F 


450  ORIGINAL  SIN. 

God  that  ye  may  keep  your  own  tradition."'  ....  Cus- 
tom should  not  be  an  obstacle  that  the  truth  prevail  not 
and  overcome,  for  a  custom  without  truth  is  error  invete- 
rate!'^  "  What  obstinacy  is  that,  or  what  presumption,  to 
prefer  human  tradition  to  divine  ordinances,  and  not  to 
perceive  that  God  is  displeased  and  23rovoked,  as  often  as 
human  tradition  relaxes  and  sets  aside  the  divine  com- 
mand." J  During  this  period  the  uncertainty  of  any  other 
guide  than  the  inspired  record  was  repeatedly  demon- 
strated ;  for,  though  Christians  were  removed  at  so  short  a 
distance  from  apostolic  times,  the  traditions  of  one  Church 
sometimes  diametrically  contradicted  those  of  another.  § 

There  is  certainly  nothing  like  uniformity  in  the  lan- 
guage employed  by  the  Christian  writers  of  this  era  when 
treating  of  doctrinal  subjects;  and  yet  their  theology  seems 
to  have  been  essentially  the  same.  All  apparently  admit 
the  corruption  of  human  nature.  Justin  Martyr  speaks  of 
a  "  concupiscence  in  every  man,  evil  in  all  its  tendencies, 
and  various  in  its  nature,"  ||  whilst  Tertnllian  mentions 
original  sin  under  the  designation  of  "the  vice  of  our 
origin."  H  Our  first  parent,  says  he,  "  having  been  seduced 
into  disobedience  by  Satan  was  delivered  over  to  death,  and 
transmitted  his  condemnation  to  the  whole  human  race 
which  was  infected  from  his  seed.'"'''''  Though  the  ancient 
fathers  occasionally  describe  free  will  in  terms  which  ap- 

*  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxiv.  p.  294.  f  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxiv.  p.  296. 

J  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxiv.  p.  294. 

§  The  conflicting  traditions  relative  to  the  time  of  keeping  the  Paschal 
feast  afford  a  striking  illustration  of  this  fact. 

II  See  Kaye's  "  Justin  Martyr,"  p.  75. 

IF  "  Originis  vitium."  "  Malum  igitur  animce  ....  ex  originis  vitio  ante- 
cedit." — De  Anima,  c.  41.  Cyprian  calls  it  "  contagio  antiqua."  "  Inno- 
vati  Spiritu  Sancto  a  sordibus  contagionis  antiquse."  —  De  Habitu  Vir- 
ginian, cap  iv. 

**  "  Per  quem  (Satanan)  homo  a  primordio  circumventus,  ut  prseceptum 
Dei  excederet,  et  propterea  in  mortem  datus  exinde  totum  genus  de  sue 
•  semine  infectum  suae  etiam  damuationis  traducem  fecit."  —  De  Testimonio 
Animce,  c.  iii. 


WORSHIP  OF  CHUIST,  451 

parently  ignore  tlie  existence  of  indwelling  depravity, '"'' 
their  langnage  should  not  be  too  strictly  interpreted,  as  it 
only  implies  a  strong  protest  against  the  heathen  doctrine 
of  fate,  and  a  recognition  of  the  principle  that  man  is  a 
voluntaiy  agent.  Thus  it  is  that  Clemens  Alexandrinus, 
one  of  the  writers  who  asserts  most  decidedly  the  freedom 
of  the  will,  admits  the  necessity  of  a  new  birth  unto 
righteousness.  "  The  Father,"  says  he,  "  regenerates  by 
the  Spirit  unto  adoption  all  who  Hee  to  Him.^'t  "Since 
the  soul  is  moved  of  itself,  the  grace  of  God  demands  from 
it  that  which  it  has,  namely,  a  ready  temper  as  its  contribu- 
tion to  salvation.  For  the  Lord  wishes  that  the  good  which 
He  confers  on  the  soul  should  be  its  own,  since  it  is  not 
without  sensation,  so  that  it  should  be  impelled  like  a 
body."t 

No  fact  is  more  satisfactorily  attested  than  that  the 
early  disciples  rendered  divine  honours  to  our  Saviour.  In 
the  very  beginning  of  the  second  century,  a  heathen  magis- 
trate, who  deemed  it  his  duty  to  make  minute  inquiries 
respecting  them,  reported  to  the  Eoman  Emperor  that,  in 
their  religious  assemblies,  they  sang  "  hymns  to  Christ  as  to 
a  God."§  They  were  reproached  by  the  Gentiles,  as  well  as 
by  the  Jews,  for  worshipping  a  man  who  had  been  cruci- 
fied. ||     When  the  accusation  was  brought  against  them, 

*  "  Nothing  can  be  less  systematic  or  less  organized  than  their  notions  on 
this  subject ;  I  might  say,  often  even  contradictory ;  such  inconsistency 
partly,  perhaps,  arising  from  the  point  never  having  been  canvassed  by  men 
with  any  care,  as  it  eventually  was  by  controversialists  of  a  later  day,  .... 
and  partly  from  the  embarrassment  of  their  position  ;  for  whilst  Scripture 
and  self-experience  compelled  them  to  admit  the  grievous  corruption  of  our 
natm-e,  they  had  perpetually  to  contend  against  a  powerful  body  of  heretics, 
who  made  such  corruption  the  ground  for  affirming  that  a  world  so  evil  coidd 
not  have  been  created  by  a  good  God,  but  was  the  work  of  a  Demiurgusy — 
Blunt' s  Early  Fathers,  pp.  585,  586.  +  "  Ptedagogue,"  lib.  i. 

X  See  Kaye's  "  Clement,"  p.  432.  See  also  the  comments  of  Neander, 
«  General  History,"  ii.  388.  §  Pliny's  Epistle  to  Trajan. 

II  See  vai'ious  passages  in  Justin's  Dialogue  with  Trypho,  and  in  Origen 
against  Celsus. 


452  CHRIST  IS  GOD  AND  MAN. 

they  at  once  admitted  its  truth,  and  they  undertook  to 
shew  that  the  procedure  for  which  they  were  condemned 
was  perfectly  capable  of  vindication/'"  In  the  days  of 
Justin  Martyr  there  were  certain  professing  Christians, 
probably  the  Ebionites,t  who  held  the  simple  humanity  of 
our  Lord,  but  that  writer  represents  the  great  body  of  the 
disciples  as  entertaining  very  different  sentiments.  "  There 
are  some  of  our  race,"  says  he,  "  who  confess  that  He  was 
the  Christ,  but  affirm  that  He  was  a  man  born  of  human 
parents,  with  whom  I  do  not  agree,  neither  should  I,  even 
if  very  many,  who  entertain  the  same  opinion  as  myself, 
were  to  say  so  ;  since  we  are  commanded  by  Christ  to 
attend,  not  to  the  doctrines  of  men,  but  to  that  which 
was  proclaimed  by  the  blessed  prophets,  and  taught  by 
Himself."  t 

When  Justin  here  expresses  his  dissent  from  those  who 
described  our  Lord  as  "  a  man  born  of  human  parents,"  he 
obviously  means  no  more  than  that  he  is  not  a  Humani- 
tarian, for,  in  common  with  the  early  Church,  he  held  the 
doctrine  of  the  two  natures  in  Christ.  The  fathers  who 
now  flourished,  when  touching  upon  the  question  of  the 
union  of  humanity  and  deity  in  the  person  of  the  Ee- 
deemer,  do  not,  it  is  true,  express  themselves  always  with 
as  much  precision  as  writers  who  appeared  after  the 
Eutychian   controversy   in   the   fifth   century ;    but   they 

*  Thus  Origen  says — "  We  do  not  pay  the  highest  worship  to  Him  who 
appeared  so  lately,  as  to  a  person  who  had  no  previous  existence,  for  we 
believe  Him  when  He  says  himself — '  Before  Abraham  was,  I  am.'  " — Contra 
Celsuin,  viii.  §  12. 

+  The  origin  of  this  name  has  been  much  controverted.  It  is  probable  that 
it  was  derived  from  Ebion,  the  founder  of  the  sect.  See  Period  I.  sect.  ii. 
chap.  iii.  p.  206.  Among  other  things  the  party  seem  to  have  inculcated  volun- 
tary poverty. 

+  This  passage,  which  is  somewhat  obscure  as  it  stands  in  the  original,  has 
been  misinterpreted  by  Unitarian  writers  from  generation  to  generation. 
The  rendering  which  they  commonly  give  of  it  makes  it  quite  inconsistent 
with  the  context,  and  with  the  statements  of  Justin  elsewhere.  See  Kaye's 
"  Justin,"  p.  51. 


PAUL  OF  SAMOSATA.  453 

undoubtedly  believed  that  our  Lord  was  both  God  and 
man."^'"  Even  already  the  subject  was  pressed  on  their 
attention  by  various  classes  of  errorists  who  were  labour- 
ing with  much  assiduity  to  disseminate  their  principles. 
The  Gnostics,  who  affirmed  that  the  body  of  Jesus  was 
a  phantom,  shut  them  up  to  the  necessity  of  shewing  that 
He  really  possessed  all  the  attributes  of  a  human  being ; 
whilst,  in  meeting  objectors  from  a  different  quarter,  they 
were  compelled  to  demonstrate  that  He  was  also  the  Je- 
hovah of  the  Old  Testament.  The  Ebionites  were  not  the 
only  sectaries  who  taught  that  Jesus  was  a  mere  man. 
The  same  doctrine  was  inculcated  by  Theodotus,  a  native 
of  Byzantium,  who  settled  at  Rome  about  the  end  of  the 
second  century.  This  individual,  though  by  trade  a  tanner, 
possessed  no  small  amount  of  learning,  and  created  some 
disturbance  in  the  Church  of  the  Western  capital  by  the 
novelty  and  boldness  of  his  speculations.  In  the  end  he  is 
said  to  have  been  excommunicated  by  Victor,  the  Roman 
bishop.  Some  time  afterwards,  his  sentiments  were 
adopted  by  Artemon,  whose  disciples,  named  Artemonites, 
elected  a  bishop  of  their  own,t  and  existed  for  some  time 
at  Eome  as  a  distinct  community. 

But  by  far  the  most  distinguished  of  these  ancient 
impugners  of  the  proper  deity  of  the  Messiah  was  the 
celebrated  Paul  of  Samosata,  who  flourished  shortly  after 
the  middle  of  the  third  century.  Paul  occupied  the 
bishopric  of  Antioch,  the  second  see  in  Christendom;  and 
was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  superior  talent.  According  to 
his  views,  the  Divine  Logos  is  not  a  distinct  Person,  but 
the  Reason  of  God;  and  Jesus  was  the  greatest  of  the  sons 
of  men.  simply  because  the  Logos  dwelt  in  Him  after  a 

*  Thus  Tertullian  says,  "  The  only  man  without  sin  is  Christ,  because 
Christ  is  also  Gocjy — De  Anima,  cap.  xli.  Justin  Martyr  complains  that 
the  Jews  had  expunged  from  the  Septuagint  many  passages  "  wherein  it 
might  be  clearly  shewn  that  He  who  was  crucified  was  both  God  and  man." — 
Dialogue  with  Trypho,  §  71.  t  Euseb.  v.  28. 


454  THE  TRINITY. 

higher  manner,  or  more  abundantly,  than  in  any  other  of 
the  posterity  of  Adam.*  But  though  this  prelate  had 
great  wealth,  influence,  and  eloquence,  his  heterodoxy  soon 
raised  a  storm  of  opposition  which  he  could  not  withstand. 
The  Christians  of  Antioch  in  the  third  century  could  not 
quietly  tolerate  the  ministrations  of  a  preacher  who  in- 
sinuated that  the  Word  is  not  truly  God.  He  appears  to 
have  possessed  consummate  address,  and  when  first  ar- 
raigned, his  plausible  equivocations  and  sophistries  imposed 
upon  his  judges;  but,  at  a  subsequent  council,  held  about 
A.D.  269  in  the  metropolis  of  Syria,  he  was  so  closely 
pressed  by  Malchion,  one  of  his  own  presbyters,  that  he 
was  obliged  reluctantly  to  acknowledge  his  real  sentiments. 
He  was,  in  consequence,  deposed  from  his  office  by  a  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  Synod.  A  circular  letter  t  announcing 
the  decision  was  transmitted  to  the  leading  pastors  of  the 
Church  all  over  the  Empire,  and  this  ecclesiastical  deliver- 
ance seems  to  have  received  their  universal  sanction.  ^ 

The  thoological  term  translated  Trinity,  %  was  in  use  as 
early  as  the  second  century;  for,  about  A.D.  180,  it  is  em- 
ployed-by  Theophilus,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  one  of 
the  predecessors  of  Paul  of  Samosata  in  the  Church  of 
Antioch.  ||  Speaking  of  the  formation  of  the  heavenly 
bodies  on  the  foiu:th  day  of  creation,  as  described  in  the 
first  chapter  of  Genesis,  this  writer  observes — "  The  three 
days  which  preceded  the  luminaries  are  types  of  the  Trinity,'^ 
of  God,  and  His  Word,  and  His  Wisdom."  Here,  as  else- 
where in  the  works  of  the  fathers  of  the  early  Church,  the 

*  Euseb.  V.  27,  30.    Epiphanius,  "Hser."  65,  1. 

+  The  superscription  of  this  epistle  is  a  sufficient  refutation  of  much  of  the 
reasoning  of  Mr  Shepherd  against  the  genuineness  of  the  Cyprianic  corre- 
spondence, as  here  the  names  of  a  crowd  of  bishojas  are  given  without  any 
mention  whatever  of  their  sees. 

X  Euseb.  vii.  30.  §  rpias  or  trinitas. 

II  This  is,  however,  by  no  means  clear,  as  there  is  nothing  in  his  works  to 
indicate  that  he  held  such  a  position. 

IT  "Ad  Autolycum,"  ii.  c.  15.     tvttol  elaiv  rrjs  TpidBos. 


PERSONS  OF  THE  GODHEAD.  455 

third  person  of  the  Godhead  is  named  under  the  designa- 
tion of  Wisdom."^''  Though  this  is  the  first  mention  of  the 
word  Trinity  to  be  found  in  any  ecclesiastical  document 
now  extant,  it  is  plain  that  the  doctrine  is  of  far  higher 
antiquity.  Justin  Martyr  repeatedly  refers  to  it,  and 
Athenagoras,  who  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
treats  of  it  with  much  clearness.  "  We  speak,"  says  he, 
"  of  the  Father  as  God,  and  the  Son  as  God,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  shewing  at  the  same  time  their  power  in  unity,  and 
their  distinction  in  order."  t  "  We  who  look  upon  this 
present  life  as  worth  little  or  nothing,  and  are  conducted 
through  it  by  the  sole  principle  of  knowing  God  and  the 
Word  proceeding  from  Him,  of  knowing  what  is  the  unity 
of  the  Son  with  the  Fatlier,  what  the  Father  communicates 
to  the  Son,  what  is  the  Spirit,  lohat  is  the  union  of  this 
numhei'  of  Persons,  the  Spirit,  the  Son,  and  the  Father,  and 
in  what  way  they  who  are  united  are  divided — shall  we 
not  have  credit  given  us  for  being  worshippers  of  God"? "if 

The  attempts  made  in  the  latter  half  of  the  second  cen- 
tury to  pervert  the  doctrine  of  Scripture  relative  to  the 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit,  probably  led  to  the  appear- 
ance of  the  word  Trinity  in  the  ecclesiastical  nomenclature ; 
for,  when  controversy  commenced,  some  such  symbol  was 
required  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  constant  and  tedious 
circumlocution.  One  of  the  most  noted  of  the  parties  dis- 
satisfied with  the  ordinary  mode  of  speaking  respecting  the 
Three  Divine  Persons,  and  desirous  of  changing  the  current 
creed,  was  Praxeas,  a  native  of  Asia  Minor.  After  having 
acquired  much  credit  by  his  fortitude  and  courage  in  a  time 

*  Thus  Irenseus  says — "  There  is  ever  pi^esent  with  Him  (the  Father)  the 
Word  and  ]Visdom,  the  Son  and  Spirit." — Contra  Hcereses,  iv.  20,  §  1.  It 
may  here  be  proper  to  add  that  the  early  Christians  worshipped  the  third 
Person  of  the  Trinity.  Thus,  Hiiipolj-tiis  says — "  Through  Him  (the  Incarnate 
Word)  we  form  a  conception  of  the  Father ;  we  beheve  in  the  Son ;  we  worship 
the  Holy  Ghost." — Contra  No>tum,  c.  12. 

t  "Legat.  pro.  Ohristiauis,"  c.  10.  %  "  Legat.  pro.  Christ."  c.  12. 


456  NOETIANS  AND  SABELLIANS. 

of  persecutioD,  he  had  also  signalised  himself  by  his  zeal 
against  the  Montanists.  He  now  taught  that  the  Son  and 
Holy  Ghost  are  not  distinct  Persons,  but  simply  modes  or 
energies  of  the  Father;  and  as  those  who  adopted  his  sen- 
timents imagined  that  they  thus  held  more  strictly  than 
others  the  doctrine  of  the  existence  of  a  single  Euler  of  the 
universe,  they  styled  themselves  MonarchiansJ^  Accord- 
ing to  their  views  the  first  and  second  Persons  of  the  God- 
head are  identical ;  and,  as  it  apparently  followed  from  this 
theory,  that  the  Father  suffered  on  the  cross,  they  received 
the  name  of  Patripassians.  t  Praxeas  travelled  from  Asia 
Minor  to  Rome,  and  afterwards  passed  over  into  Africa, 
where  he  was  strenuously  opposed  by  the  famous  Tertullian. 
Another  individual,  named  Noetus,  attracted  some  notice 
about  the  close  of  the  second  century  by  the  peculiarity  of 
his  speculations  in  reference  to  the  Godhead.  "Noetus," 
says  a  contemporary,  "  calls  the  same  both  Son  and  Father, 
for  he  speaks  thus — '  When  the  Father  had  not  been  l^orn. 
He  was  rightly  called  Father,  but  when  it  pleased  Him  to 
undergo  birth,  then  by  birth  He  became  the  Son  of  Himself, 
and  not  of  another/  Thus  he  professes  to  establish  the 
principle  of  Monarchianism."  \  But,  perhaps,  the  attempts 
of  Sabellius  to  modify  the  established  doctrine  made  the 
deepest  impression.  This  man,  who  was  an  ecclesiastic 
connected  with  Ptolemais  in  Africa,  §  maintained  that  there 
is  no  foundation  for  the  ordinary  distinction  of  the  Persons 
of  the  Trinity,  and  that  the  terms  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Spirit,  merely  indicate  different  manifestations  of  the  Su- 
preme Being,  or  different  phases  under  which  the  one  God 
reveals  Himself      From  him   the  doctrine  of  those  who 


*  "  Monarchiam,  inquiunt,  tenemus." — Tertullian,  Adv.  Praxean,  c.  3. 
+  "  Athanas.  de  Synodis,"  c.  7. 
X  Hippolytus,  "  Philosopliumena,"  book  ix. 

§  He  flourished  about  a.d.  220,  and  was  contemporary  with  Hippolytu'^ 
See  Bunsen,  i.  131. 


THE  TRINITY  OF  PLATO.  457 

confound  the  Persons  of  tlie  Godhead  still  bears  the  name 
of  Sabellianism. 

It  has  been  sometimes  said  that  the  Church  borrowed  its 
idea  of  a  Trinity  from  Plato,  but  this  assertion  rests  upon 
no  historical  basis.  Learned  men  have  found  it  exceedingly 
difficult  to  give  anything  like  an  intelligible  account  of  the 
Trinity  of  the  Athenian  philosopher/"'  and  it  seems  to  have 
had  only  a  metaphysical  existence.  It  certainly  had  nothing 
more  than  a  fanciful  and  verbal  resemblance  to  the  Trinity 
of  Christianity.  Had  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  been 
derived  from  the  writings  of  the  Grecian  sage,  it  would  not 
have  been  inculcated  with  so  much  zeal  and  unanimity  by 
the  early  fathers.  Some  of  them  were  bitterly  opposed  to 
Platonism,  and  yet,  though  none  denounced  it  more  vehe- 
mently than  TertuUian,  t  we  cannot  point  to  any  one  of 
them  who  speaks  of  the  Three  Divine  Persons  more  clearly 
or  copiously.  The  heretic  thinks,  says  he,  "that  we 
cannot  believe  in  one  God  in  any  other  way  than  if  we 
say  that  the  very  same  Person  is  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 

Ghost These   persons   assume    the   number    and 

arrangement  of  the  Trinity  to  be  a  division  of  the  Unity; 
whereas  the  Unity,  which  derives  a  Trinity  from  itself,  is 
not  destroyed  by  it,  but  has  its  different  offices  performed. 
They,  therefore,  boast  that  two  and  three  Gods  are  preached 
by  us,  but  that  they  themselves  are  worshippers  of  one 
God;  as  if  the  Unity,  when  improperly  contracted,  did  not 
create  heresy,  and  a  Trinity,  when  properly  considered,  did 
not  constitute  truth."  J 

Every  one  at  all  acquainted  with  the  ecclesiastical  litera- 
ture of  this  period  must  acknowledge  that  the  disciples  now 

*  Hermias  speaks  of  the  Trinity  of  Plato  as  "  God,  and  matter,  and  ex- 
ample."— Sec.  5. 

+  "  Doleo  bona  fide  Platonem  omnium  hsereticorum  condimentarium  factum. 
.  .  .  .  Cum  igitur  hujusmodi  argumeuto  ilia  insinuentur  a  Platone  quae 
hseretici  mutuantur,  satis  haereticos  repercutiam,  si  argumentum  Platonis 
elidam." — De  Anima,  c.  23.  t  "  Adversus  Praxeam,"  c.  2,  3. 


458  THE  ATONEMENT. 

firmly  maintained  the  doctrine  of  tlie  Atonement.  The 
Gnostics  and  the  Manichseans  discarded  this  article  from 
their  systems,  as  it  was  entirely  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  their 
philosophy;  but,  though  the  Church  teachers  enter  into 
scarcely  any  explanation  of  it,  by  attempting  to  shew- 
how  the  violated  law  required  a  propitiation,  they  proclaim 
it  as  a  glorious  truth  which  should  inspire  all  the  children 
of  God  with  joy  and  confidence.  Clemens  Alexandrinus 
gives  utterance  only  to  the  common  faith  when  he  declares 
— "  Christians  are  redeemed  from  corruption  by  the  blood  of 
the  Lord."  "The  Word  poured  forth  His  blood  for  us  to 
save  human  nature."  "  The  Lord  gave  Himself  a  victim 
for  us."  '"'  The  early  writers  also  mention  faith  as  the  means 
by  which  we  are  to  appropriate  the  benefits  of  the  Eedeemer's 
sacrifice.  Thus,  Justin  Martyr  represents  Christ  as  "  puri- 
fying by  His  blood  those  who  believe  on  Him."  t  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  in  like  manner,  speaks  of  "the  one  mode  of 
salvation  by  faith  in  God," J  and  says  that  "we  have  be- 
lieved in  God  through  the  voice  of  the  Word."  §  In  the 
"  Letter  to  Diognetus"  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith 
through  the  imputed  righteousness  of  the  Saviour  is  beau- 
tifully exhibited.  "  For  what  else,"  says  the  writer,  "  could 
cover  our  sins  but  His  righteousness'?  In  whom  was  it 
possible  that  we,  the  lawless  and  the  unholy,  could  be  jus- 
tified, save  by  the  Son  of  God  alone  ?  Oh  sweet  exchange ! 
oh  unsearchable  wisdom!  oh  unexpected  benefits!  that  the 
sin  of  many  should  be  hidden  by  One  righteous,  and  the 
righteousness  of  One  justify  many  sinners."  || 
I  The  Church  of  the  second  and  third  centuries  was  not 
agitated  by  any  controversies  relative  to  grace  and  predes- 
tination. Few,  probably,  were  disposed  to  indulge  in  specu- 
lations on  these  subjects ;  and  some  of  the  ecclesiastical 

*  "  PfBclagogue,"  book  i.  c.  5,  6,  11.  +  Opera,  p.  74. 

%  "  Paedagogue,"  book  i.  c.  1.  §  "  Stromata,"  book  ii. 

Justin,  Opera,  p.  500. 


GKACE  AND  PREDESTINATION.  459 

■writers,  in  the  heat  of  controversial  discussion,  are  occasion- 
ally tempted  to  make  use  of  language  which  it  would  be 
difficult  to  reconcile  with  the  declarations  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. All  of  them,  however,  either  explicitly  or  virtually, 
admit  the  necessity  of  grace ;  and  some  distinctly  enunciate 
the  doctrine  of  election.  "  We  stand  in  especial  need  of 
divine  grace,  and  right  instruction,  and  pure  affection," 
says  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  "  and  tve  require  that  the  Father 
should  draw  us  toiuards  himself."  "  God,  who  knows  the 
futiu-e  as  if  it  was  already  present,  knows  the  elect  according 
to  His  purpose  evQia.  before  the  creation.""^'  "  Your  power  to 
do,"  says  Cyprian,  "will  be  according  to  the  increase  of 

spiritual  grace What  measure  we  bring  thither 

of  faith  to  hold,  so  much  do  we  drink  in  of  grace  to  inun- 
date.    Hereby  is  strength  given." t     It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  those  ^vriters,  who  speak  most  decidedly  of  the  freedom 
of  the  will,  also  most  distinctly  proclaim  their  faith  in  the 
perfection  of  the  Divine  Sovereignty.     Thus,  Justin  Martyr    i 
urges,  as  a  decisive  proof  of  the  impious  character  of  their    I 
theology,  that  the  heathen  philosophers  repudiated  the  doc-    I 
trine  of  a  particular  providence  ;  J  and  all  the  ancient  fathers  / 
are  ever  ready  to  recognise  the  suj)erintending  guardianship  \ 
of  God  in  the  common  affairs  of  life. 

But  though  the  creed  of  the  Church  was  still  to  some 
extent  substantially  sound,  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  was 
akeady  beginning  to  suffer  much  from  adulteration.  One 
hundred  years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John,  spiritual 
darkness  was  fast  settling  down  upon  the  Christian  com- 
munity ;  and  the  fathers,  who  flourished  towards  the  com- 
mencement of  the  third  century,  frequently  employ  language 
for  which  they  would  have  been  sternly  rebuked,  had  they 

*  See  Kaye's  "  Clement,"  pp.  431,  435. 

t  Epist.  i.  ad  Donatum,  Opera,  p.  3. 

X  The  philosophers,  accordiug  to  Justin,  maintained  a  general,  but  denied  a 
particular  providence.  Dial,  with  Trypho,  Opera,  p.  218.  Some  who  call  them- 
selves Christians  adopt  this  portion  of  the  pagan  theology. 


460  PATRISTIC  ERRORS. 

lived  in  tlie  days  of  tlie  apostles  and  evangelists.  Thus, 
we  find  them  speaking  of  "sins  cleansed  by  repentance,"'^ 
and  of  repentance  as  "  the  price  at  which  the  Lord  has  deter- 
mined'to  grant  forgiveness." t  We  read  of  ''sins  cleansed 
by  alms  and  faith,"  J  and  of  the  martyr,  by  his  sufferings, 
"  washing  away  his  own  iniquities."  §  We  are  told  that  by 
baptism  "  we  are  cleansed  from  all  our  sins,"  and  "  regain 
that  Spirit  of  God  which  Adam  received  at  liis  creation  and 
lost  by  his  transgression." |I  "The  pertinacious  wickedness 
of  the  Devil,"  says  Cyprian,  "has  power  up  to  the  saving 
water,  but  in  baptism  he  loses  all  the  poison  of  his  wicked- 
ness." IF  The  same  writer  insists  upon  the  necessity  of 
penance,  a  species  of  discipline  imknown  to  the  apostolic 
Church,  and  denounces,  with  terrible  severity,  those  who 
discouraged  its  performance.  "  By  the  deceitfulness  of 
their  lies,"  says  he,  they  interfere,  "  that  satisfaction  be  not 

given  to  God  in  His  anger All  pains  are  taken 

that  sins  he  not  expiated  by  due  satisfactions  and  lamen- 
tations, that  wounds  be  not  washed  clean  by  tears.""""""  It 
may  be  said  that  some  of  these  expressions  are  rhetorical, 
and  that  those  by  whom  they  were  employed  did  not  mean 
to  deny  the  all-sufficiency  of  the  Great  Sacrifice ;  but  had 
these  fathers  clearly  apprehended  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  in  Christ,  they  would  have  recoiled  from  the 
use  of  language  so  exceedingly  objectionable. 

There  are  many  who  imagine  that,  had  they  lived  in  the 
days  of  TertuUian  or  of  Origen,  they  would  have  enjoyed 
spiritual  advantages  far  higher  than  any  to  which  they  have 

*  "  Non  facti  solum,  verum  et  voluntatis  delicta  vitanda,  et  poenitentia  pur- 
ganda  esse." — TertuUian,  De  Poenitentia,  c.  iii. 

t  "  Hoc  enim  pretio  Dominus  veniam  addicere  instituit." — Tert.  De  Pcenit. 
c.  vi.  t  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  "  Strom."  book  vi. 

§  "  Sufficiat  martyri  propria  delicta  purgasse." — TertuUian,  De  Pudicitia, 
0.22. 

II  See  Kaye's  "TertuUian,"  p.  431.  Origen  speaks  of  the  baptism  of  blood 
(martyrdom)  rendering  us  purer  than  the  baptism  of  wxter.    Opera,  ii.  p.  473* 

IT  Epist.  Ixxvi.  Opera,  p.  322.  **  Epist.  Iv.  p.  181. 


THE  LIGHT  OF  THE  BIBLE.  461 

now  access.  But  a  more  minute  acquaintance  with  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  the  third  century  might  convince 
them  that  they  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  their  present 
privileges.  The  amount  of  material  light  which  surrounds 
us  does  not  de23eud  on  our  proximity  to  the  sun.  When 
our  planet  is  most  remote  from  its  great  luminary,  we  may 
bask  in  the  splendour  of  his  eifulgence ;  and,  when  it  ap- 
proaches nearer,  we  may  be  involved  in  thick  darkness.  So 
it  is  with  the  Church,  The  amount  of  our  religious  know- 
ledge does  not  depend  on  our  proximity  to  the  days  of 
primitive  Christianity.  The  Bible  is  the  sun  of  the  spiritual 
firmament ;  and  this  divine  illuminator,  like  the  glorious 
orb  of  day,  pours  forth  its  light  with  equal  brilliancy  from 
generation  to  generation.  The  Church  may  retire  into 
"  chambers  of  imagery''  erected  by  her  own  folly;  and  there, 
with  the  light  shut  out  from  her,  may  sink  into  a  slumber 
disturbed  only,  now  and  then,  by  some  dream  of  superstition ; 
or,  with  the  light  still  shining  on  her,  her  eye  may  be  dim 
or  disordered,  and  she  may  stumble  at  noonday.  But  the 
light  is  as  pure  as  in  the  days  of  the  apostles ;  and,  if  we 
have  eyes  to  profit  by  it,  we  may  "  understand  more  than 
the  ancients."  The  art  of  printing  has  supplied  us  with 
facilities  for  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  which  were  denied 
to  the  fathers  of  the  second  century ;  and  the  ecclesiastical 
documents,  relative  to  that  age,  which  have  been  transmitted 
to  us  from  antiquity,  contain,  perhaps,  the  greater  part  of 
even  the  traditionary  information  which  was  preserved  in 
the  Church.  If  we  are  only  "  taught  of  God,''  we  are  in 
as  good  a  position  for  acquiring  a  correct  acquaintance  with 
the  way  of  salvation  as  was  Polycarp  or  Justin  Martyr. 
What  an  encouragement  for  every  one  to  pray — "  Oj^en  thou 
mine  eyes,  that  I  may  behold  wondrous  things  out  of  thy 
law.  I  am  a  stranger  in  the  earth:  hide  not  thy  command- 
ments from  me ! "'"' 

*  Ps.  cxix.  18,  19. 


SECTION   III. 

THE  WORSHIP  AND  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


CHAPTEE   I. 

THE  WOKSHIP  OF  THE  CHUECH. 

The  religion  of  the  primitive  Christians  must  have  appeared 
exceedingly  strange  to  their  pagan  contemporaries.  The 
heathen  worship  was  little  better  than  a  solemn  show.  Its 
victims  adorned  with  garlands,  its  incense  and  music  and 
lustral  water,  its  priests  arrayed  in  white  robes,  and  its 
marble  temples  with  gilded  roofs,  were  fitted,  rather  to  fasci- 
nate the  senses,  than  to  improve  the  heart  or  expand  the 
intellect.  Even  the  Jewish  ritual,  in  the  days  of  its  glory, 
must  have  had  a  powerful  efi'ect  on  the  imagination.  As 
the  Israelites  assembled  from  aU  quarters  at  their  great  fes- 
tivals— as  they  poured  in  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands 
into  the  courts  of  their  ancient  sanctuary — as  they  surveyed 
the  various  parts  of  a  structure  which  was  one  of  the  won- 
ders of  the  world — as  they  beheld  the  priests  in  their  holy 
garments — and  as  they  gazed  on  the  high  priest  himself, 
whose  forehead  glittered  with  gold  whilst  his  breastplate 
sparkled  with  precious  stones — they  must  have  felt  that 
they  mingled  in  a  scene  of  extraordinary  splendour.  But, 
when  Christianity  made  its  appearance  in  the  world,  it  pre- 


RELIGIOUS  EDIFICES.  463 

sented  none  of  these  attractions.  Its  adherents  were  stio;- 
matized  as  atheists/*'  because  they  had  no  altars,  no  temples, 
and  no  sacrifices.  They  held  their  meetings  in  private 
dwellings;  their  ministers  wore  no  peculiar  dress;  and,  by 
all  who  sought  merely  the  gratification  of  the  eye  or  of  the 
ear,  the  simple  service  in  which  they  engaged  must  have 
been  considered  very  bald  and  uninteresting.  But  they 
rejoiced  exceedingly  in  its  spiritual  character,  as  they  felt 
that  they  could  thus  draw  near  to  God,  and  hold  sweet  and 
refreshing  communion  with  their  Father  in  heaven. 

It  is  probable  that,  during  a  considerable  part  of  the 
second  century,  the  Christians  had  comparatively  few 
buildings  set  apart  for  public  worship.  At  a  time  when 
they  congregated  to  celebrate  the  rites  of  their  religion  at 
night  or  before  break  of  day,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
they  were  anxious  to  obtrude  their  conventicles  on  the 
notice  of  their  persecutors.  But  as  they  increased  in  num- 
bers, and  as  the  State  became  somewhat  more  indulgent, 
they  gradually  acquired  confidence  ;  and,  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  third  century,  the  form  of  their  ecclesiastical 
structures  seems  to  have  been  already  familiar  to  the  eyes 
of  the  heathen.f  Shortly  after  that  period,  their  meeting- 
houses in  Rome  were  well  known;  and,  in  the  reio;n  of 
Alexander  Severus,  they  ventured  to  dispute  with  one  of 
the  city  trades  the  possession  of  a  piece  of  ground  on  which 
they  were  desirous  to  erect  a  place  of  worship.^  When 
the  case  came  for  adjudication  before  the  Imperial  tribunal, 
the  sovereign  decided  in  their  favour,  and  thus  virtually 
placed  them  under  the  shield  of  his  protection.  When  the 
Emperor  Gallienus,  about  a.d.  260,  issued  an  edict  of  tole- 
ration, church  architecture  advanced  apace,  and  many  of 

*  See  the  Apology  of  Athenagoras,  sees.  3,  10  ;  and  Minucius  Felix,  c.  10. 
t  "  Nostrae  columbse  etiam  domus  simplex,  in  editis  semper  et  apertis,  et 
ad  lucem." — Tertullian,  Advers.  Valent.  c.  3. 

X  Life  of  Alexander  Severus,  by  Lampridius,  c.  49. 


464  CHRISTIAN  PSALMODY. 

the  old  buildings,  which  were  now  falling  into  decay,  were 
superseded  by  edifices  at  once  more  capacious  and  more 
tasteful.  The  Christians  at  this  time  began  to  emulate  the 
magnificence  of  the  heathen  temples,  and  even  to  ape  their 
arrangements.  Thus  it  is  that  some  of  our  churches  at  the 
present  day  are  nearly  fac-similes  of  the  ancient  religious 
edifices  of  paganism.'" 

In  addition  to  the  administration  of  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper,  the  worship  of  the  early  Church  consisted 
of  singing,  prayer,  reading  the  Scriptures,  and  preaching. 
In  the  earliest  notice  of  the  Christians  of  the  second  cen- 
tury which  occurs  in  any  pagan  writer,  their  psalmody, 
with  which  they  commenced  their  religious  services,  t  is 
particularly  mentioned ;  for,  in  his  celebrated  letter  to  the 
Emperor  Trajan,  Pliny  states  that  they  met  together,  before 
the  rising  of  the  sun,  to  "  sing  hymns  to  Christ  as  to  a 
God."  It  is  highly  probable  that  the  "  hymns  "  here  spoken 
of  were  the  Psalms  of  the  Old  Testament.  Many  of  these 
inspired  efiusions  celebrate  the  glories  of  Immanuel,  and  as, 
for  obvious  reasons,  the  Messianic  Psalms  would  be  used 
more  frequently  than  any  others,  it  is  not  strange  that  the 
disciples  are  represented  as  assembling  to  sing  praise  to 
Christ.  But  it  would  appear  that  the  Church  at  this  time 
was  not  confined  to  the  ancient  Psalter.  Hymns  of  human 
composition  were  occasionally  employed;  J  and  one  of  these, 
to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,§  was, 
perhaps,  sung  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century  by  the 
Christians  of  the  Egyptian  capital.      Influential  bishops 

*  See  Kenuett's  "  Antiquities  of  Rome,"  p.  41. 

t  Bingham  has  proved,  by  a  variety  of  testimonies,  that  such  was  the  order 
of  the  ancient  service.  See  his  "  Origines,"  iv.  383,  406,  417.  The  early 
Christians  thus  Hterally  obeyed  the  commandment — "  Come  before  his  pre- 
sence with  singing  ;"  '•'•Enter  into  his  gates  with  thanksgiving,  and  into  his 
courts  with  praise." — (Ps.  c.  2,  4.) 

X  See  1  Cor.  xiv.  26.     See  also  Euseb.  v.  28. 

§  At  the  end  of  his  "  Psedagogue."  This  hymn  to  the  Saviour  was  composed 
by  Clement  himself. 


NO  INSTRUMENTAL  MUSIC.  465 

sometimes  introduced  them  by  their  own  authority,  but  the 
practice  was  regarded  with  suspicion,  and  seems  to  have 
])een  considered  irreouhar.  Hence  Paul  of  Samosata,  in  the 
Council  of  Antioch  held  a.d.  269,  was  blamed  for  discon- 
tinuing the  Psalms  formerly  used,  and  for  establishing  a 
new  and  very  exception al)le  hymnology/''' 
ici^'./'l'n.  the  church,  as  well  as  in  the  synagogue,  the  whole 
f  congregation  joined  in  the  singing ;t  but  instrumental 
music  was  never  brought  into  requisition/'-  The  early 
Christians  believed  that  the  organs  of  the  human  voice  are 
the  most  appropriate  vehicles  for  giving  utterance  to  the 
feelings  of  devotion ;  and  viewing  the  lute  and  the  harp  as 
the  carnal  ordinances  of  a  superannuated  dispensation,  they 
rejected  their  aid  in  the  service  of  the  sanctuary.  Long 
after  this  period  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  ancient 
fathers  describes  the  music  of  the  flutes,  sackbuts,  and 
sf  psalteries  of  the  temple  worship  as  only  befitting  the  child- 
hood of  the  Chiu-ch.  "  It  was,"  says  he,  "  permitted  to  the 
Jews,  as  sacrifice  was,  for  the  heaviness  and  grossness  of 
their  souls.  God  condescended  to  their  weakness,  because 
they  were  lately  drawn  ofi"  from  idols;  but  now,  instead  of 
instruments,  we  may  use  our  own  bodies  to  praise  Him 
Avithal."!  "" 

The  account  of  the  worship  of  the  Church,  given  by  a 
Christian  writer  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century,  is  exceedingly  instructive.  "On  the  day 
which  is  called  Sunday,"  says  Justin  Martyr,  "  there  is  a 
meeting  together  in  one  place  of  all  who  dwell  either  in 
towns  or  in  the  country;  and  the  memoirs  of  the  apostles, 
or  the  writings  of  the  prophets  are  read,  as  long  as  the 
time  permits.  When  the  reading  ceases,  the  president 
delivers  a  discourse,  in  which  he  makes  an  application  and 

*  Euseb.  vii.  30. 

t  See  Bingham,  i.  p.  383.     Edit.  London,  1840. 
+  Chrysostom  in  Psalm  cxlix.     See  Bingham,  ii.  485. 
2  G 


466  NO  READING  OF  PRAYERS. 

exhorts  to  the  imitation  of  these  good  things.  We  then 
rise  all  together  and  pray.  Then  ....  when  we  cease 
from  prayer,  bread  is  brought,  and  wine  and  water;  and 
the  president,  in  like  manner,  offers  up  prayers  and  thanks- 
gi\dngs  according  to  his  ability;"''  and  the  people  express 
their  assent  by  saying  Amen."t  It  is  abundantly  clear 
from  this  statement  that  the  presiding  minister  was  not 
restricted  to  any  set  form  of  supplication.  As  he  prayed 
"  according  to  his  ability,"  his  petitions  could  neither  have 
been  dictated  by  others  nor  taken  from  a  liturgy.  Such  a 
practice  as  the  reading  of  prayers  seems,  indeed,  to  have 
been  totally  unknown  in  the  Church  during  the  first  three 
centuries.  Hence  Tertidlian  represents  the  Christians  of 
his  generation  as  praying  "  looking  up  with  hands  spread 

open, and  without  a  prompter  because  from  the 

heart."!  In  his  "Treatise  on  Prayer"  Origen  recommends 
the  worshipper  to  address  God  with  stretched  out  hands 
and  uplifted  eyes.§  The  erect  body  with  the  arms  extended 
was  supposed  to  represent  the  cross,  ||  and  therefore  this 
attitude  was  deemed  peculiarly  appropriate  for  devotion.lF 
On  the  Lord's  day  the  congregation  always  stood  when  ad- 
dressing God."''"'     At  this  period  forms  of  prayer  were  used  in 


*  oat]  dvvajjiis.  See  Origen,  "Contra  Celsum,"  iii.  1  and  57;  Opera,  i. 
447,  485.  '      t  "  Apol."  ii.  p.  98. 

J  "  Suspicientes  Christiani  manibus  expansis  denique  sine  monitore,  quia 
de  pectore  oramus." — Apol.  c.  30.  The  omission  of  a  single  word,  when  re- 
peating the  heathen  liturgy,  was  considered  a  great  misfortune.  Chevallier 
says,  speaking  of  this  expression  sme  monitore — "  There  is  probably  an  allu- 
sion to  the  persons  who  were  appointed,  at  the  sacrifices  of  the  Romans,  to 
prompt  the  magistrates,  lest  they  should  incidentally  omit  a  single  word  in 
the  appropriate  formulae,  which  would  have  vitiated  the  whole  proceedings." 
— Translation  of  the  Epistles  of  Clement,  &c.,  jj.  411,  note. 

§  Opera,  i.  267.  ||  See  Minucius  Felix. 

IT  Tertullian,  "  De  Oratione,"  c.  14. 

**  See  Bingham,  iv.  324.  In  prayer  the  Christians  soon  began  to  turn  the 
face  to  the  east.  See  Tertullian,  "  ApoL"  c.  16.  This  custom  appears  to  have 
been  borrowed  from  the  Eastern  nations  who  worshipped  the  sun.  See  Kaye's 
"  Tertullian,"  p.  408. 


NO  LITUEGIES.  467 

the  heathen  worship,'"  and  in  some  cases  the  pagans  adhered 
with  singukr  tenacity  to  their  ancient  liturgies;!  but  the 
Church  did  not  yet  require  the  aid  of  such  auxiliaries.  It 
is  remarkable  that,  though  in  the  accoimt  of  the  losses 
sustained  during  the  Diocletian  persecution,  we  read  fre- 
quently of  the  seizui-e  of  the  Scriptiu-es,  and  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical utensils,  we  never  meet  with  any  allusion  to  the 
spoliation  of  prayer-books.;!:  There  is,  in  fact,  no  evidence 
whatever  that  such  helps  to  devotion  were  yet  in  existence.^ 
The  worship  was  now  conducted  in  a  dialect  which  was 
understood  bv  the  conoreo-ation ;  and  thouoh  the  officiatino; 
minister  was  at  perfect  liberty  to  select  his  phraseology,  it 
is  probable  that  he  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  aim  at 
great  variety  in  the  mere  language  of  his  devotional  exer- 
cises. So  long  as  a  petition  was  deemed  suitable,  it  perhaps 
continued  to  be  repeated  in  nearly  the  same  words,  whilst 
providential  interpositions,  impending  persecutions,  and 
the  personal  condition  of  the  flock,  would  be  continually 
suggesting  some  fresh  topics  for  thanksgiving,  supplication, 

*  Thus  Pi-ideaux  mentions  how  the  Persian  priests,  long  before  the  com- 
mencement of  our  era,  approached  the  sacred  fire  "  to  read  the  da.il tf  oMce-s  of 
their  Liturgy  before  it." — Connections,  part  i.  book  iv^  vol.  i.  p.  218.  This  liturgy 
was  composed  bv  Zoroaster  neai-ly  five  hundi-ed  years  before  Cbrist's  birth. 

t  See  Clai'kson  on  "  Litm-gies,"  and  Hartimg,  '-Religion  der  Romer."  It  is 
remai-kable  that  the  old  pagan  Eomau  litiu-gy,  in  consequence  of  the  change 
in  the  language  from  the  time  of  its  original  estabUshment,  began  at  length 
to  be  almost  vminteUigible  to  the  i>eople.  It  thus  resembles  the  present 
Eomish  Litm-gy.  The  pagans  believed  that  their  prayers  were  more  success- 
fid  when  oft'ered  up  in  a  barbai-ous  and  unknown  language.  See  Potter's 
"  Antiquities  of  Greece,"  i.  288.  EcUt.  Edinburgh,  1818.  The  Lacedaemonians 
had  a  form  of  prayer  from  which  they  never  vai-ied  either  in  public  or  private. 
Potter  i.  281. 

X  "  In  the  persecutions  imder  Diocletian  and  his  associates,  though  a  strict 
inquiry  was  made  after  the  books  of  Scriptiu-e,  and  other  things  belonging  to 
the  Chm-ch,  wliich  were  often  delivered  up  by  the  TraJitoreg  to  be  bm-nt,  yet 
we  never  i-ead  of  any  ritual  books,  or  books  of  divine  service,  delivered  up 
among  them." — Bingham,  iv.  187. 

§  It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  in  modern  times,  when  there  is  any  great 
revival  of  rehgion,  forms  of  prayer  fall  into  comparative  desuetude  even 
among  those  by  whom  they  were  formerly  used. 


468  READING  OF  SCRIPTURE. 

and  confession.  The  l^eautiful  and  comprehensive  prayer 
taught  by  our  Lord  to  His  disciples  was  never  considered 
out  of  place ;  and,  as  early  as  the  third  century,  it  was,  at 
least  in  some  districts,  used  once  at  every  meeting  of  the 
faithful.'"'  The  apostle  had  taught  the  brethren  that  inter- 
cessions should  be  made  "  for  kings  and  for  all  that  are  in 
authority,"  t  and  the  jDrimitive  disciples  did  not  neglect  to 
commend  their  earthly  rulers  to  the  care  of  the  Sovereign 
of  the  universe.J  But  still  it  is  clear  that  even  such 
petitions  did  not  run  in  the  channel  of  any  prescribed 
formidary. 

From  the  very  days  of  the  apostles  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures  constituted  an  important  part  of  public  worship. 
This  portion  of  the  service  was,  at  first  perhaps,  conducted 
by  one  of  the  elders,  but,  in  some  places,  towards  the  close 
of  the  second  century,  it  was  committed  to  a  new  official, 
called  the  Eeader.§  The  presiding  minister  seems  to  have 
been  permitted  originally  to  choose  whatever  passages  he 
considered  most  fitting  for  the  occasion,  as  well  as  to 
determine  the  amount  of  time  which  was  to  be  occupied  in 
the  exercise;  but,  at  length,  an  order  of  lessons  was  pre- 
pared, and  then  the  Eeader  was  expected  to  confine  himself 
to  the  Scriptures  pointed  out  in  his  calendar.  ||  This 
arrangement,  which  was  obviously  designed  to  secure  a 
more  uniform  attention  to  the  several  parts  of  the  inspired 
canon,  came  only  gradually  into  general  operation ;  and  it 
frequently  happened  that  the  order  of  lessons  for  one 
church  was  very  difi'erent  from  that  used  in  another.^ 

Whilst  the  constant  reading,  in  the  vernacular  tongue,  of 
considerable  portions  of  Scripture  at  public  worship,  pro- 
moted the  religious  instruction  of  the  people,  the  mode  of 

*  See  Tertullian,  "De  Oratione,"  c.  9;  and  Origeu,  "  De  Oratione." 
t  1  Tim.  ii.  2.  %  Tertullian,  "  Apol."  c.  39. 

§  See  Tertullian,  "De  Prsescrip."  c.  41. 

II  See  Guerike's  "  Manual  of  the  Antiquities  of  the  Church,"  by  Morrison, 
p.  214.  11  Guerike's  "Manual,"  p.  213. 


MODE  OF  PREACHING.  469 

preaching  which  now  prevailed  contributed  to  make  them 
still  more  intimately  acquainted  with  the  sacred  records. 
The  custom  of  selecting  a  text  as  the  basis  of  a  discourse 
had  not  yet  been  introduced ;  but,  when  the  reading  closed, 
the  minister  proceeded  to  expatiate  on  that  section  of  the 
Word  which  had  just  been  brought  under  the  notice  of  the 
congregation,  and  pointed  out,  as  well  the  doctrines  which 
it  recognised,  as  the  practical  lessons  which  it  inculcated. 
The  entire  presbytery  was  usually  present  in  the  congrega- 
tion every  Lord's  day,  and  when  one  or  other  of  the  elders 
had  made  a  few  comments,'"  the  president  added  some 
remarks  of  an  expository  and  hortatory  character;  but, 
frequently,  he  received  no  assistance  in  this  part  of  the 
service.  The  method  of  reading  and  elucidating  Scripture, 
now  pursued,  was  eminently  salutary;  for,  whilst  it  stored 
the  memory  with  a  large  share  of  biblical  knowledge,  the 
whole  Word  of  God,  in  the  way  of  earnest  aj)peal,  was 
brought  into  close  contact  with  the  heart  and  conscience  of 
each  individual. 

So  long  as  j)ristine  piety  flourished,  the  people  listened 
with  devout  attention  to  the  observations  of  the  preacher ; 
but,  as  a  more  secular  spirit  prevailed,  he  began  to  be 
treated,  rather  as  an  orator,  than  a  herald  from  the  King 
of  kings.  Before  the  end  of  the  third  century,  the  house 
of  prayer  occasionally  resounded  with  the  plaudits  of  the 
theatre.  Such  exhibitions  were,  indeed,  condemned  at  the 
time  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  but  the  very  fact  that 
in  the  principal  church  of  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the 
Empire,  the  bishop,  as  he  proceeded  with  his  sermon,  was 
greeted  with  stamping  of  feet,  clapping  of  hands,  and 
waving  of  handkerchiefs,t  supplied  melancholy  evidence 
of  the  progress  of  spiritual  degeneracy.     In  the  days  of  the 

*  There  is  reference  to  this  in  the  "  Apostolic  Constitutions,"  lib.  ii.  c,  57. 
Cotelerius,  i.  266. 
t  Euseb.  vii.  30. 


470  MINISTERIAL  COSTUME, 

Apostle  Paul  such  demonstrations  would  have  been  univer- 
sally denounced  as  unseemly  and  unseasonable. 

During  the  first  three  centuries  there  was  nothing  in  the 
ordinary  costume  of  a  Christian  minister  to  distinguish  him 
from  any  of  his  fellow-citizens ; '""  but,  it  would  appear,  that 
when  the  pastor  officiated  in  the  congregation,  he  began,  at 
an  early  date,  to  wear  some  peculiar  piece  of  apparel.  In 
an  old  document,  purporting  to  have  been  written  shortly 
after  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  he  is  described,  at 
the  period  of  his  advancement  to  the  episcopal  chair,  as 
"  clothed  with  the  dress  of  the  bishops."  t  As  the  third 
century  advanced,  there  was  a  growing  disposition  to  in- 
crease the  pomp  of  public  worship ;  in-  some  places  vessels 
of  silver  or  of  gold  were  used  at  the  dispensation  of  the 
Lord's  Supper;  I  and  it  is  highly  probable  that,  about  this 
time,  some  few  decorations  were  assumed  by  those  who 
took  part  in  its  administration.  But  still  the  habit  used 
by  ecclesiastics  at  divine  service  was  distinguished  by  its 
comparative  simplicity,  and  differed  very  little  from  the 
dress  commonly  worn  by  the  mass  of  the  population. 

What  a  change  must  have  passed  over  the  Church  from 
the  period  before  us  to  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation ! 
Now,  the  making  of  images  was  forbidden,  and  no  picture 
was  permitted  to  appear  even  on  the  walls  of  the  sacred 
edifice :  §  then,  a  church  frequently  suggested  the  idea  of  a 
studio,  or  a  picture-gallery.  Now,  the  whole  congregation 
joined  heartily  in  the  psalmody:  then,  the  mute  crowd 
listened  to  the  music  of  the  organ  accompanied  by  the 
shrill  voices  of  a  chorus  of  thoughtless  boys.  Now,  prayers, 
in  the  vernacular  tongue  and  suited  to  the  occasion,  were 
offered  with  simplicity  and  earnestness;  then,  petitions, 
long  since  antiquated,  were  muttered  in  a  dead  language. 

*  See  BAgham,  ii.  212. 

t  Letter  from  Pius  of  Rome  to  Justus  of  Vienna. 

X  Bingham,  ii.  451.  §  See  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  iii.  p.  320. 


\ 


THE  CHURCH  MAY  MOVE  BACKWARDS.  471 

Now,  the  Word  was  read  and  expounded  in  a  way  intelli- 
gible to  all:  then,  a  few  Latin  extracts  from  it  were  mum- 
bled over  hastily;  and,  if  a  sermon  followed,  it  was,  per- 
haps, a  eulogy  on  some  wretched  fanatic,  or  an  attack  on 
some  true  evangelist.  There  are  writers  who  believe  that 
the  Church  was  meanwhile  going  on  in  a  career  of  hopeful 
develo]3ment ;  but  facts  too  clearly  testify  that  she  was 
mo\dng  backwards  in  a  path  of  cheerless  declension.  Now, 
the  Church  "holding  forth  the  Word  of  life"  was  com- 
mending herself  to  philosophers  and  statesmen:  then,  she 
had  sunk  into  premature  dotage,  and  her  very  highest 
functionaries  were  lisping  the  language  of  infidelity. 


CHAPTER  11. 


BAPTISM, 


When  the  venerable  Polycarp  was  on  the  eve  of  martyr- 
dom, he  is  reported  to  have  said  that  he  had  served  Christ 
"  eighty  and  six  years." ""'  By  the  ancient  Church  these 
words  seem  to  have  been  regarded  as  tantamount  to  a 
declaration  of  the  length  of  his  life,  and  as  implying  that 
he  had  been  a  disciple  of  the  Saviour  from  his  infancy.f 
The  account  of  his  martyrdom  indicates  that  he  was  still 
in  the  enjoyment  of  a  green  old  age,;];  and  as  very  few  over- 
pass the  term  of  foiu-score  years  and  six,  we  are  certainly 
not  at  hberty  to  infer,  without  any  evidence,  and  in  the 
face  of  probabilities,  that  he  had  now  attained  a  greater 
longevity,  A  contemporary  father,  who  wrote  about  the 
middle  of  the  second  century,  informs  us,  that  there  were 
then  many  persons  of  both  sexes,  some  sixty,  and  some 
seventy  years  of  age,  who  had  been  "  disciples  of  Christ 
from  childhood,^'  §  and  the  pastor  of  Smyrna  is  apparently 

*  See  the  "  Epistle  of  the  Church  of  Smyrna,"  giving  an  account  of  his  mar- 
tyrdom, §  9. 

t  The  Latin  version  of  his  words,  as  given  by  Jacobson,  is — "  Octogesimum 
jam  et  sextum  annum  cetatis  ingredior." — Fat.  Apost.  ii.  565.  See  also  the 
"  Chronicum  Alexandrinum  "  as  quoted  by  Cotelerius,  ii.  194;  and  Gregory  of 
Tours,  "  Hist."  i.  28. 

J  He  is  represented  as  standing,  when  offering  up  a  prayer  of  about  two 
hours'  length  (§  7),  and  as  running  with  great  speed  (§  8).  Such  strength  at 
such  an  age  was  extraordinary.  The  Apostle  John  is  said  to  have  lived  to  the 
age  of  one  hundred  ;  but,  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  he  appears  to  have 
lost  his  wonted  energy. 

§  "  Apol."  ii.  Opera,  p.  62.  See  Dr  Wilson's  observations  on  this  passage  in 
his  "  Infant  Baptism,"  pp.  447,  448. 


INFANT  BAPTISM.  473 

included  in  the  description.  If  he  was  eighty-six  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  he  must  have  been  about  threescore  and 
ten  when  Justin  ]\Iartyr  made  this  announcement. 

No  one  could  have  been  considered  a  disciple  of  Jesus 
who  had  not  received  baptism,  and  it  thus  appears  that 
there  ^ere  many  aged  persons,  living  about  a.d.  150,  to 
whom,  when  children,  the  ordinance  had  been  administered. 
We  may  infer,  also,  that  Polycarp,  when  an  infant,  had 
been  in  this  way  admitted  within  the  pale  of  visible  Chris- 
tianity. Infant  baptism  must,  therefore,  have  been  an 
institution  of  the  age  of  the  apostles.  This  conclusion  is 
corroborated  by  the  fact  that  Justin  Martyr  speaks  of  bap- 
tism as  suppl}^ng  the  place  of  circumcision.  "  We,"  says 
he,  "  who  through  Christ  have  access  to  God,  have  not 
received  that  circumcision  which  is  in  the  flesh,  but  that 
spiritual  circumcision  which  Enoch,  and  others  like  him, 
observed."  ^,.And  this,  because  we  have  been  sinners,  we  do, 
through  the  mercy  of  God,  receive  hy  baptism."  *  Justin 
would  scarcely  have  represented  the  initiatory  ordinance  of 
the  Christian  Church  as  supplying  so  efficiently  the  place 
of  the  Jewish  rite,  had  it  not  been  of  equally  extensive 
application.  The  testimony  of  Irenseus,  the  disciple  of 
Polycarp,  throws  additional  light  upon  this  argument, 
"  Christ,"  says  he,  "  came  to  save  all  persons  by  Himself ; 
all,  I  say,  who  hi/  Him  are  regenerated  unto  God — infants, 
and  little  ones,  and  children,  and  youths,  and  aged  persons : 
therefore  He  went  through  the  several  ages,  being  made  an 
infant  for  infants,  that  He  might  sanctify  infants;  t  and,  for 
little  ones,  He  was  made  a  little  one,  to  sanctify  them  of 
that  age  also."  J  Irenseus  elsewhere  speaks  of  baptism  as 
our  regeneration  or  new  birth  unto  God,^  so  that  his  mean- 

*  Dialogue  with  Trypho.  Opera,  p.  261. 
t  There  may  here  be  a  reference  to  1  Cor.  vii.  14. 
X  Book  ii.  c.  xxii.  §  4. 

§  Thus  he  says — "  Giving  to  His  disciples  the  power  of  regeneration  unto 
God,  He  said  to  them — Go  and  teach  all  nations,  baptizing  them  in  the  name  of 


474  INFANT  BAPTISM. 

ing  in  this  passage  cannot  well  be  disjxited.  He  was  born 
on  the  confines  of  the  apostolic  age,  and  when  he  mentions 
the  regeneration  tmto  God  of  "  infants,  and  little  ones,  and 
children,"  he  alludes  to  their  admission  by  baptism  to  the 
sea]  of  salvation. 

The  celebrated  Origen  was  born  about  A.D.  185,  and  we 
have  as  strong  circumstantial  evidence  as  we  could  well 
desire  that  he  was  baptized  in  infancy.^'"  Both  his  parents 
were  Christians,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  capable  of  receiving 
instruction,  he  began  to  enjoy  the  advantages  of  a  pious 
education.  He  affirms,  not  only  that  the  practice  of  infant 
baptism  prevailed  in  his  own  age,  but  that  it  had  been 
handed  down  as  an  ecclesiastical  ordinance  from  the  first 
century.  "  None,"  says  he,  "  is  free  from  pollution,  though 
his  life  upon  the  earth  be  but  the  length  of  one  day,  and 
for  this  reason  even  infants  are  baptized,  because  by  the 
sacrament  of  baptism  the  pollution  of  our  birth  is  put 
away."t  "  The  Church  has  received  the  custom  of  baptiz- 
ing little  children y/'om  the  apostles'' \ 

The  only  writer  of  the  first  three  centuries  who  questions 
the  propriety  of  infant  baptism  is  TertuUian.  The  passage 
in  which  he  expounds  his  views  on  this  subject  is  a  most 
transparent  specimen  of  special  pleading,  and  the  extra- 
vagant recommendations  it  contains  sufficiently  attest  that 
he  had  taken  up  a  false  position.     "  Considering,"  says  he, 


the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost." — Book  iii.  c.  xvii.  §  1.  Thus, 
too,  he  speaks  of  the  heretics  vising  certain  rites  "  to  the  rejection  of  baptism, 
which  is  regeneration  unto  God." — Book  i.  c.  xxi.  §  1.  Irenseus  here  apjaarently 
means  that  baptism  typically  is  regeneration,  in  the  same  way  as  the  bread 
and  wine  in  the  Eucharist  are  typically  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 

*  That  infant  baptism  was  now  practised  at  Alexandria  is  apparent  also 
from  the  testimony  of  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  who,  in  allusion  to  this  rite, 
speaks  of  "  the  children  that  are  drawn  tip  out  of  the  waters — Pcedag.  iii. 
ell. 

t  Hom.  xiv.  in  "  Lucam."  Opera,  iii.  948.  See  also  Opera,  ii.  230.  Horn, 
viii.  in  "  Leviticum." 

%  Comment,  in  "  Epist.  ad  Roman,"  lib.  v.  Opera,  iv.  565. 


tertullian's  testimony.  475 

"  every  one's  condition  and  disposition,  and  also  his  age,  the 
deL^y  of  baptism  is  more  advantageous,  but  especially  in  the 
case  of  little  children.  For  what  necessity  is  there  that  the 
sponsors  be  brought  into  danger  ?  Because  they  may  fail 
to  fulfil  their  promises  by  death,  or  may  be  deceived  by  the 
child's  proving  of  a  wicked  disposition.  Our  Lord  says 
indeed — '  Do  not  forbid  them  to  come  unto  me.'  Let  them 
come,  therefore,  whilst  they  are  growing  up,  let  them  come 
whilst  they  are  learning,  whilst  they  are  being  taught 
where  it  is  they  are  coming,  let  them  be  made  Christians 
when  they  are  capable  of  knowing  Christ.  Why  should 
their  innocent  age  make  haste  to  the  remission  of  sins  ? 
Men  proceed  more  cautiously  in  worldly  things  ;  and  he 
that  is  not  trusted  with  earthly  goods,  why  should  he  be 
trusted  with  divine  1  Let  them  know  how  to  ask  salva- 
tion, that  you  may  appear  to  give  it  to  one  that  asketh. 
For  no  less  reason  unmarried  persons  ought  to  be  delayed, 
because  they  are  exposed  to  temptations,  as  well  virgins 
that  are  come  to  maturity,  as  those  that  are  in  widowhood 
and  have  little  occupation,  until  they  either  marry  or  be 
confirmed  in  continence.  They  who  know  the  weight  of 
baptism  will  rather  dread  its  attainment  than  its  postpone- 
ment." * 

In  the  apostolic  age  all  adults,  when  admitted  to  bap- 
tism, answered  for  themselves.  Had  additional  sponsors 
been  required  for  the  three  thousand  converts  who  joined 
the  Church  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,t  they  could  not  have 
been  procured.  The  Ethiopian  eunuch  and  the  Philippian 
jailor  J  were  their  own  sponsors.  Until  long  after  the  time 
when  TertuUian  wrote,  there  were,  in  the  case  of  adults,  no 
other  sponsors  than  the  parties  themselves.  But  when  an 
infant  was  dedicated  to  God  in  baptism,  the  parents  were 
required  to  make  a  profession  of  the  faith,  and  to  under- 

*  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  18.  t  Acts  ii.  41. 

X  Acts  viii.  37,  38  ;  xvi.  31-33. 


476  tertullian's  testimony. 

take  to  train  up  tlieir  little  one  in  the  way  of  righteous- 
ness.'"' It  is  to  this  arrangement  that  TertuUian  refers  when 
he  says — "AVhat  necessity  is  there  that  the  sponsors  be 
brought  into  danger  %  Because  even  they  may  fail  to  fulfil 
their  promises  by  death,  or  may  be  deceived  by  the  child's 
proving  of  a  wicked  disposition." 

It  is  plain,  from  his  own  statements,  that  infant  baptism 
was  practised  in  the  days  of  this  father ;  and  it  is  also 
obvious  that  it  was  then  said  to  rest  on  the  authority  of 
the  New  Testament.  Its  advocates,  he  alleges,  quoted  in 
its  defence  the  words  of  our  Saviour — "  Sufi'er  the  little 
children  to  come  unto  me  and  forbid  them  not."t  And 
how  does  TertuUian  meet  this  argument  1  Does  he  venture 
to  say  that  it  is  contradicted  by  any  other  Scripture  testi- 
mony 1  Does  he  pretend  to  assert  that  the  appearance  of 
parents,  as  sponsors  for  their  children,  is  an  ecclesiastical 
innovation  ?  Had  this  acute  and  learned  controversialist 
been  prepared  to  encounter  infant  baptism  on  such  grounds, 
he  would  not  have  neglected  his  opportunity.  But,  instead 
of  pursuing  such  a  line  of  reasoning,  he  merely  exhibits  his 
weakness  by  resorting  to  a  piece  of  miserable  sophistry. 
When  our  Lord  said — "  Suffer  the  little  children  to  come 
unto  me  and  forbid  them  not,"  He  illustrated  His  meaning 
as  He  "  took  them  up  in  His  arms,  put  His  hands  upon  them, 
and  blessed  them  ; "  J  so  that  the  gloss  of  TertuUian — "  Let 
them  come  whilst  they  are  growing  up,  let  them  come 
whilst  they  are  learning  " — is  a  palpable  misinterpretation. 

*  ^^  Parents  were  commonly  sponsors  fo?'  their  own  children  .  .  .  and 
the  extraordinary  cases  iu  whicli  they  were  presented  by  others,  were  com- 
monly such  cases,  where  the  parent  could  not,  or  would  not,  do  that  kind 
office  for  them  ;  as  when  slaves  were  presented  to  baptism  by  their  masters, 
or  children  whose  parents  were  dead,  were  brought,  by  the  charity  of  any  who 
would  shew  mercy  on  them  ;  or  children  exposed  by  their  parents,  which 
were  sometimes  taken  up  by  the  holy  virgins  of  the  Church,  and  by  them 
presented  unto  baptism.  These  are  the  only  cases  mentioned  by  St  Austin  in 
which  children  seem  to  have  had  other  sponsors." — Bingham,  iii.  552. 

t  Mark  x.  14.  J  Compare  Mark  x.  13-16  with  Luke  xviii.  15,  16. 


FOLLY  OF  TERTULLIAN.  477 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  Carthagiiuan  father  must  have  known 
that  there  were  frequent  instances  in  the  days  of  the 
apostles  of  the  baptism  of  whole  households  ;  and  yet  he 
maintains  that  the  unmarried,  especially  young  widows, 
cannot  with  safety  be  admitted  to  the  ordinance.  Had  he  ' 
been  with  Paul  and  Silas  at  Philippi  he  would  thus  scarcely 
have  consented  to  the  baptism  of  Lydia ;  and  he  would 
certainly  have  protested  against  the  administration  of  the 
rite  to  all  the  members  of  her  family.''^ 

Though  Tertullian  may  not  have  formally  separated  from 
the  Church  when  he  wrote  the  tract  in  which  this  passage 
occm-s,  it  is  evident  that  he  had  already  adopted  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Montanists.  These  errorists  held  that  any  one 
who  had  fallen  into  heinous  sin  after  baptism  could  never 
again  be  admitted  to  ecclesiastical  fellowship  ;  and  this 
little  book  itself  supplies  proof  that  its  author  now  sup- 
ported the  same  doctrine.  He  here  declares  that  the  man 
"  who  renews  his  sins  after  baptism "  is  "  destined  to 
fire  ; ''  and  he  intimates  that  martyrdom,  or  "  the  baptism 
of  blood,"  can  alone  "  restore  "  such  an  offender.t  It  was 
obviously  the  policy  of  the  Montanists  to  discourage  infant 
baptism,  and  to  retain  the  mass  of  their  adherents,  as  long 
as  possible,  in  the  condition  of  catechumens.  Hence  Ter- 
tullian here  asserts  that  "  they  who  know  the  weight  of 
baptism  will  rather  dread  its  attainment  than  its  230stpone- 
ment."J  But  neither  the  apostles,  nor  the  early  Church, 
had  any  sympathy  with  such  a  sentiment.     They  represent 

*  See  Acts  xvi.  15.  t  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  viii.  xvi. 

X  "  It  would  be  thought  by  many  a  cruelty  to  place  a  person  without  his  own 
consent,  and  in  luicouscioiis  infancy,  in  a  situation,  so  far,  much  more  dis- 
advantageous than  that  of  those  brought  up  pagans,  that  if  he  did  ever — sup- 
pose at  the  age  of  fifteen  or  twenty — fall  into  any  sin,  he  must  remain  for 
the  rest  of  his  life — perhaps  for  above  half  a  century — deprived  of  all  hope, 
or  at  least  of  all  confident  hope,  of  restoration  to  the  divine  favour  ;  shut  out 
from  all  that  cheering  prospect  which,  if  his  baptism  in  infancy  had  been 
omitted,  might  have  lain  before  him."  —  Archbishop  Whatcl)/s  Scripture 
Doctrine  concerning  the  Sacraments,  p.  11,  note. 


478  TESTIMONY  OF  AN  AFRICAN  SYNOD. 

baptism  as  a  privilege — as  a  sign  and  seal  of  God's  favour 
— which  all  should  thankfully  embrace.  On  the  very  day 
on  which  Peter  denounced  the  Jews  as  having  with  wicked 
hands  crucified  his  Master,  he  assisted  in  the  baptism  of 
three  thousand  of  these  transgressors.  "  Eepent,"  says  he, 
"  and  he  baptized  every  one  of  you  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ  for  the  remission  of  sins,  and  ye  shall  receive  the 
gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  for  the  2yro7nise  is  unto  you  and  to 
your  children.'"''  TertuUian  would,  have  given  them  no 
such  encouragement.  But  the  Montanists  believed  that 
their  Phrygian  Paraclete  was  commissioned  to  supersede 
the  apostolic  discipline.  When  the  African  father  attacked 
infant  baptism  he  obviously  acted  under  this  conviction  ; 
and  whilst  seeking  to  set  aside  the  arrangements  of  the 
Church  of  his  own  age,  he  felt  no  scruple  in  venturing  at 
the  same  time  to  subvert  an  institute  of  primitive  Chris- 
tianity. 

We  have  the  clearest  evidence  that,  little  more  than 
twenty  years  after  the  death  of  TertuUian,  the  whole 
Church  of  Africa  recognised  the  propriety  of  this  practice. 
About  the  middle  of  the  third  century  a  bishop  of  that 
country,  named  Fidus,  appears  to  have  taken  up  the  idea 
that,  when  administering  the  ordinance,  he  was  bound  to 
adhere  to  the  very  letter  of  the  law  relative  to  circumcision,  t 
and  that  therefore  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  baptize  the 
child  before  the  eighth  day  after  its  birth.  When  the  case 
was  submitted  to  Cyprian  and  an  African  Synod,  consisting 
of  sixty-six  bishops,  they  unanimously  decided  tjiat  these 
scruples  were  groundless;  and,  in  an  epistle  addressed  to 
the  pastor  who  entertained  them,  the  Assembly  thus  com- 
municated the  result  of  its  deliberations — "  As  regards  the 
case  of  infants  who,  you  say,  should  not  be  baptized  within 
the  second  or  third  day  after  their  birth,  and  that  respect 
should   be  had  to  the  law  of  the    ancient   circumcision, 

*  Acts  ii.  38,  39.  t  Gen.  xvii.  12 ;  Lev.  xii.  3. 


MODE  OF  BAPTISM.  47.9 

whence  you  think  that  one  newly  born  should  not  be  bap- 
tized and  sanctified   within  the  eighth  day,  we  all  in  our 

council  thought  very  differently If  even  to  the 

most  grievous  offenders,  ....  when  they  afterwards 
believe,  remission  of  sins  is  granted,  and  no  one  is  debarred 
from  baptism  and  grace,  how  much  more  ought  not  an 
infant  to  be  debarred  who,  being  newly  liorn,  has  in  no  way 
sinned,  except  that  being  born  after  Adam  in  the  flesh,  he 
has  by  his  first  birth  contracted  the  contagion  of  the  old 
death ;  who  is  on  this  very  account  more  easily  admitted  to 
receive  remission  of  sins,  in  that,  not  his  own,  but  another's 
sins  are  remitted  to  him."  """ 

Whilst  it  is  thus  apparent  that  the  baptism  of  infants 
was  the  established  order  of  the  Church,  it  is  equally  clear 
that  the  particular  mode  of  administration  was  not  consi- 
dered essential  to  the  validity  of  the  ordinance.  It  was 
usually  dispensed  by  immersion  or  affusion,  f  but  when  the 
health  of  the  candidate  might  have  been  injured  by  such  an 
ordeal,  sprinkling  was  deemed  sufficient.  Aspersion  was 
commonly  employed  in  the  case  of  the  sick,  and  was  known 
by  the  designation  of  clinic  or  hed  baptism.  Cyj)rian  points 
out  to  one  of  his  correspondents  the  absurdity  of  the  idea 
that  the  extent  to  which  the  water  is  applied  can  affect  the 
character  of  the  institution.  "  In  the  saving  sacrament," 
says  he,  "  the  contagion  of  sin  is  not  washed  away  just  in 
the  same  way  as  is  the  filth  of  the  skin  and  body  in  the 
ordinary  ablution  of  the  flesh,  so  that  there  should  be  need 
of  saltpetre  and  other  appliances,  and  a  bath  and  a  pool  in 
which  the  poor  body  may  be  washed  and  cleansed.  .  .  . 
It  is  apparent  that  the  s'pr inkling  of  water  has  like  force 
Avith  the  saving  washing,  and  that  when  this  is  done  in  the 

*  Epist.  lix.  pp.  211,  212. 

t  Laurentius,  a  Roman  deacon,  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of  the 
third  century,  is  represented  as  baptizing  one  Romanus,  a  soldier,  in  a  liitcher 
of  water,  and  another  individual,  named  Lucillus,  by  pouring  water  upon  his 
head.     See  Bingham,  iii.  599. 


480  FALSE  VIEWS  AND  FOOLISH  APPENDAGES. 

Church,  where  the  faith  both  of  the  giver  and  receiver  is 
entire,'""  all  holds  good  and  is  consummated  and  perfected 
by  the  power  of  the  Lord,  and  the  truth  of  faith."  t 

Cyprian  is  here  perfectly  right  in  maintaining  that  the 
essence  of  baptism  does  not  consist  in  the  way  in  which  the 
water  is  administered ;  but  much  of  the  language  he  employs 
in  speaking  of  this  ordinance  cannot  be  commended  as  sober 
and  scriptural.  He  often  confounds  it  with  regeneration, 
and  expresses  himself  as  if  the  mere  rite  possessed  a  mystic 
virtue.  "  The  birth  of  Christians,"  says  he,  "  is  in  baptism."  J 
"  The  Church  alone  has  the  life-giving  water."  §  "  The 
water  must  first  be  cleansed  and  sanctified  by  the  priest, 
that  it  may  be  able,  by  baptism  therein,  to  wash  away  the 
sins  of  the  baptized."  ||  TertulHan  and  other  writers  of  the 
third  century  make  use  of  phraseology  equally  unguarded.  H 
When  the  true  character  of  the  institute  was  so  far  mis- 
understood, it  is  not  extraordinary  that  it  began  to  be  tricked 
out  in  the  trappings  of  superstition.  The  candidate,  as 
early  as  the  third  century,  was  exorcised  before  baptism, 
with  a  view  to  the  expulsion  of  evil  spirits ; ''''""  and,  in  some 
places,  after  the  application  of  the  water,  when  the  kiss  of 
peace  was  given  to  him,  a  mixture  of  milk  and  honey  was 
administered,  tt  He  was  then  anointed,  and  marked  on  the 
forehead  with  the  sign  of  the  cross.  \\  Finally,  the  presiding 
minister,  by  the  laying  on  of  hands,  bestowed  the  bene- 
diction. §§     TertuUian  endeavours  to  explain  some  of  these 

*  Here  the  validity  of  the  ordinance  is  made  to  dej^end  upon  the  personal 
character  of  the  administi-ator. 

t  Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  321.  %  Epist.  Ixxiv.  p.  295. 

§  Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  3]  7.  In  like  manner  Clement  of  Alexandria  says — "  Our 
transgressions  are  remitted  by  one  sovereign  medicine,  the  baptism  according 
to  the  Word."     See  Kaye's  "Clement,"  p.  437. 

II  Epist.  Ixx.  p.  269.  U  TertulHan,  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  1. 

**  Cyprian,  "  Con.  Carthag."  pp.  600,  602. 

+t  See  Kaye's  "  Clement  of  Alexandria,"  p.  441,  and  TertuUian,  "  De  Co- 
rona," c.  3. 
XI  TertuUian,  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  7.         §§  TertuUian,  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  8. 


THE  BAPTISMAL  SERVICE.  481 

ceremonies.  "  The  flesh,"  says  he,  "  is  washed,  that  the  soul 
may  be  freed  from  spots ;  the  flesh  is  anointed,  that  the  soul 
may  be  consecrated ;  the  flesli  is  marked  (with  the  sign  of 
the  cross),  that  the  soul  may  be  guarded;  the  flesh  is  over- 
shadowed by  the  imposition  of  hands,  that  the  soul  may  be 
enlightened  by  the  Spirit.'"* 

It  is  not  iinprobable  that  the  baptismal  service  consti- 
tuted the  first  germ  of  a  Church  liturgy.  As  the  ordinance 
was  so  frequently  celebrated,  it  was  found  convenient  to 
adhere  to  the  same  form,  not  only  in  the  words  of  adminis- 
tration, t  but  also  in  the  accompanying  prayers ;  and  thus 
each  pastor  soon  had  his  own  baptismal  ofiice.  But  when 
heresies  spread,  and  when,  in  consequence,  measures  were 
taken  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  faith,  a  uniform 
series  of  questions — prepared,  perhaps,  by  councils  and 
adopted  by  the  several  ministers — was  addressed  to  all 
catechumens.  Thus,  the  baptismal  services  were  gradually 
assimilated  ;  and,  as  the  power  of  the  hierarchy  increased, 
one  general  office,  in  each  district,  superseded  all  the  pre- 
viously-existing formularies. 

Baptism,  as  dispensed  in  apostolic  simplicity,  is  a  most 
significant  ordinance ;  but  the  original  rite  was  soon  well- 
nigh  hidden  behind  the  rubbish  of  human  inventions.  The 
milk  and  honey,  the  unction,  the  crossing,  the  kiss  of  peace, 
and  the  imposition  of  hands,  were  all  designed  to  render  it 
more  imposing;  and,  still  farther  to  deepen  the  impression, 
it  was  already  administered  in  the  presence  of  none  save 
those  who  had  themselves  been  thus  initiated. J  But  the 
foolishness  of  God  is  wiser  than  man.  Nothing  is  more  to 
be  deprecated  than  any  attempt  to  improve  upon  the  insti- 
tutions of  Christ.     Baptism,  as  established  by  the  Divine 

*  "  De  Resurrectione  Carnis,"  c.  8. 

+  "  lu  the  name  of  the  Father,  aud  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost." — 
Matt,  xxviii.  19. 
X  Bingham,  iii.  377. 

2h 


482  THE  ORDINANCE  DiSFIGCJRED. 

Founder  of  our  religion,  is  a  visible  exhiLition  of  the  gospel; 
but,  as  known  in  the  third  century,  it  had  much  of  the  cha- 
racter of  one  of  the  heathen  mysteries.  It  was  intended  to 
confirm  faith :  but  it  was  now  contributing  to  foster  super- 
stition. How  soon  had  the  gold  become  dim,  and  the  most 
fine  sold  been  changed  ! 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE  lord's  supper. 

Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  may  be  regarded  as  a  typical 
or  pictorial  summary  of  the  great  salvation.  In  Baptism 
the  gospel  is  exhibited  subjectively — renewing  the  heart 
and  cleansing  from  all  iniquity :  in  the  Lord's  Supper  it  is 
exhibited  objectively — providing  a  mighty  Mediator,  and 
a  perfect  atonement.  Regeneration  and  Propitiation  are 
central  truths  towards  which  all  the  other  doctrines  of 
Christianity  converge,  and  in  marking  them  out  by  cor- 
responding symbols,  the  Head  of  the  Church  has  been  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  signalize  their  importance. 

The  Scriptures  are  able  to  make  us  Avise  unto  salvation 
and  thoroughly  furnished  unto  all  good  works ;  but  we  are 
not  at  liberty  to  adulterate  these  records  either  by  addition 
or  subtraction.  If  they  should  be  preserved  "exactly  as 
they  issued  from  the  pen  of  inspiration,  it  is  clear  that  the 
visible  ordinances  in  which  they  are  epitomized  should  also 
be  maintained  in  their  integrity.  He  who  tampers  mth 
a  divinely-instituted  symbol  is  obviously  to  some  extent 
obnoxious  to  the  malediction'"'  pronounced  upon  the  man 
who  adds  to,  or  takes  away  from,  the  words  of  the  book  of 
God's  prophecy. 

Had  the  orioinal  form  of  administerins;  the  Lord's 
Supper  been  rigidly  maintained,  the  Church  might  have 

*  Rev.  xxii.  18,  19. 


484  THE  lord's  supper. 

avoided  a  multitude  of  errors ;  but  very  soon  the  spirit  of 
innovation  began  to  disfigure  this  institute.  The  mode  in 
which  it  was  observed,  and  the  views  which  were  enter- 
tained respecting  it  by  the  Christians  of  Rome,  about  the 
middle  of  the  second  century,  are  minutely  described  by 
Justin  Martyr.  "  There  is  brought,''  says  he,  "  to  that  one 
of  the  brethren  who  is  president,  bread  and  a  cup  of  wine 
mixed  with  water.     And  he,  having  received  them,  gives 

praise  and  glory  to  the  Father  of  all  things And 

when  he  has  finished  his  praises  and  thanksgiving,  all 
the  people  who  are  present  express  their  assent  saying 
Amen,  which  in  the  Hebrew  tongue  signifies  so  be  it.  The 
president  having  given  thanks,  and  the  people  having  ex- 
pressed their  assent,  those  whom  we  call  deacons  give  to 
each  of  those  who  are  present  a  portion  of  the  bread  which 
has  been  blessed,  and  of  the  wine  mixed  with  water;  and 
carry  away  some  for  those  who  are  absent.  And  this  food 
is  called  by  us  the  Eucharist,  of  which  no  one  may  par- 
take unless  he  believes  that  which  we  teach  is  true,  and  is 
baptized,  ....  and  lives  in  such  a  manner  as  Christ  com- 
manded. For  we  receive  not  these  elements  as  common 
bread  or  common  drink.  But  even  as  Jesus  Christ  our 
Saviour  ....  had  both  flesh  and  blood  for  our  salvation, 
even  so  we  are  tauo;ht  that  the  food  which  is  blessed  .... 
by  the  digestion  of  which  our  blood  and  flesh  are  nourished, 
is  the  flesh  and  blood  of  that  Jesus  who  was  made  flesh. 
For  the  apostles  in  the  memoirs  composed  by  them,  which 
are  called  gospels,  have  related  that  Jesus  thus  commanded 
them,  that  having  taken  bread  and  given  thanks  He  said — 
*  Do  this  in  remembrance  of  me,  this  is  my  body;'  and  that, 
in  like  manner,  having  taken  the  cup  and  given  thanks,  He 
said,  '  This  is  my  blood;'  and  that  He  distributed  them  to 
these  alone."'" 

The  writer  does  not  here  mention  the  posture  of  the 

*  "  Apol."  ii.  Opera,  pp.  97,  98. 


THE  ELEMENTS.  485 

disciples  when  communicating,  but  it  is  higlily  probable 
that  they  still  continued  to  sit/'  in  accordance  with  the 
primitive  pattern.     As  they  received  the  ordinance  in  the 
same  attitude  as  that  in  which  they  partook  of  their  com-  , 
mon  meals,  the  story  that  their  religious  assemblies  were  ' 
the  scenes  of  unnatural  feasting,  may  have  thus  originated. t  * 
For  the  first  three  centuries,  hieeUng  at  the  Lord's  Supper  f 
was  unknown ;  and  it  is  not  until  about  a  hundred  years  ' 
after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John,  that  we  read  of  the 
communicants  standing.\     Throughout  the  whole   of  the  \ 
third  century,  this  appears  to  have  been  the  position  in  j 
which  they  partook  of  the  elements.§ 

The  bread  and  wine  of  the  Eucharist  were  now  supplied 
by  the  worshippers,  who  made  "  oblations "  according  to 
their  ability,  ||  as  well  for  the  support  of  the  ministers  of 
the  Church,  as  for  the  celebration  of  its  ordinances.  There 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  bread,  used  at  this  period 
in  the  holy  Supper,  was  unfermented ;  for,  though  our  Lord 
distributed  a  loaf,  or  cake,  of  that  quality  when  the  rite  was 
instituted,  the  early  Christians  seem  to  have  considered  the 
circumstance  accidental;  as  unleavened  bread  was  in  ordi- 
nary use  among  the  Jews  at  the  time  of  the  Passover.  The 
disciples  appear  to  have  had  less  reason  for  mixing  the  wine 
with  water,  and  they  could  have  produced  no  good  evidence 
that  such  was  the  beverage  used  by  Christ  when  He  ap- 

*  In  an  article  on  the  Eoman  Catacombs,  in  the  "  Edinburgh  Review  "  for 
January  1859,  the  writer  observes — "  It  is  apparent  fi-om  all  the  paintings  of    i 
Christian  feasts,  whether  of  the  Agapse,  or  the  burial  feasts  of  the  dead,  or    1 
the  Corumunion  of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  that  they  were  celebrated  by  the    1 
early  Christians  sitting  rouhd  a  tahhy  I 

t  This  calumny  created  much  prejudice  against  them  in  the  second  cen- 
tury. See  Justin  Martyr's  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  §  10  ;  and  the  "  Apology 
of  Athenagoras,"  §  3.  If  Pliny  refers  to  the  Eucharist  when  he  speaks  of  the 
early  Christians  as  partaking  of  food  together,  it  is  obvious  that  they  must 
then  have  communicated  sitting,  or  in  the  posture  in  which  they  partook  of 
their  ordinary  meals. 

i  Tertullian,  "  De  Oratione,"  c.  14.  §  See  Euseb.  vii.  9. 

II  Justin  Martyr,  "  Apol."  ii.  98 ;  and  Tertullian's  "  Apol."  c.  39. 


486  MODE  OF  ADxMINlSTRATlON. 

pointed  this  commemoration.     In  the  third  century  super- 
stition already  recognized  a  mystery  in  the  mixture.     "  We 
see,"  says  Cyprian,  "  that  in  the  water  the  people  are  repre- 
sented, but  that  in  the  wine  is  exhibited  the  blood  of  Christ. 
AVhen,  however,  in  the  cup  water  is  mingled  with  wine,  the 
people  are  united  to  Christ,  and  the  multitude  of  the  faith- 
ful are   coupled  and   conjoined   to   Him   on   whom   they 
believe.'' '"'     The  bread  was  not  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  \ 
communicant  by  the  administrator,  but  was  handed  to  him  j 
by  a  deacon ;  and  it  is  said  that,  the  better  to  shew  forth 
the  unity  of  the  Church,  all  partook  of  one  loaf  made  of  a 
size  sufficient  to  supply  the  whole  congregation.!     The  wine  ■ 
was  administered  separately,  and  was  drunk  out  of  a  cup  or 
chalice.     As  early  as  the  third  century  an  idea  began  to  be 
entertained  that  the  Eucharist  was  necessary  to  salvation, 
and  it  was,  in  consequence,  given  to  infants.^     None  were 
now  suffered  to  be  present  at  its  celebration  but  those  who 
were  communicants ;  §  for  even  the  catechumens,  or  candi-  ! 
dates  for  baptism,  were  obliged  to  withdraw  before  the ' 
elements  were  consecrated. 

The  Passover  was  kept  only  once  a  year,  but  the  Eucha- 
rist, which  was  the  corresponding  ordinance  of  the  Chris- 
tian dispensation,  was  observed  much  more  frequently.  \ 
Justin  intimates  that  it  was  administered  every  Lord's  ' 
day,  and  other  fathers  of  this  period  bear  similar  testi- 
mony. Cyprian  speaks  even  of  its  daily  celebration.  ||  The 
New  Testament  has  promulgated  no  precise  law  upon  the 
subject,  and  it  is  probable  that  only  the  more  zealous  dis- 

*  Ei)ist.  Ixiii.  "  To  Ceeciliiis,"  Opera,  p.  229. 

t  Larroque's  "  History  of  the  Eucharist,"  p.  35.     Loudon,  1684. 

$  Cypriau,  "  De  Lapsis,''  Ojiera,  pp.  375,  381.  This  was  probably  the  re- 
sult of  carrying  to  excess  a  protest  against  the  Montanist  opposition  to  infant 
baptism.  Such  a  i-eaction  often  occurs.  It  was  now  maintained  that  the 
Lord's  Supper,  as  well  as  Baptism,  should  be  administered  to  infants. 

§  At  an  earlier  period  it  was  dispensed  in  presence  of  the  catechumens. 
See  Bingham,  iii.  p.  380. 

II  "De  Oratione  Dominica,"  Opera,  d.  421. 


TRANSUBSTANTIATION  UNKNOWN.  487 

ciples  communicated  weekly.  On  the  Paschal  week  it  was 
observed  with  peculiar  solemnity,  and  by  the  greatest  con- 
course of  worshippers. 

The  term  sacrament  was  now  applied  to  both  Baptism 
and  the  Lord's  Supper;  but  it  was  not  confined  to  these 
two  symbolic  ordinances.*  The  word  transuhstantiation  was 
not  introduced  until  upwards  of  a  thousand  years  after  the 
death  of  our  Saviour ;  t  and  the  doctrine  which  it  indicates 
was  not  known  to  any  of  the  fathers  of  the  first  three  cen- 
turies. They  all  concur  in  describing  the  elements,  after 
consecration,  as  breadand  wine ;  they  all  represent  them  as 
passing  through  the  usual  process  of  digestion;  and  they 
all  speak  of  them  as  symbols  of  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ.  In  this  strain  Justin  Martyr  discourses  of  "  that 
bread  which  our  Christ  has  commanded  us  to  ofier  in  re- 
memhrance  of  His  heing  made  flesh,  ....  and  of  that  cup 
which  He  commanded  those  that  celebrate  the  Eucharist 
to  ofi'er  in  rememhrance  of  His  blood" \  According  to 
Clement  of  Alexandria  the  Scripture  designates  wine  "  a 
mystic  symbol  of  the  holy  blood."  §  Origan,  as  if  antici- 
pating the  darkness  which  was  to  overspread  the  Church, 
expresses  himself  very  much  in  the  style  of  a  zealous  Pro- 
testant. He  denounces  as  "  simpletons  "  ||  those  who  attri- 
buted a  supernatural  power  to  the  Eucharistic  elements,  and 
repeatedly  afiirms  that  the  words  used  at  the  institution  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  are  to  be  interpreted  spiritually.  "  The 
meat,"  says  he,  "  which  is  sanctified  by  the  Word  of  God 
and  prayer,  as  it  is  material,  goes  into  the  stomach,  .... 
but,  by  reason  of  prayer  made  over  it,  it  is  lyrof  table  ac- 
cording to  the  proportion  of  faith,  and  is  the  cause  that  the 

*  See  Kaye's  "  Tei-tuUian,"  p.  357. 

t  See  Gieseler's  "  Text  Book  of  Ecclesiastical  History,"  by  Cunningham 
ii.  331,  note  3. 
+  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  Opera,  pp.  296,  297. 
§  See  Kaye's  "  Clement  of  Alexandria,"  p.  445. 
II  aKspaioTepav,  Opera,  iii.  p.  498. 


488  HOW  CHRIST  IS  IN  THE  SUPPER. 

understanding  is  enlightened  and  attentive  to  what  is  pro- 
fitable ;  and  it  is  not  the  substance  of  bread,  but  the  word 
pi^onounced  upon  it,  which  is  profitable  to  him  who  eats  it 
in  a  way  not  unworthy  of  the  Lord." '''  Cyprian  uses  lan- 
guage scarcely  less  equivocal,  for  he  speaks  of  "  that  wine 
whereby  the  blood  of  Christ  is  set  forth,"  t  and  asserts  that 
it  "  was  wine  which  He  called  His  blood."  J 

Christ  has  said — "Where  two  or  three  are  gathered  to- 
gether in  my  name,  there  am  I  in  the  midst  of  them;"§ 
and,  true  to  His  promises.  He  is  really  present  with  His 
people  in  every  act  of  devotion.  Even  when  they  draw  near 
to  Him  in  secret,  or  when  they  read  His  w^ord,  or  when  they 
meditate  on  His  mercy,  as  well  as  when  they  listen  to  His 
gospel  preached  in  the  great  congregation,  He  manifests 
Himself  to  them  not  as  He  does  unto  the  world.  But  in 
the  Eucharist  He  reveals  His  character  more  significantly 
than  in  any  of  His  other  ordinances ;  for  He  here  addresses 
Himself  to  all  the  senses,  as  well  as  to  the  soul.  In  the 
words  of  institution  they  "hear  His  voice;''  when  the  ele- 
ments are  presented  to  them,  they  perceive  as  it  were  "  the 
smell  of  His  garments;"  with  their  hands  they  "handle  of 
the  Word  of  Life;"  and  they  "taste  and  see  that  the  Lord 
is  good."  But  some  of  the  early  Christian  writers  were  by 
no  means  satisfied  with  such  representations.  They  appear 
to  have  entertained  an  idea  that  Christ  was  in  the  Eucharist, 
not  only  in  richer  manifestations  of  His  grace,  but  also  in 
a  way  altogether  difi'erent  from  that  in  which  He  vouch- 
safes His  presence  in  prayer,  or  praise,  or  any  other  divine 
observance.  They  conceived  that,  as  the  soul  of  man  is 
united  to  his  body,  the  Logos,  or  Divine  nature  of  Christ, 
pervades  the  consecrated  bread  and  wine,  so  that  they  may 
be  called  His  flesh  and  blood;  and  they  imagined  that,  in 

*  In  Mat.  torn.  xi.  Opera,  iii.  499,  500. 

t  Epist.  Ixiii.  "  To  Csecilius,"  Opera,  p.  225. 

X  Epist.  Ixiii.  Opera,  228.  §  Matt,  xviii.  20. 


TRACES  OF  SUPERSTITION.  489 

consequence,  the  sacred  elements  imparted  to  the  material 
frame  of  the  believer  the  germ  of  immortality.'"'  Irenseus 
declares  that  "our  bodies,  receiving  the  Eucharist,  are  no 
longer  corruptible,  but  possessed  of  the  hope  of  eternal  life."  t 
This  misconception  of  the  ordinance  was  the  fruitful  source 
of  superstition.  The  mere  elements  began  to  be  regarded 
witli  a^vful  reverence;  the  loss  of  a  particle  of  the  bread, 
or  of  a  drop  of  the  wine,  was  considered  a  tremendous 
desecration ;  and  it  was  probably  the  growth  of  such  feelings 
which  initiated  the  custom  of  standing  at  the  time  of  par- 
ticipation. But  still  there  were  fathers  who  were  not  carried 
away  with  the  delusion,  and  who  knew  that  the  disposition 
of  the  worshipper  was  of  far  more  consequence  than  the 
care  with  which  he  handled  the  holy  symbols.  "  You  who 
frequent  our  sacred  mysteries,"  says  Origen,  "  know  that 
when  you  receive  the  body  of  the  Lord,  you  take  care  with 
all  due  caution  and  veneration,  that  not  even  the  smallest 
particle  of  the  consecrated  gift  shall  fall  to  the  ground  and 
be  wasted.  X  If,  through  inattention,  any  part  thus  falls,  you 
justly  account  yourselves  guilty.  If  then,  with  good  rea- 
son, you  use  so  much  caution  in  preserving  His  body,  how 
can  you  esteem  it  a  lighter  sin  to  slight  the  Word  of  God 
than  to  neglect  His  body  1 "  § 

"  The  words  of  the  Lord  are  pure  words,  as  silver  tried 
in  a  furnace  of  earth  purified  seven  times."  ||  The  history 
of  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  demonstrates  that,  when 
speaking  of  the  ordinances  of  religion,  it  is  exceedingly 
dangerous  to  depart,  even  from  the  phraseology,  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  has  dictated.     In  the  second  century  Baptism 

*  Irenoeus,  "Contra  Hsereses,"  v.  c.  2,  §  3.  Clement  of  Alexandria  says  that 
"  to  drink  the  blood  of  Jesus  is  to  i^artake  of  the  incorruption  of  the  Lord." — 
Pcedagogue,  book  ii. 

+  "  Contra  Hsereses,"  iv.  c.  18,  §  5. 

X  This  feeling  prevailed  in  the  time  of  Tertullian.  "  Calicis  aut  panis  etiam 
nostri  aliquid  decuti  in  terram  anxie  patimur." — De  Corona,  c.  3. 

§  Horn.  xiii.  in  "Exod."  Opera,  ii.  176.  ||  Ps.  xii.  6. 


490  THE  EUCHARIST  IMPROPERLY  DESIGNATED. 

was  called  "  regeneration/'  and  the  Eucharistic  bread  was 
known  by  the  compendious  designation  of  "  the  Lord's 
body."  Such  language,  if  typically  understood,  could  create 
no  perplexity;  but  all  by  whom  it  was  used  could  scarcely 
be  expected  to  give  it  a  right  interpretation,  and  thus  many 
misconceptions  .were  speedily  generated.  In  a  short  time 
names,  for  which  there  is  no  warrant  in  the  Word  of  God, 
were  applied  to  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  false  doctrines  were 
eventually  deduced  from  these  ill-chosen  and  unauthorised 
designations.  Thus,  before  the  close  of  the  second  century, 
it  was  called  an  offering,  and  a  saci'ifice,  *  and  the  table  at 
which  it  was  administered  was  styled  the  alta7\  t  Though 
these  terms  were  now  used  rhetorically,  in  after-ages  they 
were  literally  interjDreted ;  and  in  this  way  the  most  astound- 
ing errors  gradually  gained  currency.  Meanwhile  other 
topics  led  to  keen  discussion;  but  there  was  a  growing 
disposition  to  shroud  the  Eucharist  in  mystery;  and  hence, 
for  many  centuries,  the  question  as  to  the  manner  of 
Christ's  presence  in  the  ordinance  awakened  no  controversy. 

*  See  Kaye's  "Justin  Martyr,"  p.  94.     Irenceus,  iv.  c.  17,  §5.     Tertullian, 
"  De  Oratione,"  c.  14. 

t  "  Noiine  solemnior  erit  static  tua,  si  et  ad  aram  Dei  steteris  ?"  TertuUiaa, 
"  De  Oratione,"  c.  14,  or,  according  to  Oehlcr,  c.  19. 


CHAPTEK  IV. 


CONFESSION  AND  PENANCE. 


When  the  Evangelist  Matthew  is  describing  the  ministry 
of  John  the  Baptist,  he  states  that  there  "  went  out  to  him 
Jerusalem,  and  all  Judea,  and  all  the  region  round  about 
Jordan  ;  and  were  baptized  of  him  in  Jordan,  confessing 
their  sins." '"  The  ministry  of  Paul  at  Ephesus  produced 
similar  results ;  for  it  is  said  that  "  fear  fell "  on  all  the  Jews 
and  Greeks  dwelling  in  that  great  capital,  "  and  many  that 
believed  came,  and  confessed,  and  shewed  their  deeds,  "t 

The  confession  here  mentioned  obviously  flowed  spon- 
taneously from  deep  religious  convictions.  It  was  not  a 
jmvate  admission  of  guilt  made  to  an  ecclesiastical  func- 
tionary ;  but  a  public  acknowledgment  of  acts  which 
weighed  heavily  on  the  consciences  of  individuals,  and 
which  they  felt  constrained  to  recapitulate  and  to  condemn. 
Men  awakened  to  a  sense  of  their  sins  deemed  it  due  to 
themselves  and  to  society,  to  state  how  sincerely  they 
deplored  their  past  career ;  and,  no  doubt,  their  words  often 
produced  a  profound  impression  on  the  multitudes  to  whom 
they  were  addressed.  These  confessions  of  sin  were  con- 
nected with  a  confession  of  faith  in  Christ,  and  were 
generally  associated  with  the  ordinance  of  baptism.  They 
were  not  required  from  all,  but  w^ere  only  tendered  in  cases 
where  there  had  been  notorious  and  flagrant  criminality; 
and  they  must  have  been  of  a  very  partial  character,  only 

*  Matt.  iii.  5,  6.  t  Acts  xix.  17,  18. 


492  FASTING  BEFORE  BAPTISM. 

embracing  such  transgressions  as  the  party  had  some  urgent 
reason  for  speciaHzing, 

In  the  time  of  the  apostles  those  who  embraced  the 
gospel  were  immediately  baptized.  Thus,  the  three  thousand 
persons  who  were  converted  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  were 
forthwith  received  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church ;  and  the 
Philippian  jailor,  "the  same  hour  of  the  night"*  when  he 
hearkened  to  "  the  word  of  the  Lord,"  "  was  baptized,  he  and 
all  his,  straightway."  But,  soon  afterwards,  the  Christian 
teachers  began  to  proceed  with  greater  formality;  and,  about 
the  middle  of  the  second  century,  candidates  were  not  ad- 
mitted to  the  ordinance  until  they  had  passed  through  a 
certain  course  of  probation.  "  As  many,"  says  Justin  Martyr, 
"  as  are  persuaded  and  believe  that  the  things  which  we  teach 
and  declare  are  true,  and  promise  that  they  are  determined 
to  live  accordingly,  are  taught  to  pray,  and  to  beseech  God 
with  fasting  to  grant  them  remission  of  their  past  sins, 
while  we  also  pray  and  fast  with  them.  We  then  lead  them 
to  a  place  where  there  is  water,  and  there  they  are  regene- 
rated in  the  same  manner  as  we  also  were;  for  they  are 
then  washed  in  that  water  in  the  name  of  God  the  Father 
and  Lord  of  the  universe,  and  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ, 
and  the  Holy  Spirit."! 

These  confessions  and  penitential  exercises  were  repeated 
and  enlarged  when  persons  who  had  lapsed  into  gross  sin, 
and  who  had,  in  consequence,  forfeited  their  position  as 
members  of  the  Church,  sought  readmission  to  ecclesiastical 
fellowship.  It  would  be  difficult,  on  scriptural  grounds,  to 
vindicate  the  system  of  discipline  enforced  on  such  occasions ; 
and  yet  it  is  evident  that  it  was  established,  at  least  in  some 
quarters,  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  third  century. 
Tertullian  gives  a  very  striking  account  of  the  course  pursued 
by  those  called  j^enitents  about  that  period.  "  Confession  of 
sins,"  says  he,  "  lightens  their  burden,  as  much  as  the  dis- 

*  Acts  xvi.  33.  t  "Apol."  ii.  Opera,  p.  93,  94. 


FASTING  A  SIGN  OF  SOEROW.  493 

sembling  of  them  increases  it  ;  for  confession  savours  of 

makino-  amends,  dissemblino;,  of  stubbornness 

"Wherefore  confession  is  the  discipline  of  a  man's  prostrating 
and  humbling  himself,  enjoining  such  a  conversation  as 
invites  mercy.  It  restrains  a  man  even  as  to  the  matter 
of  dress  and  food,  requiring  him  to  lie  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes,  to  hide  his  body  in  filthy  garments,  to  afilict  his  soul 
with  sorrow,  to  exchange  for  severe  treatment  the  sins  in 
which  he  indulged;  for  the  rest  to  use  simple  things  for 
meat  and  drink,  that  is,  for  the  sake  of  the  soul,  and  not  to 
please  the  appetite  :  for  the  most  part  also  to  quicken  prayer 
by  fasts,  to  groan,  to  weep,  and  to  moan  day  and  night  be- 
fore the  Lord  his  God  ;  to  throw  himself  on  the  ground 
before  the  presbyters,  and  to  fall  on  his  knees  before  the 
beloved  of  God  ;  to  enjoin  all  the  brethren  to  bear  the 
message  of  his  prayer  for  mercy — all  these  things  does 
confession  that  it  may  commend  repentance.""' 

When  a  man  is  overwhelmed  with  grief,  the  state  of  his 
mind  will  often  be  revealed  by  the  loss  of  his  appetite.  He 
will  think  little  of  his  dress  and  personal  accommodation ; 
and  though  he  may  give  no  utterance  to  his  feelings,  his 
general  appearance  will  betray  to  the  eye  of  an  observer 
the  depths  of  his  affliction.  The  mourner  not  unfrequently 
takes  a  melancholy  satisfaction  in  surrounding  himself  with 
the  symbols  of  sorrow ;  and  we  read,  accordingly,  in  Scrip- 
ture how,  in  ancient  times  and  in  Eastern  countries,  he 
clothed  himself  in  sackcloth  and  sat  in  ashes.f  There  is  a 
wonderful  sympathy  between  the  body  and  the  mind ;  and 
as  grief  affects  the  appetite,  so  occasional  abstinence  from 
food  may  foster  a  serious  and  contrite  spirit.  Hence  fast- 
ing has  been  so  commonly  associated  with  penitential 
exercises. 

Fasting  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  one   of  the  ordinary 

*  "  De  Pcenitentia,"  c.  ix. 

t  Joshua  vii.  6 ;  Esther  iv.  1  ;  Isaiah  Iviii.  5  ;  Ezek.  xxvii.  30. 


494  FASTING. 

duties  of  a  disciiDle  of  Christ,'"  but  rather  as  a  kind  of  dis- 
cipline in  which  he  may  feel  called  on  to  engage  under 
special  circura stances.!  When  oppressed  with  a  conscious- 
ness of  guilt,  or  when  anxious  for  divine  direction  on  a 
critical  occasion,  or  when  trembling  under  the  apprehension 
of  impending  judgments,  he  may  thus  seek  to  "  afflict  his 
soul,"  that  he  may  draw  near  with  deeper  humility  and 
reverence  into  the  presence  of  the  Divine  Majesty.  But,  in 
such  a  case,  every  one  should  act  according  to  the  dictates 
of  his  own  enlightened  convictions.  As  the  duty  is  extra- 
ordinary, the  self-denial  to  be  practised  must  be  regulated 
by  various  contingencies ;  and  no  one  can  well  prescribe  to 
another  its  amount  or  duration. 

According  to  the  Mosaic  law,  only  one  day  in  the  year — 
the  great  day  of  atonement — was  required  to  be  kept  as  a 
national  fast. J  There  is  now  no  divine  warrant  for  so  observ- 
ing any  corresponding  day,  and  for  upwards  of  a  hundred 
years  after  the  death  of  our  Lord,  there  is  no  evidence  that 
any  fixed  portion  of  time  was  thus  appropriated  under  the 
sanction  of  ecclesiastical  authority.  But  towards  the  close 
of  the  second  century  the  termination  of  the  Paschal  week 
was  often  so  employed — the  interval,  between  the  hour  on 
Friday  when  our  Lord  expired  and  the  morning  of  the  first 
day  of  the  week,  being  spent  in  total  abstinence.§  About  the 
same  time  some  partially  abstained  from  food  on  what  were 
called  stationary  days,  or  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  of 
each  week.  ||     At  this  period  some  began  also  to  observe 

*  See  a  "  Memorial  concerning  Personal  and  Family  Fasting,"  by  the  pious 
Thomas  Boston.     Edinburgh,  1849. 

+  Matt.  ix.  15.  +  Lev.  xxiii.  27. 

§  The  text  Matt.  ix.  15  was  urged  in  support  of  this  observance.  See  Ter- 
tullian,  "  De  Jejun."  c.  ii. 

II  "  Wednesday  being  selected  because  on  that  day  the  Jews  took  counsel 
to  destroy  Clirist,  and  Friday  because  that  was  the  day  of  His  crucifixion." — 
Kayds  Tertullian,  p.  418.  As  Wednesday  was  dedicated  to  Mercury  and 
Friday  to  Venus,  this  fasting,  according  to  Clement,  signified  to  the  more 
advanced  disciple,  that  he  was  to  renounce  the  love  of  gain  and  the  love  of 
pleasure.     Kaye's  "  Clement,"  p.  454. 


KL^PENTANCE  A  SPIEITUAL  EXERCISE.  495 

XerophagisD,  or  clays  on  wliicli  they  used  neither  flesh  nor 
wine  *  Not  a  few  saw  the  danger  of  this  ascetic  tendency ; 
but,  whilst  it  betokened  zeal,  it  had  also  "  a  show  of  wis- 
dom," t  and  it  silently  made  great  progress.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  third  century  the  whole  Church  was  already 
pervaded  by  its  influence. 

Fasting  has  been  well  described  as  "the  outward  shell" 
of  penitential  sorrow,  and  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  its 
spiritual  elements.  It  is  its  accidental  accompaniment,  and 
not  one  of  its  true  and  essential  features.  A  man  may 
"  bow  down  his  head  as  a  bulrush,"  or  fast,  or  clothe  him- 
self in  sackcloth,  when  he  is  an  utter  stranger  to  that 
"  repentance  to  salvation  not  to  be  repented  of."  The 
h}^ocrite  may  put  on  the  outward  badges  of  mourning 
merely  with  a  view  to  regain  a  position  in  the  Church, 
whilst  the  sincere  penitent  may  "  anoint  his  head  and  wash 
his  face,"  and  reveal  to  the  eye  of  the  casual  spectator  no 
tokens  of  contrition.  As  repentance  is  a  spiritual  exercise, 
it  can  only  be  recognised  by  spiritual  signs ;  and  the  rulers 
of  the  ancient  Church  committed  a  capital  error  when  they 
proposed  to  test  it  by  certain  dietary  indications.  Their 
penitential  discipline  was  directly  opposed  to  the  genuine 
spirit  of  the  gospel;  and  it  was  the  fountain  from  whence 
proceeded  many  of  the  superstitions  which,  like  a  river  of 
death,  soon  overspread  Christendom.  .  Whilst  repentance 
was  reduced  to  a  mechanical  round  of  bodily  exercises,  the 
doctrine  of  a  free  salvation  was  practically  repudiated. 

In  connexion  with  the  appearance  of  a  system  of  peni- 
tential discipline,  involving  in  some  cases  a  penance  of 
several  years'  continuance,  J  the  distinction  of  venial  and 

*  These  Xerophagiac,  or  Dry  Food  Days,  were  even  now  objected  to  by  some 
of  the  more  enhghtened  Christians  on  the  ground  that  they  were  an  import 
from  heathenism.     Tertullian,  "  De  Jejuu."  c.  ii. 

t  Col.  ii.  23. 

t  Thus  Cyprian,  Epist.  liii.  p.  169,  speaks  of  a  penance  of  three  years' 
duration. 


496  THE  PENITENTIARY  PRESBYTER. 

mortal  sins  now  bei^an  to  be  recomised.  Venial  sins  were 
transgressions  which  any  sincere  believer  might  commit, 
whilst  mortal  sins  were  such  as  were  considered  incom- 
patible with  the  genuine  profession  of  Christianity.  Penance 
was  prescribed  only  to  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  mortal 
sins.  Its  severity  and  duration  varied  with  the  character 
of  the  offence,  and  w^as  soon  regulated  according  to  an 
exact  scale  arranged  by  the  rulers  of  the  Church  in  their 
ecclesiastical  conventions. 

About  the  middle  of  the  third  century  a  ncAV  arrangement 
was  introduced,  with  a  view  to  promote  the  more  exact 
administration  of  penitential  discijjline.  During  the  Decian 
persecution  which  occurred  at  this  time,  many  were  induced 
by  fear  to  abandon  the  jDrofession  of  the  gospel ;  and,  on 
the  return  of  better  days,  those  who  sought  restoration  to 
Christian  privileges  were  so  numerous  that,  in  the  larger 
churches,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  require  the  lapsed,  in 
the  first  instance,  to  address  themselves  to  one  of  the  pres- 
byters appointed  for  their  special  examination.  The  busi- 
ness of  this  functionary,  who  was  known  by  the  designa- 
tion of  the  Penitentiary^^  was  to  hear  the  confessions  of  the 
penitents,  to  ascertain  the  extent  and  circumstances  of  their 
apostasy,  and  to  announce  the  penance  required  from  each 
by  the  existing  ecclesiastical  regulations.  The  disclosures 
made  to  the  Penitentiary  did  not  supersede  the  necessity 
of  public  confession  ;  it  was  simply  the  duty  of  this  minis- 
ter to  give  to  the  lapsed  such  instructions  as  his  profes- 
sional experience  enabled  him  to  supply,  including  direc- 
tions as  to  the  fasts  they  should  observe,  and  the  sins  they 
should  openly  acknowledge.  Under  the  guidance  of  the 
Penitentiaries  the  system  of  discipline  for  transgressors 
seems  to  have  been  still  farther  matured  ;  and  at  length,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  the  penitents  were 
divided  into  various  classes,  according  to  their  supposed 

*  Socrates,  v.  c.  19. 


INCREASING  SPIRITUAL  DARKNESS.  497 

decrees  of  unwortliiness.     The  members  of  each  class  were 

o 

obliged  to  occupy  a  particular  position  in  the  place  of  wor- 
ship when  the  congregation  assembled  for  religious  exer- 
cises."' 

It  must  be  obvious  from  these  statements  that  the  insti- 
tution known  as  Auricular  Confession  had,  as  yet,  no  exist- 
ence. In  the  early  Church  the  disciples,  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  were  neither  required  nor  expected,  at  stated 
seasons,  to  enter  into  secret  conference  with  any  ecclesias- 
tical searcher  of  consciences.  When  a  professing  Christian 
committed  a  heinous  transgression  b}^  which  religion  was 
scandalized,  he  was  obliged,  before  being  re-admitted  to 
communion,  to  express  his  sorrow  in  the  face  of  the  congre- 
gation ;  and  the  revelations  made  to  the  Penitentiary  did 
not  relieve  him  from  this  act  of  humiliation.  It  must  also 
be  apparent  that  the  whole  system  of  penance  is  an  unau- 
thorized addition  to  the  ordinances  of  primitive  Christianity. 
Of  such  a  system  we  do  not  find  even  a  trace  in  the  New 
Testament ;  and  under  its  blighting  influence,  the  religion 
of  the  Church  gradually  became  little  better  than  a  species 
of  refined  heathenism. 

The  spiritual  darkness  now  settling  down  upon  the  Chris- 
tian commonwealth  might  be  traced  in  the  growing  obscu- 
rity of  the  ecclesiastical  nomenclature.  The  power  and  the 
form  of  godliness  began  to  be  confounded,  and  the  same 
term  was  employed  to  denote  penance  and  repentance. t 
Bodily  mortification  was  mistaken  for  holiness,  and  celibacy 
for  sanctity.  J  Other  errors  of  an  equally  grave  character 
became  current,  for  the  penitent  was  described  as  making 
satisfaction  for  his  sins  by  his  fasts  and  his  outward  acts  of 
self  abasement,  §  and  thus  the  all-sufliciency  of  the  great 
atonement  was  openly  ignored.     Thus,  too,  the  doctrine  of 

*  See  canon  xi.  of  the  Council  of  Nice. 

t  See  Cyprian,  Epist.  xl.,  p.  53,  and  "  ad  Demetrianum,"  p.  442. 

X  See  p.  419,  note  §.  §  See  p.  460. 

2i 


498  THE  TRUE  REPENTANCE. 

a  free  salvation  to  transgressors  could  no  longer  be  pro- 
claimed, for  23ardon  was  clogged  with  conditions  as  burden- 
some to  the  sinner,  as  they  were  alien  to  the  spirit  of  the 
New  Testament.  The  doctrine  that  "  a  man  is  justified  by- 
faith  without  the  deeds  of  the  law,"""'  reveals  the  folly  of 
the  ancient  penitential  discipline.  Our  Father  in  heaven 
demands  no  useless  tribute  of  mortification  from  His  chil- 
dren ;  He  merely  requires  us  to  "  bring  forth  fruits  meet 
for  repentance."  t  "  Is  not  this  the  fast  that  1  have  chosen  1 " 
saith  the  Lord,  "  to  loose  the  bands  of  wickedness,  to  undo 
the  heavy  burdens,  and  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  and 
that  ye  break  every  yoke  ?  Is  it  not  to  deal  thy  bread  to 
the  hungry,  and  that  thou  bring  the  poor  that  are  cast  out 
to  thy  house  ?  when  thou  seest  the  naked,  that  thou  cover 
him;  and  that  thou  hide  not  thyself  from  thine  own  flesh  1 
Then  shall  thy  light  break  forth  as  the  morning,  and  thine 
health  shall  spring  forth  speedily;  and  thy  righteousness" 
shall  go  before  thee:  the  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  be  thy 
rere-ward.";}; 

*  Eom.  iii,  28.  f  Matt.  iii.  8.  +  Isa.  Iviii.  6-8. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE    CHUECH    IN   THE    SECOND 
CENTURY. 

Justin  Martye,  wlio  had  travelled  much,  and  who  was 
probably  as  well  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  Church 
about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  as  most  of  his  con- 
temporaries, has  left  behind  him  an  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  its  worship  was  then  conducted.  This  account, 
which  has  already  been  submitted  to  the  reader,*  represents 
one  individual  as  presiding  over  each  Christian  community, 
Avhether  in  the  city  or  the  country.  Where  the  Church 
consisted  of  a  single  congregation,  and  where  only  one  of 
the  elders  was  competent  to  preach,  it  is  easy  to  understand 
how  the  society  was  regulated.  In  accordance  with  apos- 
tolic arrangement,  the  presbyter,  who  laboured  in  the  Word 
and  doctrine,  was  counted  worthy  of  double  honour, t  and 
was  recognized  as  the  stated  chairman  of  the  solemn  assem- 
bly. His  brother  elders  contributed  in  various  ways  to 
assist  him  in  the  supervision  of  the  flock ;  but  its  prosperity 
greatly  depended  on  his  own  zeal,  piety,  prudence,  and 
ability.  Known  at  first  as  the  'president,  and  afterwards 
distinguished  by  the  title  of  the  bishop,  he  occupied  very 
much  the  same  position  as  the  minister  of  a  modern 
parish. 

AVhere   a  congregation   had   more  than  one  preaching 
elder,  the  case  was  difi'erent.     There,  several   individuals 

*  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  i.  pp.  465,  466.  t  1  Tim.  v.  17. 


500  EPISTLES  OF  CLEMENT  AND  POLYCAEP. 

were  in  the  habit  of  addressing  the  auditory/""  and  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  president  to  preserve  order;  to  interpose, 
perhaps,  by  occasional  suggestions;  and  to  close  the  exer- 
cise. When  several  congregations  with  a  plurality  of 
preaching  elders  existed  in  the  same  city,  the  whole  were 
affiliated;  and  a  president,  acknowledged  by  them  all, 
superintended  their  united  movements. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  much  obscurity  hangs  over  the 
general  condition  of  the  Christian  commonwealth  in  the 
first  half  of  the  second  century;  but  it  so  happens  that 
two  authentic  and  valuable  documents  which  still  remain, 
one  of  which  was  written  about  the  beginning  and  the 
other  about  the  close  of  this  period,  throw  much  light  upon 
the  question  of  Church  government.  These  documents  are 
the  "Epistle  of  Clement  to  the  Corinthians,"  and  the  "Epistle 
of  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians."  As  to  the  matters  respect- 
ing which  they  bear  testimony,  we  could  not  desire  more 
competent  witnesses  than  the  authors  of  these  two  letters. 
The  one  lived  in  the  AVest;  the  other,  in  the  East.  Clement, 
who  is  mentioned  by  the  Apostle  Paul,t  was  a  presbyter  of 
the  Church  of  Rome;  Polycarp,  who,  in  his  youth,  had  con- 
versed with  the  Apostle  John,  was  a  presbyter  of  the  Church 
of  Smyrna.  Clement  died  about  the  close  of  the  first  cen- 
tury, and  his  letter  to  the  Corinthians  was  written  three 
or  four  years  before,  that  is,  immediately  after  the  Domitian 
persecution;  Polycarp  survived  until  a  somewhat  advanced 
period  of  the  second  century,  and  his  letter  to  the  Philip- 
pians  was  probably  written  fifty  or  sixty  years  after  the 
date  of  the  Epistle  of  Clement.  J 

*  Apost.  Constit.  ii.  c.  17.  f  Phil.  iv.  3. 

J  No  less  than  five  persons  are  mentioned  as  having  i^receded  Polycarp  in 
the  see  of  Smyrna,  viz.,  Aristo,  Stratseas,  another  Aristo,  Apelles,  and  Bucolus. 
See  Jacobson's  "  Patres  Apostolici,"  ii.  564,  565,  note.  It  is  not  at  all  proba- 
ble that  he  became  the  senior  presbyter  long  before  the  middle  of  the  second 
century.  Irenseus,  indeed,  tells  us  that  he  was  constituted  bishop  of  Smyrna 
by  the  apostles  (lib.  iii.  c.  3,  §  4) — a  statement  which  implies  that  at  least  two  of 


CLEMENT  TO  THE  COETNTHIANS,  501 

Towards  the  termination  of  the  first  century  a  spirit  of 
discord  disturbed  the  Church  of  Corinth;  and  the  Church 
of  Eome,  anxious  to  restore  peace,  addressed  a  fraternal 
letter  to  the  distracted  community.  The  Epistle  was  drawn 
up  by  Clement,  who  was  then  the  leading  minister  of  the 
Italian  capital;  but,  as  it  is  written  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  brotherhood,  and  as  it  had,  no  doubt,  obtained  their 
sanction,  it  obviously  possesses  all  the  authority  of  a  public 
and  official  correspondence.  From  it  the  constitution  of 
the  Church  of  Corinth,  and,  by  implication,  of  the  Church 
of  Eome,  may  be  easily  ascertained :  and  it  furnishes  abund- 
ant proof  that,  at  the  time  of  its  composition,  both  these 
Christian  societies  were  under  presbyterial  government. 
Had  a  prelate  then  presided  in  either  Church,  a  circum- 
stance so  important  would  not  have  been  entirely  over- 
looked, more  especially  as  the  document  is  of  considerable 
length,  and  as  it  treats  expressly  upon  the  subject  of  eccle- 
siastical polity.  It  appears  that  some  members  of  the 
community  to  which  it  is  addressed  had  acted  undutifuUy 
towards  those  who  were  over  them  in  the  Lord,  and  it 
accordingly  condemns  in  very  emphatic  terms  a  course  of 
proceeding  so  disreputable.  "  It  is  shameful,  beloved,"  says 
the  Church  of  Rome  in  this  letter,  "  it  is  exceedingly  shame- 
ful and  unworthy  of  your  Christian  profession,  to  hear  that 
the  most  firm  and  ancieyit  Church  of  the  Corinthians  should, 
by  one  or  two  persons,  be  led  into  a  sedition  against  its 
elders!' '"'     "  Let  the  flock  of  Christ  be  in  peace  with  the 


the  inspired  heralds  of  the  gospel  were  concerned  in  his  designation  to  the 
ministry ;  but  as  he  was  still  only  a  boy  of  nineteen  when  the  last  survivor  of 
the  twelve  died  in  extreme  old  age,  the  words  cannot  mean  that  he  was 
actually  ordained  by  those  to  whom  our  Lord  originally  entrusted  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Church.  The  language  was  probably  designed  simply  to  imjDort 
that  John  and  perhaps  Philip  had  announced  his  future  eminence  when  he 
was  yet  a  child,  and  that  thus,  like  Timothy,  he  was  invested  with  the  pastoral 
commission  "according  to  the  prophecies"  which  they  had  previously  de- 
livered.    See  1  Tim.  1.  18  ;  iv.  14.  *  Sec.  74. 


502  CLEMENT  TO  THE  CORINTHIANS. 

ELDERS  THAT  ARE  SET  OVER  IT.""'  Having  Stated  that  the 
apostles  ordained  those  to  whom  the  charge  of  the  Christian 
Church  was  originally  committed,  it  is  added,  that  they 
gave  directions  in  what  manner,  after  the  decease  of  these 
primitive  pastors,  "  other  chosen  and  approved  men  should 
succeed  to  their  ministry."  t  The  Epistle  thus  continues — 
"  "Wherefore  we  cannot  think  that  those  may  justly  be 
thrown  out  of  their  ministry  who  were  either  ordained  by 
them  (the  apostles),  or  afterioards  hy  other  approved  men 
with  the  approbation  of  the  whole  Church,  and  who  have, 
with  all  lowliness  and  innocency,  ministered  to  the  flock  of 
Christ  in  peace  and  without  self-interest,  and  have  been /or 
a  long  time  commended  by  all.  For  it  would  be  no  small 
sin  in  us,  should  we  cast  off  those  from  the  ministry  who 
holily  and  without  blame  fulfil  the  duties  of  it.  Blessed 
are  those  elders  ivho,  having  finished  their  course  before  these 
times,  have  obtained  a  fruitful  and  perfect  dissolution."  J 
Towards  the  conclusion  of  the  letter,  the  parties  who  had 
created  this  confusion  in  the  Church  of  Corinth  have  the 
following  admonition  addressed  to  them — "  Do  ye,  there- 
fore, who  laid  the  foundation  of  the  sedition,  submit  your- 
selves unto  your  elders,  and  be  instructed  unto  repentance, 
bending  the  knees  of  your  hearts."  § 

In  the  preservation  of  this  precious  letter  we  are  bound 
to  recognize  the  hand  of  Providence.  ||  Its  instructions  were 
so  highly  appreciated  by  the  ancient  Christians  that  it  con- 
tinued to  be  publicly  read  in  many  of  their  churches 
for  centuries  afterwards.^     It  is  universally  acknowledged 


*  Sec.  54.  ■\  Sec.  44. 

X  Sec.  44.  All  these  quotations  attest  the  late  date  of  the  Epistle.  Tille- 
mont  places  it  iu  a.d.  97.  Eusebius  had  evidently  no  doubt  as  to  its  late  date. 
See  his  "  History,"  iii.  16.  §  Sec.  57. 

11  For  many  centuries  it  was  considered  lost.  At  length  in  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  a  copy  of  it  was  discovered  appended  to  a  very  ancient  manuscript 
containing  the  Septuagint  and  Greek  Testament — the  manuscript  now  known 
as  the  Codex  Alesandrinus.  IT  Euseb.  iii.  16  ;  iv.  23. 


CHUECH  OF  ROME  ORIGINALLY  PRESBYTERIAN.         503 

to  be  genuine  ;  it  breathes  the  benevolent  spirit  of  a  primi- 
tive presbyter  ;  and  it  is  distinguished  by  its  sobriety  and 
earnestness.  It  was  written  upon  the  verge  of  the  apostolic 
age,  and  it  is  the  production  of  a  pious,  sensible,  and  aged 
minister  who  preached  for  years  in  the  capital  of  the 
Empire.  The  Church  of  Eome  has  since  advanced  the  most 
extravagant  pretensions,  and  has  appealed  in  support  of 
them  to  ecclesiastical  tradition  ;  but  here,  an  elder  of  her 
own — one  who  had  conversed  with  the  apostles — and  one 
whom  she  delights  to  honour""" — deliberately  comes  forward 
and  ignores  her  assumptions !  She  fondly  believes  that 
Clement  was  an  early  Pope,  but  the  good  man  himself 
admits  that  he  was  only  one  of  the  presbyters.  Had  there 
then  been  a  bishop  of  Corinth,  this  letter  would  unquestion- 
ably have  exhorted  the  malcontents  to  submit  to  his  juris- 
diction ;  or  had  there  been  a  bishop  of  Eome,  it  would  not 
have  failed  to  dilate  upon  the  benefits  of  episcopal  govern- 
ment. But,  as  to  the  existence  of  any  such  functionary  in 
either  Church,  it  preserves  throughout  a  most  intelligible 
silence.  It  says  that  the  apostles  ordained  the  first-fruits  of 
their  conversions,  not  as  bishops  and  presbyters  and  deacons, 
but  as  "  hisliops  and  deacons  over  such  as  should  afterwards 
believe;"!  and  it  is  apparent  that,  when  it  was  written,  the 
terms  bishop  and  presbyter  were  still  used  interchangeably.  J 
The  Epistle  of  Polycarp  bears  equally  decisive  testimony. 
It  was  draw^n  up  perhaps  about  the  middle  of  the  second 
century,  §  and  though  the  last  survivor  of  the  apostles  was 
now  dead  for  many  years,  no  general  change  had  meanwhile 
taken  place  in  the  form  of  church  government.    This  docu- 

*  See  the  Romish  Breviary  under  the  23d  of  November,  where  a  number 
of  absurd  stories  are  told  concerning  him.  f  Sec.  42. 

X  They  continued  to  be  so  used  when  the  Peshito  version  of  the  New 
Testament  was  made.  That  version  is  assigned  by  the  best  authorities  to  the 
former  half  of  the  second  century.     See  p.  421,  note. 

§  It  is  probably  of  nearly  the  same  date  as  the  first  Apology  of  Justin 
Martyr. 


504  ANCIENT  CHURCH  PRESBYTERIAN. 

ment  purports  to  be  the  letter  of  "  Polycarp  and  tlie  elders 
who  are  with  him*  to  the  Church  of  God  which  is  at 
Philippi ; "  but  it  does  not  recognize  a  bishop  as  presiding 
over  the  Christian  community  to  which  it  is  addressed. 
The  Church  was  still  apparently  in  much  the  same  state 
as  when  Paul  wrote  to  "  the  saints  in  Christ  Jesus  which 
are  at  Philippi,  with  the  bishops  and  deacons ;'' \  for  Poly- 
carp was  certainly  not  aware  of  the  existence  of  any  new 
office-bearers ;  and  he  accordingly  exhorts  his  correspondents 
to  be  '' subject  to  the  presbyters  ayid  deacons!' \  "Let  the 
presbyters"  says  he,  "  be  compassionate,  merciful  to  all, 
bringing  back  such  as  are  in  error,  seeking  out  all  those 
that  are  weak,  not  neglecting  the  widow  or  the  fatherless,  or 
the  poor ;  but  providing  always  what  is  good  in  the  sight  of 
God  and  men ;  abstaining  from  all  wrath,  respect  of  persons, 
and  unrighteous  judgment ;  being  far  from  all  covetousness ; 
not  ready  to  believe  anything  against  any ;  oiot  severe  in  judg- 
ment, knowing  that  we  are  all  debtors  in  point  of  sin."§ 

It  is  stated  by  the  most  learned  of  the  fathers  of  the  fourth 
century  that  the  Church  was  at  first  "governed  by  the 
common  council  of  the  presbyters ; "  ||  and  these  two  letters 
prove  most  satisfactorily  the  accuracy  of  the  representation. 
They  shew  that,  throughout  the  whole  of  the  apostolic  age, 
this  species  of  polity  continued.  But  the  Scriptures  ordain 
that  "  all  things  be  done  decently  and  in  order  ;"1[  and,  as  a 
common  council  requires  an  official  head,  or  mayor,  to  take 
the  chair  at  its  meetings,  and  to  act  on  its  behalf,  so  the 
ancient  eldership,  or  presbytery,  must  have  had  a  president 
or  moderator.  It  would  appear  that  the  duty  and  honour 
of  presiding  commonly  devolved  on  the  senior  member  of 
the  judicatory.  We  may  thus  account  for  those  catalogues 
of  bishops,  reaching  back  to  the  days  of  the  apostles,  which 

*  01  avv  avra  npfa-^vTfpoi — evidently  equivalent  to  avfnrpea-lBvTepoi.  See 
1  Pet.  V.  i.  '  t  Hiil.  i.  1.  J  Sec.  5.  §  Sec.  6. 

II  Jerome,  "Comment,  in  Tit."  IT  1  Cor.  xiv.  40. 


THE  EARLY  BISHOP  A  PRESBYTERIAN  MODERATOR.     505 

are  furnislied  by  some  of  the  writers  of  antiquity.  From 
the  first,  every  presbytery  had  its  president  ;  and  as  the 
transition  from  the  moderator  to  the  bishop  was  the  work 
of  time,  the  distinction  at  one  period  was  little  more  than 
nominal.  Hence,  writers  who  lived  when  the  change  was 
taking  place,  or  when  it  had  only  been  recently  accomplished, 
speak  of  these  two  functionaries  as  identical.  But  in  their 
attempts  to  enumerate  the  bishops  of  the  apostolic  era,  they 
encountered  a  practical  difficulty.  The  elders  who  were  at 
first  set  over  the  Christian  societies  were  all  ordained,  in  each 
church,  on  the  same  occasion,*  and  were,  perhaps,  of  nearly 
the  same  age,  so  that  neither  their  date  of  appointment, 
nor  their  years,  could  well  determine  the  precedence ;  and  it 
is  probable  that,  in  general,  no  single  individual  continued 
permanently  to  occupy  the  office  of  moderator.  There  may 
have  been  instances  in  which  a  stated  president  was  chosen, 
and  yet  it  is  remarkable  that  not  even  one  such  case  can  be 
clearly  established  by  the  evidence  of  contemporary  docu- 
ments. When  all  the  other  apostles  departed  from  Jeru- 
salem, James  appears  to  have  remained  in  the  holy  city,  so 
that  we  may  reasonably  presume  he  always  acted,  when 
present,  as  chairman  of  the  mother  presbytery ;  and  ac- 
cordingly, the  writers  of  succeeding  ages  have  described  him 
as  the  first  bishop  of  the  Jewish  metropolis ;  but  so  little 
consequence  was  originally  attached  to  the  office  of  mode- 
rator,t  that,  in  as  far  as  the  New  Testament  is  concerned, 
the  situation  held  by  this  distinguished  man  can  be  inferred 
only  from  some  very  obscure  and  doubtful  intimations.  J  In 
Rome,  and  elsewhere,  the  primitive  elders  at  first,  perhaps, 
filled  the  chair  alternately.  Hence  the  so-called  episcopal 
succession  is  most  uncertain  and  confused  at  the  very  time 

*  As  in  Acts  xiv.  23. 

t  I  make  no  apology  for  employing  a  word  which  even  the  Benedictine 
Editor  of  Origen  has  adopted.  Thus  he  speaks  of  the  "  senatores  et  modera- 
tores  ecclesiee  Dei." — Contra  C'elsum.  iii.  30,  Opera,  i.  466. 

J  Such  as  Acts  xxi.  18  ;  Gal.  ii.  12. 


506  THE  SENIOR  PRESBYTER  THE  CHAIRMAN. 

when  it  should  be  sustained  by  evidence  the  most  decisive 
and  perspicuous.  The  lists  of  bishops,  commencing  with 
the  ministry  of  the  apostles,  and  extending  over  the  latter 
half  of  the  first  centmy,  are  little  better  than  a  mass  of 
contradictions.  The  compilers  seem  to  have  set  down, 
almost  at  random,  the  names  of  some  distinguished  men 
whom  they  found  connected  with  the  difi"erent  churches, 
and  thus  the  discrepancies  are  nearly  as  numerous  as  the 
catalogues.  * 

But  when  Clement  dictated  the  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
most  of  the  elders,  ordained  by  the  apostles  or  evangelists 
about  the  middle  of  the  first  century,  must  have  finished 
their  career;  and  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  that  this 
eminent  minister  was  then  the  father  of  the  Roman  pres- 
bytery. The  superscription  of  the  letter  to  the  Philippians 
supplies  direct  proof  that,  at  the  time  when  it  was  written, 
Polycarp  likewise  stood  at  the  head  of  the  presbytery  of 
Smyrna.!  Other  circumstances  indicate  that  the  senior 
presbyter  now  began  to  be  regarded  as  the  stated  president 
of  the  eldership.  Hilary,  one  of  the  best  commentators  of 
the  ancient  Church,J  bears  exphcit  testimony  to  the  exist- 
ence of  such  an  arrangement.  "  x4t  first,"  says  he,  "  pres- 
byters were  called  bishops,  so  that  when  the  one  (who  was 
called  bishop)   passed  away,  the  next  in  order  took  his 

*  "At  Antiocli  some,  as  Origen  and  Eusebius,  make  Ignatius  to  succeed 
Peter.  Jerome  makes  liim  the  third  bishop,  and  placeth  Evodius  before  him. 
Others,  therefore,  to  solve  that,  make  them  contemporary  bishops  ;  the  one, 
of  the  Church  of  the  Jews ;  the  other,  of  the  Gentiles.  .  .  .  Come  we  to 
Rome,  and  here  the  succession  is  as  muddy  as  the  Tiber  itself ;  for  here 
TertuUian,  Rufinus,  and  several  others,  place  Clement  next  to  Peter.  Irenseus 
and  Eusebius  set  Anacletus  before  him ;  Epiphanius  and  Optatus  both 
Anacletus  and  Cletus  ;  Augustinus  and  Damasus,  with  others,  make  Anacletus, 
Cletus,  and  Linus  all  to  precede  him.  What  way  shall  we  find  to  extricate 
om-selves  out  of  this  labyrinth  ? " — Stillingfleefs  Irenicum,  part  ii.  ch.  7.  p.  321. 

t  "  Polycarp,  and  the  elders  who  are  with  him,  to  the  Church  of  God  which 
is  at  Philippi." 

X  A  Roman  deacon  of  the  fourth  century.  His  works  are  commonly 
appended  to  those  of  Ambrose. 


THE  SENIOR  PRESBYTER  THE  CHAIRMAN.  507 

place."'"'  "Though  every  bishop  is  a  presbyter,  every 
presbyter  is  not  a  bishop,  for  he  is  bishop  who  is  first 
among  the  presbyters."  t  As  soon  as  the  regulation,  recog- 
nizing the  claims  of  seniority  was  proposed,  its  advocates 
were,  no  doubt,  prepared  to  recommend  it  by  arguments 
which  possessed  at  least  considerable  plausibility.  The 
Scriptures  frequently  inculcate  respect  for  age,  and  when 
the  apostle  says — "  Likewise,  ye  younger,  submit  yoiu'selves 
unto  the  elder,"  J  he  seems,  from  the  connexion  in  which 
the  words  occur,  to  refer  specially  to  the  deportment  of 
junior  ministers.  §  In  the  lists  of  the  Twelve  to  be  found 
in  the  New  Testament  the  name  of  Peter  appears  Ji^^st;  || 
and  if,  as  is  believed,  he  was  more  advanced  in  years  than 
any  of  his  brethren,1[  it  is  easy  to  understand  why  this 
precedence  has  been  given  to  him ;  for,  in  all  likelihood,  he 
usually  acted  as  president  of  the  apostolic  presbytery. 
Even  the  construction  of  corporate  bodies  in  the  Roman 
Empire  might  have  suggested  the  arrangement;  for  it  is 
well  known  that,  in  the  senates  of  the  cities  out  of  Italy, 

*  "  Primum  presbyteri  episcopi  appellabantur,  ut,  recedente  uuo,  sequeus 
ei  succederet." — Comment,  in  Eph.  iv. 

t  "  Ut  omnis  episcopus  presbyter  sit,  non  omnis  presbyter  episcopus  ;  hie 
enim  episcoijus  est,  qui  inter  presbyteros  primus  est." — Comment,  in  1  Tiin. 
iii.  According  to  a  leai*ned  writer  this  arrangement  extended  farther.  "  Ita, 
uti  videtur,  comparatum  f uit,  ut  defuncto  presbytero,  primus  ordine  diaconus 
locum  occuparet  ultimum  presbyterorum,  novusque  in  locum  novissimum 
substitueretm*  diaconus ;  decedeute  vero  episcopo,  primus  ordine  presbyter  in 
ejus  locum  sufficeretur,  et  primus  in  ordine  diaconorum  novissimam  presby- 
terii  sedem  capesseret." — Thomce  Brunonis  Judicium  de  auctore  Can.  et  Const, 
quce  apost.  dicuntur.     Cotelerius,  ii.  Ap.  p.  179. 

X  1  Pet.  V.  5.  It  is  a  curious  and  striking  fact,  arguing  strongly  in  favour 
of  the  antiquity  of  their  Church  polity,  that  among  the  Vaudois  Barbs  of  old 
the  claims  of  seniority  were  distinctly  acknowledged.  The  following  rule  of 
discipline  is  taken  from  one  of  their  ancient  MSS.  "  He  that  is  received  the 
last  (into  the  ministry  by  imposition  of  hands)  ought  to  do  nothing  without 
the  permission  of  him  that  was  received  before  him." — Moreland,  History  of 
the  Evang.  Ch.  of  the  Valleys  of  Piedmont,  p.  74. 

§  He  is  speaking  immediately  before  of  presbyters.     See  1  Pet.  v.  1-4. 

II  Matt.  X.  2,  "  The  first,  Simon,  who  is  called  Peter."  Mark  iii.  16 ;  Luke 
vi.  14;  Acts  i.  13.  IT  Jerome  in  "  Jovin,"  i.  14. 


508  THE  SENIOR  PRESBYTEK  THE  CHAIRMAN. 

the  oldest  decurion,  under  the  title  jprincipalis,  acted  as 
president.'"'  Did  we,  therefore,  even  want  the  direct  evi- 
dence abeady  quoted,  we  might  have  inferred,  on  other 
grounds,  that,  at  an  early  date,  the  senior  member  generally 
presided  wherever  an  eldership  was  erected. 

As  a  point  of  such  interest  relating  to  the  constitution  of 
the  ancient  Church  should  be  carefully  elucidated,  it  may 
be  necessary  to  fortify  the  statement  of  Hilary  by  some 
additional  evidence.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  this 
candid  and  judicious  commentator  ventured,  without  due 
authority,  to  describe  the  original  order  of  succession  in 
the  presidential  chair;  and  he  had,  no  doubt,  access  to 
sources  of  information  which  have  long  ceased  to  be  avail- 
able; but  the  credit  of  the  fact  for  which  he  vouches  does 
not  rest  upon  the  unsustained  support  of  his  solitary 
attestation.  Whilst  his  averment  is  recommended  by  in- 
ternal marks  of  probabihty,  and  whilst  it  is  countenanced 
by  several  scriptural  intimations,  it  is  also  corroborated  by 
a  large  amount  of  varied  and  independent  testimony.  We 
shall  now  exhibit  some  of  the  most  striking  portions  of  the 
confirmatory  proof. 

I.  The  language  applied  in  ancient  documents  to  the 
primitive  presidents  of  the  Churches  illustrates  the  accuracy 
of  this  venerable  commentator.  In  one  of  the  earliest 
extant  notices  of  these  ecclesiastical  functionaries,  a  bishop 
is  designated  "  the  old  man.''  t  The  age  of  the  individual 
who  is  thus  distinguished  was  not  a  matter  of  accident; 
for  each  of  his  brethren  in  the  same  position,  all  over  the 
Church,  was  called  "  father  "J  on  the  ground  of  his  seniority. 

*  Savigny's  "  History  of  the  Roman  Law,"  by  Catlicart,  i.  pp.  62,  63,  75. 

t  Euseb.  iii.  23.     6  ivpea-^vT-qs. 

X  In  Africa  the  senior  bishop  or  metropolitan  was  called  father.  See 
Bingham,  i.  200.  In  the  second  century  we  find  the  name  given  to  the 
Roman  bishop.  See  Routh's  "  Reliquiae,"  i.  287.  According  to  Eutychius, 
his  predecessor  in  the  see  of  Alexandria  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century 
was  called  "  Baba  (Papa),  that  is,  grandfather." 


THE  SENIOR  PRESBYTER  THE  CHAIRMAN.  509 

The  official  title  ''Pope,''  wliich  has  the  same  meaning, 
had  also  the  same  origin.  It  was  given  at  first  to  every 
president  of  the  eldership,  because  he  was,  in  point  of  fact, 
the  father,  or  senior  member,  of  the  judicatory.  It  soon, 
no  doubt,  ceased  to  convey  this  meaning,  but  it  still  re- 
mained as  a  memorial  of  the  primitive  regimen. 

II.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that,  in  none  of  the  great  sees 
before  the  close  of  the  second  century,  do  we  find  any  trace 
of  the  existence  of  a  young,  or  even  of  a  middle-aged 
bishop.  When  Ignatius  of  Antioch  was  martyred,  he  was 
verging  on  fourscore;  Polycarp  of  Smyrna  finished  his 
career  at  the  age  of  eighty-six;  Pothinus  of  Lyons  feU  a 
victim  to  persecution  when  he  was  upwards  of  ninety;* 
Narcissus  of  Jerusalem  must  have  been  at  least  that  age 
when  he  was  first  placed  in  the  presidential  chair  ;t  one  of 
his  predecessors,  named  Justus,  appears  to  have  been  about 
one  hundred  and  ten  when  he  reached  the  same  dignity  ;| 
and  Simeon  of  Jerusalem  died  when  he  had  nearly  com- 
pleted the  patriarchal  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty.  As 
an  individual  might  become  a  member  of  the  presbytery 
when  comparatively  young,  §  such  extraordinary  longevity 
among  the  bishops  of  the  second  century  can  be  best 
explained  by  accepting  the  testimony  of  Hilary. 

III.  The  number  of  bishops  now  found  within  a  short 
period  in  the  same  see  has  long  presented  a  difficulty  to 
many  students  of  ecclesiastical  history.  Thus,  at  Eome  in 
the  first  forty  years  of  the  second  century  there  were  five 
or  six  bishops,  1|  and  yet  only  one  of  them  suff'ered  mart}T- 

*  Euseb.  V.  1. 

t  He  was  one  hundred  and  sixteen  years  of  age  in  a.d.  212  (Euseb.  vi.  11), 
so  that  in  a.d.  196,  or  about  the  time  of  the  Palestinian  Synod  at  which  he 
presided  (Euseb.  v.  23),  he  was  a  century  old. 

X  Etheridge's  "  Syrian  Chiu-ches,"  pp.  9,  10. 

§  See  1  Tim.  iv.  12. 

II  That  is,  Anacletus,  Evaristus,  Alexander,  Sixtus,  Telesi^horus,  and 
Hyginus ;  but  some  consider  Anacletus  the  same  as  Cletus,  who  is  supposed 
to  have  died  before  Clement. 


510       THE  ANCIENT  CHUECH  OF  JERUSALEM. 

dom.  Within  twelve  or  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of 
Polycarp,  there  were  several  bishops  in  Smyrna/'^  But  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem  furnishes  the  most  wonderful  example 
of  this  quick  succession  of  episcopal  dignitaries.  Simeon, 
one  of  the  relatives  of  our  Lord,  is  reported  to  have  become 
the  presiding  pastor  after  the  destruction  of  the  city  by 
Titus,  and  to  have  been  martyred  about  the  close  of  the 
reign  of  Trajan,  or  in  a.d.  116;  and  yet,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  Eusebius,t  no  less  than  thirteen  bishops  in 
succession  occupied  his  place  before  the  end  of  the  year 
a.d.  134.  He  must  have  been  set  at  the  head  of  the  Church 
when  he  was  above  threescore  and  ten; J  and  dying,  as 
already  stated,  at  the  extreme  age  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty,  he  probably  left  behind  him  a  considerable  staff  of 
very  aged  elders.  These  may  have  become  presidents  in 
the  order  of  their  seniority ;  and  as  they  would  pass  rapidly 
away,  we  may  thus  account  for  the  extraordinary  number 
of  the  early  chief  pastors  of  the  ancient  capital  of  Pales- 
tine.§ 

At  this  time,  or  about  a.d.  135,  the  original  Christian 

*  Pearson  has  noticed  this  fact,  and  has  endeavoured  to  erect  upon  it  an 
argument  against  the  current  chronology.  See  his  "  Minor  Works,"  ii.  527. 
It  would  appear  that  the  names  of  the  three  bishops  of  Smyrna  next  after 
Polycarp  were  Thraseas,  Papirius,  and  Camerius.  At  least  two  of  these  had 
passed  away  a  considerable  time  before  the  Paschal  controversy.  See  Gres- 
well's  "  Dissertations,"  iv.  i^art  ii.  p.  600,  note. 

t  Hist.  iv.  5. 

X  According  to  Eusebius  his  appointment  took  place  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  or  about  a.d.  71.  He  was,  therefore,  at  the  head  of  the  Church 
forty-five  years,  as  his  martyrdom  occurred  in  a.d.  116.  According  to  this 
reckoning  he  was  in  his  seventy-fifth  year  when  made  president. 

§  This  explanation  of  the  matter  approximates  to  that  given  by  Tillemont. 
"  Cela  pent  estre  venu  de  ce  qu'on  les  choisissoit  entre  les  plus  agez  du  Clerge 
pour  les  faire  Evesques :  car  on  ne  voit  pas  qu'ils  ayent  est6  plus  persecutez 
que  d'autres." — 3Iem.  pour  servir  d  VHistoire  Ecclesiastique,  tom.  ii.  part  ii. 
p.  40.  It  would  appear  from  Eusebius  (iii.  32),  that  at  the  time  of  the  death 
of  Simeon  there  were  still  living  a  number  of  very  old  persons  who  were 
relatives  of  our  Lord.  Some  of  these  were,  probably,  elders  in  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem. 


THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH  OP  JERUSALEM.  511 

Cliurcli  of  Jerusalem  was  virtually  dissolved.  The  Jews 
had  grievously  provoked  Hadrian  by  their  revolt  under  the 
impostor  Barchochebas ;  and  the  Emperor,  in  consequence, 
resolved  to  exclude  the  entire  race  from  the  precincts  of 
the  holy  city.  The  faithful  Hebrews,  who  had  hitherto 
worshipped  there  under  the  ministry  of  Simeon  and  his 
successors,  still  observed  the  Mosaic  law,  and  were  conse- 
quently treated  as  Jews,  so  that  they  were  now  obliged  to 
break  up  their  association,  and  remove  to  other  districts. 
A  Christian  Church,  composed  chiefly  of  Gentile  converts, 
was  soon  afterwards  established  in  the  same  place ;  and  the 
new  society  elected  an  individual,  named  Marcus,  as  their 
bishop,  or  presiding  elder.  Marcus  was,  probably,  in  the 
decline  of  life  when  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  com- 
munity; and  on  his  demise,'"'  as  well  as  long  afterwards, 
the  old  rule  of  succession  seems  to  have  been  observed. 
During  the  sixty  years  immediately  after  his  appointment, 
there  were  fifteen  bishops  at  Jerusalem  t — a  fact  which 
apparently  indicates  that,  on  the  occurrence  of  a  vacancy, 
the  senior  elder  still  continued  to  be  advanced  to  the  epis- 
copal chair.  This  conclusion  is  remarkably  corroborated  by 
the  circumstance  that  Narcissus,  who  was  bishop  of  the 
ancient  capital  of  Judea  at  the  end  of  these  sixty  years, 
was,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  upwards  of  fourscore 
and  ten  when  he  obtained  his  ecclesiastical  promotion. 

The  episcopal  roll  of  Jerusalem  has  no  recorded  parallel 
in  the  annals  of  the  Christian  ministry,  for  there  were  no 
less  than  tioenty-eight  bishops  in  the  holy  city  in  a  period  of 
eighty  years.  Even  the  Popes  have  never  followed  each 
other  with  such  rapidity.  The  Eoman  Prelate,  when  ele- 
vated to  St  Peter's  chair,  has  almost  invariably  been  far 
advanced  in  years,  and  the  instances  are  not  a  few  in  which 
Pontifls  have  fallen  ^dctims  to  poison  or  to  open  violence ; 

*  He  is  said  in  the  "  Chronicon  "  of  Eusebiiis  to  have  presided  sixteen  years, 
t  Euseb.  V.  12. 


512  THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH  OF  JERUSALEM, 

and  yet  their  liistoiy,  even  in  the  worst  of  times,  exhibits 
nothing  ecpal  to  the  freqnency  of  the  successions  indicated 
by  this  ancient  episcopal  registry.'"  It  would  appear  from 
it  that  there  were  more  bishops  in  Jerusalem  in  the  second 
century  than  there  have  been  Archbishops  of  Canterbury 
for  the  last  four  hundred  years  !  t  Such  facts  demonstrate 
that  those  who  then  stood  at  the  head  of  the  mother  Church 
of  Christendom,  must  have  reached  their  position  by  means 
of  some  order  of  succession  very  different  from  that  which 
is  now  established.  Hilary  furnishes  at  once  a  simple  and 
an  adequate  explanation.  The  senior  minister  was  the  pre- 
sident, or  bishop;  and  as,  when  placed  in  the  episcopal 
chair,  he  had  already  reached  old  age,  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  he  could  long  retain  a  situation  which  re- 
quired some  exertion  and  involved  much  anxiety.  Hence 
the  startling  amount  of  episcopal  mortality. 

As  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  may  be  said  to  have  been 
founded  by  our  Lord  himself,  it  could  lay  claim  to  a  higher 
antiquity  than  any  other  Christian  community  in  exist- 
ence; and  it  long  continued  to  be  regarded  by  the  disciples 
all  over  the  Empire  with  peculiar  interest  and  veneration.^ 
When  re-established  about  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Hadrian, 
it  was  properly  a  new  society;  but  it  still  enjoyed  the 
prestige  of  ancient  associations.  Its  history  has,  therefore, 
been  investigated  by  Eusebius  with  special  care;  he  teUs 
us  that  he  derived  a  portion  of  his  information  from  its 
own  archives  ;§  and,  though  he  enters  into  details  respect- 

*  In  the  tenth  century,  the  darkest  and  most  revolting  period  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Popedom,  there  were  tu-ent2/-four  hisho'ps  of  Rome.  Some  of  these 
reigned  only  a  few  days  ;  at  least  one  of  them  was  strangled  ;  several  of  them 
died  in  prison  ;  and  several  others  were  driven  from  the  see  or  deposed. 
There  have  been  only  twenty-foiir  Popes  in  the  last  two  himdred  and  fifty 
years. 

+  There  have  been  only  twenty-eight  Archbishops  of  Canterbury  since 
1454. 

t  In  the  middle  of  the  third  century  we  find  Firmilian  appealing  to  it  as  a 
witness  against  the  Church  of  Rome.     Cj^irian,  Epist.  Ixxv.  Opera,  p.  303. 

§  "  Hist."  vi.  20. 


THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH  OF  JERUSALEM.       513 

ing  very  few  of  tlie  early  Churclies,  he  notices  it  with 
unusual  frequency,  and  gives  an  accredited  list  of  the 
names  of  its  successive  chief  pastors/"'  About  this  period 
it  was  obviously  considered  a  model  which  other  Christian 
societies  of  less  note  might  very  safely  imitate.  It  is,  there- 
fore, all  the  more  important  if  we  are  able  to  ascertain  its 
constitution,  as  we  are  thus  prepared  to  speak  with  a 
measm-e  of  confidence  respecting  the  form  of  ecclesiastical 
government  which  prevailed  throughout  the  second  cen- 
tury. The  facts  already  stated,  when  coupled  with  the 
positive  affirmation  of  the  Eoman  Hilary,  place  the  solution 
of  the  question,  as  nearly  as  possible,  upon  the  basis  of 
demonstration;  for,  if  we  reject  the  conclusion  that,  during 
a  himdred  years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle  John,  the 
senior  member  of  the  presbytery  of  Jerusalem  was  the  pre- 
sident or  moderator,  we  may  in  vain  attempt  to  explain, 
upon  any  sound  statistical  principles,  how  so  many  bishops 
passed  away  in  succession  within  so  limited  periods,  and 
how,  at  several  points  along  the  line,  and  exactly  where 
they  might  have  been  expected,t  we  find  individuals  in 
occupation  of  the  chair  who  had  attained  to  extreme 
longevity. 

IV.  The  statement  of  Hilary  illustrates  the  peculiar  co- 
gency of  the  argumentation  employed  by  the  defenders  of 
the  faith  who  flourished  about  the  close  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. This  century  was  pre-eminently  the  age  of  heresies, 
and  the  disseminators  of  error  were  most  extravagant  and 
unscrupulous  in  their  assertions.  The  heresiarchs,  among 
other  things,  affirmed  that  the  inspii*ed  heralds  of  the  gospel 
had  not  committed  their  whole  system  to  written  records; 
that  they  had  entrusted  certain  higher  revelations  only  to 
select  or  perfect  disciples ;  and  that  the  doctrine  of  Aeons, 

*  «Hist."iv.  5;  v.  12. 

t  Such  as,  after  the  death  of  the  aged  Simeon,  when  Justus,  at  the  age  of 
fivescore  and  ten,  was  advanced  to  the  presidential  chair. 

2  K 


514  THE   BISHOPS  ATTEST  THE  TRADITIONS. 

which  they  so  assiduously  promulgated,  was  derived  from 
this  hidden  treasure  of  ecclesiastical  tradition.'"  To  such 
assertions  the  champions  of  orthodoxy  were  prepared  to 
furnish  a  triumphant  reply,  for  they  could  shew  that  the 
Gnostic  system  was  inconsistent  with  Scripture,  and  that 
its  credentials,  said  to  be  derived  from  tradition,  were 
utterly  apocryphal.  They  could  appeal,  in  proof  of  its 
falsehood,  to  the  tradition  which  had  come  down  to  them- 
selves from  the  apostles,  and  which  was  still  preserved  in 
the  Churches  "  through  the  successions  of  the  elders."  t 
They  could  farther  refer  to  those  who  stood  at  the  head  of 
their  respective  presbyteries  as  the  witnesses  most  cofape- 
tent  to  give  evidence.  "  We  are  able,"  says  Irenseus,  "  to 
enumerate  those  whom  the  apostles  established  as  l)ishops 
in  the  Churches,;]:  together  with  their  successors  down  to 
our  own  times,  who  neither  taught  any  such  doctrine  as 
these  men  rave  about,  nor  had  any  knowledge  of  it.  For 
if  the  apostles  had  been  acquainted  with  recondite  mysteries 
which  they  were  in  the  habit  of  teaching  to  the  perfect 
disciples  apart  and  without  the  knowledge  of  the  rest,  they 
would  by  all  means  have  communicated  them  to  those  to 
whom  they  entrusted  the  care  of  the  Church  itself,  since 
they  wished  that  those  whom  they  left  behind  them  as 
their  successors,  and  to  whom  they  gave  their  own  place  of 
authority,  should  be  quite  perfect  and  irreproachable  in  all 
things."  § 

Had  the  succession  to  the  episcopal  chair  l^een  regulated 
by  the  arrangements  of  modern  times,  there  would  have 

*  Irenseus,  iii.  2.     TertuUian,  "  De  Prsescrip.  Heeret."  §  25. 

t  "  Ad  earn  iterum  traditionem,  quse  est  ab  apostolis,  quge  per  successiones 
preshyterorum  iu  ecclesiis  custoditur,  provocamus  eos." — Irenceus,  iii.  2. 

%  Ii-enaeus  here  speaks  in  the  language  of  his  own  times,  and  refers  to  the 
presidents,  or  senior  ministers,  of  the  presbyteries.  In  like  manner  Hilary 
says  that  the  change  in  the  mode  of  appointing  the  president  of  the  presby- 
tery was  made  by  the  decision  of  many  priests  (multorum  sacerdotum  judicio), 
though  the  title  priest  was  not  given  to  a  Christian  minister  when  the  altera- 
tion was  originally  proposed.  §  Irenseus,  iii.  3. 


THE  BISHOPS  ATTEST  THE  TKADITIONS.  515 

been  little  weight  in  the  reasoning  of  Irenseus.  The  decla- 
ration of  the  bishop  respecting  the  tradition  of  the  Church 
over  which  lie  happened  to  preside  would  have  possessed  no 
special  vahie.  But  it  was  otherwise  in  the  days  of  this 
pastor  of  Lyons.  The  bishop  was  generally  one  of  the 
oldest  members  of  the  community  with  which  he  was  con- 
nected, and  had  been  longer  conversant  with  its  ecclesias- 
tical affairs  than  any  other  minister.  His  testimony  to  its 
traditions  was,  therefore,  of  the  highest  im^Dortance.  In  a 
few  of  the  great  Churches,  as  we  have  elsewhere  shewn,^^ 
the  senior  elder  now  no  longer  succeeded,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  to  the  episcopate ;  but  age  continued  to  be  univer- 
sally regarded  as  an  indispensable  qualification  for  the 
office,t  and,  when  Irenseus  wrote,  the  law  of  seniority  appears 
to  have  been  still  generally  maintained.  It  was,  therefore, 
with  marked  propriety  that  he  appealed  to  the  evidence 
of  the  bishops;  as  they,  from  their  position,  were  most 
com^Detent  to  expose  the  falsehood  of  the  fables  of  Gnos- 
ticism. 

V.  It  is  well  known  that,  in  some  of  the  most  ancient 
councils  of  which  we  have  any  record,  the  senior  bishop 
officiated  as  moderator ;|  and,  long  after  age  had  ceased  to 
determine  the  succession  to  the  episcojDal  chair,  the  recogni- 
tion of  its  claims,  under  various  forms,  may  be  traced  in 
ecclesiastical  history.  In  Spain,  so  late  as  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, the  senior  chief  pastor  acted  as  president  when  the 
bishops  and  presbyters  assembled  for  deliberation.  §  In 
Africa  the  same  rule  was  observed  until  the  Church  of  that 

*  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  iv.  ;  and  Period  II.  sect.  iii.  chap.  vii. 

t  According  to  a  very  ancient  canon,  no  one  under  fifty  years  of  age  could 
be  made  a  bishop.  See  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  iii.  56.  Even  in  the  time 
of  Cyprian  much  stress  was  still  laid  upon  age.  See  Cyprian,  Epist.  Iii. 
p.  156. 

X  See  Period  II.  sect.  iii.  chap.  xi.     See  also  Bingham,  i.  198. 

§  Miiuter's  "Primordia  Ecclesiee  Africanse,"  p.  49.  See  also  Bingham,  vi. 
377-379. 


516  THE  BISHOP  GUIDED  BY  THE  ELDERS. 

country  was  overwhelmed  by  the  northern  barbarians.  In 
Mauritania  and  Numidia,  even  in  the  fifth  century,  the 
senior  bishop  of  the  province,  whoever  he  might  be,  was 
acknowledged  as  metropolitan.'''  In  the  usages  of  a  still 
later  age  we ,  may  discover  vestiges  of  the  ancient  regTila- 
tion,  for  the  bishops  sat,  in  the  order  of  their  seniority,  in 
the  provincial  synods.t  Still  farther,  where  the  bishop  of 
the  chief  city  of  the  province  was  the  stated  metropolitan, 
the  ecclesiastical  law  still  retained  remembrancers  of  the 
primitive  polity ;  as,  when  this  dignitary  died,  the  senior 
bishop  of  the  district  performed  his  functions  until  a  suc- 
cessor was  regularly  appointed.J 

Though  the  senior  presbyter  presided  in  the  meetings  of 
his  brethren,  and  was  soon  known  by  the  name  of  bishop, 
it  does  not  appear  that  he  originally  possessed  any  superior 
authority.  He  held  his  place  for  life,  but  as  he  was  sinking 
under  the  weight  of  years  when  he  succeeded  to  it,  he  could 
not  venture  to  anticipate  an  extended  career  of  official  dis- 
tinction. In  all  matters  relating  either  to  discipline,  or  the 
general  interests  of  the  brotherhood,  he  was  expected  to 
carry  out  the  decisions  of  the  eldership,  so  that,  under  his 
presidential  rule,  the  Church  was  still  substantially  governed 
by  "  the  common  council  of  the  presbyters." 

The  allegation  that  presbyterial  government  existed  in 
all  its  integrity  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century  does 
not  rest  on  the  foundation  of  obscure  intimations  or  doubt- 
ful inferences.  It  can  be  established  by  direct  and  conclu- 
sive testimony.  Evidence  has  already  been  adduced  to 
shew  that  the  senior  jDresbyter  of  Smyrna  continued  to  pre- 
side until  the  days  of  Irenaeus,  and  there  is  also  documen- 
tary proof  that  meanwhile  he  possessed  no  autocratical 
authority.  The  supreme  power  was  still  vested  in  the 
council  of  the  elders.     This  point  is  attested  by  Hijopolytus, 

*  Bingham,  i.  201. 

t  Binius,  i.  5.     Fourth  Council  of  Toledo,  canon  4.  X  Bingham,  i.  204. 


THE  CHURCH  GOVERNED  BY  THE  ELDERS.      517 

■who  was  now  just  entering  on  his  ecclesiastical  career,  and 
who,  in  one  of  his  works,  a  fragment  of  which  has  been 
preserved,  describes  the  manner  in  which  the  rulers  of  the 
Church  dealt  with  the  heretic  Noetus.  The  transaction 
probably  occurred  about  a.d.  190.*  "There  are  certain 
others,"  says  Hippolytus,  "who  introduce  clandestinely  a 
strange  doctrine,  being  disciples  of  one  Noetus,  who  was  by 
birth  a  Smyrnean,  and  lived  not  long  ago.  This  man, 
being  puffed  up,  was  led  to  forget  himself,  being  elated  by 
the  vain  fancy  of  a  strange  spirit.  He  said  that  Christ  is 
himself  the  Father,  and  that  the  Father  himself  had  been 

born,  and  had  suffered  and  died When  the  blessed 

p7'esbyters  heard  these  things,  they  summoned  him  and 
examined  him  before  the  Chnrch.  He,  however,  denied, 
saying  at  first  that  such  were  not  his  sentiments.  But 
afterwards,  when  he  had  intrigued  with  some,  and  had 
found  persons  to  join  him  in  his  error,  he  took  courage,  and 
at  length  resolved  to  stand  by  his  dogma.  The  blessed 
presbyters  again  summoned  him,  and  administered  a 
rebul:e.  But  he  withstood  them,  saying — '  Why,  what  evil 
am  I  doing  in  glorifying  Christ  1'  To  whom  the  2^resbyters 
replied — '  We  also  truly  acknowledge  one  God ;  we  acknow- 
ledge Christ  ;  we  acknowledge  that  the  Son  suffered  as  He 
did  suffer,  that  He  died  as  He  did  die,  and  that  He  rose 
again  the  third  day,  and  that  He  is  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Father,  and  that  He  is  coming  to  judge  the  quick  and  the 
dead ;  and  we  declare  those  things  which  we  have  been 
taught.'  Then  they  rebuked  him,  and  cast  him  out  of  the 
Churchr\ 

*  Bunsen  dates  it  about  A.D.  200.  "  Hippolytus  and  his  Age,"  p.  114.  The 
recently  discovered  treatise  of  Hippolytus  against  all  heresies  shews  that  Noe- 
tus must  have  appeared  much  earlier  than  most  modern  ecclesiastical  histo- 
rians have  reckoned. 

t  Routh,  "  Scriptorum  Ecclesiasticorum  Opuscula,"  torn.  i.  pp.  49,  50.  Oxon, 
1858.  This  extract  proves  that  the  Church  of  Smyrna  continued  under  pres- 
byterial  government  long  after  the  time  of  Polycarp.  Other  Churches  about 
this  time  were  in  the  same  position.     See  Eusebius,  v.  16. 


518  CHANGE  IN  THE  CHURCH  CONSTITUTION. 

About  the  time  to  which  these  words  refer  a  change  was 
made  in  the  ecclesiastical  constitution.  The  senior  minister 
ceased  to  preside  over  the  eldership  ;  and  the  Church  was 
no  longer  governed,  as  heretofore,  by  the  "  blessed  presby- 
ters." It  would  appear  that  the  synods  which  were  held 
all  over  the  Church  for  the  suppression  of  the  Montanist 
agitation,  and  in  connexion  with  the  Paschal  controversy,''^ 
adojDted  a  modified  episcopacy.  As  parties  already  in  the 
presidential  chair  were,  no  doubt,  permitted  to  hold  office 
during  life,  this  change  could  not  have  been  accomplished 
instantaneously  ;  but  various  circumstances  concur  to  prove 
that  it  took  place  about  the  period  now  indicated.  The 
following  reasons,  among  others,  may  be  adduced  in  support 
of  this  view  of  the  history  of  the  ecclesiastical  revolution. 

I.  The  Montanists,  towards  the  termination  of  the  second 
century,  created  much  confusion  by  their  extravagant  doc- 
trines and  their  claims  to  inspiration.  These  fanatics  were 
in  the  habit  of  disturbing  public  worship  by  uttering  their 
pretended  revelations,  and  as  they  were  often  countenanced 
by  individual  elders,  the  best  mode  of  protecting  the  Church 
from  their  annoyance  soon  became  a  question  of  grave  and 
pressing  difficulty.  Ej)iscopacy,  as  shall  afterwards  be 
shewn,+  had  abeady  been  introduced  in  some  great  cities, 
and  about  this  time  the  Churches  generally  agreed  to  follow 
the  influential  example.  It  was,  no  doubt,  thought  that 
order  could  be  more  effectually  preserved  were  a  single 
individual  armed  with  independent  authority.  Thus,  the 
system  of  government  by  presbyters  was  gradually  and 
silently  subverted. 

II.  It  is  well  known  that  the  close  of  the  second  century 
is  a  transition  period  in  the  history  of  the  Church.     A  new 

*  During  the  Paschal  controversy  the  Churches  of  Jerusalem,  Ceesarea,  and 
others  sided  with  Rome,  and  then  probably  adopted  her  ecclesiastical  regimen. 
It  had,  perhaps,  been  generally  adopted  in  Asia  Minor  during  the  Montanist 
agitation.  f  Chapter  vii.  of  this  section. 


CHANGE  IN  THE  CHURCH  CONSTITUTION.  519 

ecclesiastical  nomenclature  now  appeared ; """  the  bishops 
acquired  increased  authority ;  and,  early  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, they  were  chosen  in  all  the  chief  cities  by  popular 
suffrage.  The  alteration  mentioned  by  Hilary  may,  there- 
fore, have  been  the  immediate  precursor  of  other  and  more 
vital  changes. 

III.  Though  Eusebius  passes  over  in  suspicious  silence 
the  history  of  all  ecclesiastical  innovations,  his  account  of 
the  bishops  of  Jerusalem  gives  good  reason  for  believing 
that  the  law  abolishing  the  claim  of  seniority  came  into 
operation  about  the  close  of  the  second  century.  He  classes 
together  the  fifteen  chief  pastors  who  followed  each  other 
in  the  holy  city  immediately  after  its  restoration  by 
Hadrian,t  and  then  goes  on  to  give  a  list  of  others,  their 
successors,  whose  pastorates  were  of  the  ordinary  duration. 
He  mentions  likewise  that  the  sixteenth  bishop  was  chosen 
by  election i  May  we  not  here  distinctly  recognize  the 
close  of  one  system,  and  the  commencement  of  another  ? 
As  the  sixteenth  bishop  was  appointed  about  a.d.  199,  the 
law  had,  probably,  been  then  only  recently  enacted. 

IV.  Eusebius  professes  to  trace  the  episcopal  succession 
from  the  days  of  the  apostles  in  Eome,  Alexandria,  Antioch, 
and  Jerusalem ;  and  it  has  often  been  shewn  that  the  accu- 
racy of  these  four  lists  is  extremely  problematical;  but  it 
is  remarkable  that  in  other  Churches  the  episcopal  registry 
cannot  be  carried  up  higher  than  the  end  of  the  second 
century.  The  roll  of  the  bishops  of  Carthage  is  there  dis- 
continued, §  and  the  episcopal  registry  of  Spain  there  also 
abruptly  terminates.  But  the  history  of  the  Church  of 
Csesarea  affords  the  most  extraordinary  specimen  of  this 


*  The  word  catholic  came  now  into  use.     The  minister  of  the  Word  was 
called  a  priest,  and  the  communion  table,  an  altar. 


) 

t  Euseb.  V.  12. 

X  Euseb.  vi.  10.     The  word  x^'-po'^oviau  here  employed  is  indicative  of  a 
popular  choice.     See  also  the  "  Chronicon  "  of  Eusebius. 
§  Miinter's  "  Primordia  Eccles.  Afric,"  pp.  25,  26. 


520      EUSEBIUS  AND  THE  CHURCH  OF  C^.SAREA. 

defalcation.  Csesarea  was  the  civil  metropolis  of  Palestine, 
and  a  Christian  Church  existed  in  it  from  the  days  of  Paul 
and  Peter.*  Its  bishop  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury was  the  friend  of  the  Emperor  Constantino  and  the 
father  of  ecclesiastical  history.  Eusebius  enjoyed  all  need- 
ful facilities  for  investigating  the  annals  of  his  own  Church ; 
and  yet,  strange  to  say,  he  commences  its  episcopal  registry 
about  the  close  of  the  second  century!!  What  explanation 
can  be  given  of  this  awkward  circumstanced  Had  Eusebius 
taken  no  notice  of  any  of  the  bishops  of  his  own  see,  we 
could  appreciate  his  modesty ;  but  why  should  he  overlook 
those  who  flourished  before  the  time  of  Victor  of  Eome,  and 
then  refer  to  their  successors  with  such  marked  frequency'?  J 
May  we  not  infer,  either  that  he  deemed  it  inexpedient  to 
proclaim  the  inconvenient  fact  that  the  bishops  of  Csesarea 
were  as  numerous  as  the  bishops  of  Jerusalem;  or  that  he 
found  it  impossible  to  recover  the  names  of  a  multitude  of 
old  men  who  had  only  a  nominal  precedence  among  their 
brethren,  and  who  had  passed  oft'  the  stage,  one  after  an- 
other, in  quick  succession? 

V.  A  statement  of  Eutychius,  who  was  patriarch  of  Alex- 
andria in  the  tenth  century,  and  who  has  left  behind  him  a 
history  of  his  see  from  the  days  of  the  apostles,  supplies  a 
remarkable  confirmation  of  the  fact  that,  towards  the  close 
of  the  second  century,  a  new  policy  was  inaugurated.  Ac- 
cording to  this  writer  there  was,  with  the  exception  of  the 
occupant  of  the  episcopal  chair  of  Alexandria,  "  no  bishop 
in  the  provinces  of  Egypt"  before  Demetrius.  §  As  Deme- 
trius became  bishop  of  Alexandria  about  a.d.  190,  Chris- 
tianity must  have  now  made  extensive  progress  in  the 
country;  ||  for  it  had  been  planted  there  perhaps  one  hun- 

*  Acts  5.  1,  45-48;  xxi.  8.  ^  t  "Hist."  v.  22. 

J  "  Hist."  V.  23;  v.  25 ;  vi.  19;  vi.  23;  vi.  46;  vii.  14,  &c.,  &c. 
§  "  Annal."  p.  332. 
II  See  Lardner's  Works,  vii.  99.     Edit.  London,  1838. 


NO  SUDDEN  REVOLUTION.  521 

dred  and  fifty  years  before ;  but  it  would  seem  that  mean- 
while, with  the  one  exception,  the  Churches  still  remained 
under  presbyterial  government.  Demetrius  was  a  prelate 
of  great  influence  and  energy;  and,  dming  his  long  epis- 
copate of  forty-three  years,'"'  he  succeeded  in  spreading  all 
over  the  land  the  system  of  which  he  had  been  at  one  time 
the  only  representative. 

It  is  not,  indeed,  to  be  supposed  that  the  whole  Church, 
prompted  by  a  sudden  and  simultaneous  impulse,  agreed,  all 
at  once,  to  change  its  ecclesiastical  arrangements.  Another 
polity,  as  has  already  been  intimated,  at  first  made  its  ap- 
pearance in  places  of  commanding  influence ;  and  its  advo- 
cates now,  no  doubt,  most  assiduously  endeavoured  to  re- 
commend its  claims  by  appealing  to  the  fruits  of  experience. 
The  Church  of  Eome,  as  will  subsequently  appear,  took  the 
lead  in  setting  up  a  mitigated  form  of  prelacy ;  the  Churches 
of  Antioch  and  Alexandria  followed ;  and,  soon  afterwards, 
other  Christian  communities  of  note  adopted  the  example. 
That  this  subject  may  be  fairly  understood,  a  few  chapters 
must  now  be  employed  in  tracing  the  rise  and  progress  of 
the  hierarchy. 

*  Eusebius,  vi.  26.  Towards  the  close  of  his  episcopate  Demetrius  held 
several  synods  in  Alexandria,  at  which  a  considerable  number  of  bishops 
were  present. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

THE    RISE    or    THE    HIERARCHY    CONNECTED    WITH    THE 
SPREAD    OF    HERESIES. 

EusEBius,  already  so  often  quoted,  and  known  so  widely  as 
tlie  author  of  the  earliest  Church  history,  flourished  in  the 
former  half  of  the  fourth  century.  This  distinguished 
father  was  a  spectator  of  the  most  wonderful  revolution 
recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  He  had  seen  Chris- 
tianity proscribed,  and  its  noblest  champions  cut  down  by 
a  brutal  martyrdom ;  and  he  had  lived  to  see  a  convert  to 
the  faith  seated  on  the  throne  of  the  Caesars,  and  ministers 
of  the  Church  basking  in  the  sunshine  of  Imperial  bounty. 
He  was  himself  a  special  favourite  with  Constantine;  as 
bishop  of  Csesarea,  the  chief  city  of  Palestine,  he  had  often 
access  to  the  presence  of  his  sovereign;  and  in  a  work 
which  is  still  extant,  professing  to  be  a  Life  of  the  Em- 
peror, he  has  well-nigh  exhausted  the  language  of  eulogy 
in  his  attempts  to  magnify  the  virtues  of  his  illustrious 
patron. 

Eusebius  may  have  l)een  an  accomplished  courtier,  but 
certainly  he  is  not  entitled  to  the  praise  of  a  great  historian. 
The  publication  by  which  he  is  best  known  would  never 
have  acquired  such  celebrity,  had  it  not  been  the  most  an- 
cient treatise  of  the  kind  in  existence.  Though  it  mentions 
many  of  the  ecclesiastical  transactions  of  the  second  and 
third  centuries,  and  supplies  a  large  amount  of  information 


EUSEBIUS  AND  JEROME.  523 

which  would  have  otherwise  been  lost,  it  must  be  admitted 
to  be  a  very  ill-arranged  and  unsatisfactory  performance. 
Its  author  does  not  occupy  a  high  position  either  as  a  philo- 
sophic thinker,  a  judicious  observer,  or  a  sound  theologian. 
He  makes  no  attempt  to  point  out  the  germs  of  error,  to 
illustrate  the  rise  and  progress  of  ecclesiastical  changes,  or 
to  investigate  the  circumstances  which  led  to  the  formation 
of  the  hierarchy.  Even  the  announcement  of  his  Preface, 
that  his  purpose  is  "  to  record  the  successions  of  the  holy 
apostles,"  or,  in  other  words,  to  exhibit  some  episcopal 
genealogies,  proclaims  how  much  he  was  mistaken  as  to  the 
topics  which  should  have  been  noticed  most  prominently  in 
his  narrative.  It  is  somewhat  doubtful  whether  his  history 
was  expressly  written,  either  for  the  illumination  of  his  own 
age,  or  for  the  instruction  of  posterity  ;  and  its  appearance, 
shortly  after  the  public  recognition  of  Christianity  by  the 
State,'"'  is  fitted  to  generate  a  suspicion  that  it  was  in- 
tended to  influence  the  mind  of  Constantino,  and  to  recom- 
mend the  episcopal  order  to  the  consideration  of  the  great 
proselyte. 

About  six  or  seven  years  after  the  publication  of  this 
treatise  a  child  was  born  who  was  destined  to  attain 
higher  distinction,  both  as  a  scholar  and  a  writer,  than  the 
polished  Eusebius.  This  was  Jerome — afterwards  a  pres- 
byter of  Kome,  and  a  father  whose  jDroductions  challenge 
the  foremost  rank  among  the  memorials  of  patristic  eru- 
dition. Towards  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  he  shone 
the  brightest  literary  star  in  the  Church,  and  even  the 
proud  Pope  Damasus  condescended  to  cultivate  his  favour. 
At  one  time  he  contemplated  the  composition  of  a  Church 
history ,t  and  we  have  reason  to  regret  that  the  design  was 

*  It  would  appear  that  the  "  Ecclesiastical  History"  of  Eusebius  was  pub- 
lished shortly  after  Constantine  first  publicly  recognized  Christianity.  That 
event  took  place  in  a.d.  324,  and  with  that  year  the  history  terminates. 

t  "  Vita  Malchi,"  Opera,  iv.  pp.  90,  91.     Edit.  Paris,  1706. 


524  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL  OF  THE  PRESBYTERS. 

never  executed,  as  liis  works  demonstrate  that  he  was  in 
possession  of  miicli  rare  and  important  information  for 
which  we  search  in  vain  in  the  pages  of  the  bishop  of 
Caesarea. 

No  ancient  waiter  has  thrown  more  light  on  the  history 
of  the  hierarchy  than  Jerome.  His  remarks  upon  the  sub- 
ject frequently  drop  incidentally  from  his  pen,  and  must  be 
sought  for  up  and  down  throughout  his  commentaries  and 
epistles;  l^ut  he  speaks  as  an  individual  who  was  quite  fa- 
miliar with  the  topics  which  he  introduces ;  and,  Avhilst  all 
his  statements  are  consistent,  they  are  confirmed  and  illus- 
trated by  other  witnesses.  As  a  presbyter,  he  seems  to  have 
been  jealous  of  the  honour  of  his  order;  and,  when  in  cer- 
tain moods,  he  is  obviously  very  well  disposed  to  remind 
the  bishops  that  their  superiority  to  himself  was  a  mere 
matter  of  human  arrangement.  One  of  his  observations 
relative  to  the  original  constitution  of  the  Christian  com- 
monwealth has  been  often  quoted.  "Before  that,  by  the 
prompting  of  the  devil,  there  were  parties  in  religion,  and 
it  was  said  among  the  people,  I  am  of  Paul,  and  I  of 
ApoUos,  and  I  of  Cephas,  the  Churches  were  governed  by 
the  common  council  of  the  presbyters.  But,  after  that  each 
one  began  to  reckon  those  ivhoni  he  haptized  as  belonging  to 
himself  and  not  to  Christ,  it  was  decreed  throughout 
THE  whole  world  that  one  elected  from  the  presbyters 
should  be  set  over  the  rest,  that  he  should  have  the  care  of 
the  whole  Church,  that  the  seeds  of  schisms  might  be  de- 
stroyed."" 

*  "Antequam  Diaboli  instinchi,  studia  in  religione  fierent,  et  diceretur  in 
populis,Ego  sumPauli,  ego  Apollo,  ego  autem  Cephse,  communi  presbyterorum 
consilio  ecclesiae  gubernabantur.  Postquam  vero  unusquisque  eos  quos  bai> 
tizaverat  suos  putabat  esse,  non  Christi,  in  toto  orbe  decretum  est,  ut  unus  de 
presbyteris,  electus  superponeretur  cceteris,  ad  quern  omnis  ecclesiae  cura  per- 
tineret,  et  schismatum  semina  toUerenturP — Comment,  in  Titum.  The  lan- 
guage hei-e  used  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  that  employed  by  Lactantius 
long  before  when  treating  of  the  same  subject — "Multae  hagreses  extiterunt, 
et  instinctibus  dcemomim  populus  Dei  scissus  est!' — Instit.  Divin.,  lib.  iv.  c.  30. 


JEEOME  S  TESTIMONY.  525 

Because  Jerome  in  this  place  happens  to  use  language 
which  occurs  in  the  First  Epistle  of  Paul  to  the  Corinthians, 
we  are  not  to  understand  him  as  identifying  the  date  of 
that  letter  with  the  origin  of  prelacy.  Such  a  conclusion 
would  be  quite  at  variance  with  the  tenor  of  this  passage. 
The  words,  "  I  am  of  Paul,  and  I  of  ApoUos,  and  I  of 
Cephas,"*  are  used  by  him  rhetorically ;  he  was  accustomed 
to  repeat  them  when  describing  schisms  or  contentions; 
and  he  has  employed  them  on  one  memorable  occasion  in 
relation  to  a  controversy  of  the  fourth  century.t  The 
divisions  among  the  Corinthians,  noticed  by  Paul,  were 
trivial  and  temporary;  the  Church  at  large  was  not  dis- 
turbed by  them;  but  Jerome  speaks  of  a  time  when  the 
whole  ecclesiastical  community  was  so  agitated  that  it  was 
threatened  with  dismemberment.  The  words  immediately 
succeeding  those  which  we  have  quoted  clearly  shew  that 
he  dated  the  origin  of  prelacy  after  the  days  of  the  apostles. 
"  Should  any  one  thiuk  that  the  identification  of  bishop  and 
presbyter,  the  one  being  a  name  of  age  and  the  other  of 
office,  is  not  a  doctrine  of  Scripture,  but  our  own  opinion, 
let  him  refer  to  the  words  of  the  apostle  saying  to  the 
Philippians — 'Paul  and  Timotheus,  the  servants  of  Jesus 
Christ,  to  all  the  saints  in  Christ  Jesus  which  are  at 
Philippi,  ivith  the  bishops  and  deacons,  Grace  to  you  and 
peace,' J  and  so  forth.     Philippi  is  one  city  of  Macedonia, 

*  1  Cor.  i.  12. 

t  "  Hie  locus  vel  maxime  adversum  Hcereticos  facit  qui  pacis  vinculo 
dissipate  atque  corrupto,  putant  se  tenere  Spiritus  uuitatem ;  quum  uuitas 
Spiritus  in  pacis  vinculo  conservetur.  Quando  enini  non  idipsum  omnes 
loquimur,  et  alius  dicit  Ego  sicm  Fauli,  Ego  Apollo,  Ego  Cephce,  dividimus 
Spiritus  unitatem,  et  earn  in  partes  ac  membra  discerpimus." — Comment,  in 
Epkes.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Again,  Ave  find  him  saying — "  Necnon  et  dissensiones 
opera  carnis  sunt,  quum  quis  nequaquam  perfectus,  eodem  sensu,  et  eadem 
sententia  dicit.     Ego  sum  Faiili,  et  ego  Apollo,  et  ego  Cephce,  et  ego  Christi. 

Nonuumquam  evenit,  ut  et  in  expositionibus  Scripturarum  oriatur 

dissensio,  e  quibus  hcereses  quoque  quce  nunc  in  carnis  opere  ponuntur,  ebul- 
liunt." — Comment,  in  Epist.  ad  Galat.,  cap.  5. 

X  Philip,  i.  1,  2. 


526  JEROMES  TESTIMONY. 

and  truly  in  one  city,  there  cannot  be,  as  is  thought,  more 
than  one  bishop ;  but  because,  at  that  time,  they  called  the 
same  parties  bishops  and  presbyters,  therefore  he  speaks  of 
bishops  as  of  presbyters  without  making  distinction.  Still 
this  may  seem  doubtful  to  some  unless  confirmed  by  another 
testimony.  In  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  it  is  written  *  that 
when  the  apostle  came  to  Miletus  he  '  sent  to  Ephesus  and 
called  the  elders  of  the  same  Church,'  to  whom  then,  among 
other  things,  he  said — '  Take  heed  to  yourselves  and  to  all 
the  flock  over  which  the  Holy  Ghost  has  made  you  bishojDSjt 
to  feed  the  Church  of  the  Lord  which  He  has  purchased  with 
His  own  blood.'  And  attend  specially  to  this,  how,  calling 
the  elders  of  the  one  city  Ephesus,  he  afterwards  addressed 
the  same  as  bishops.  Whoever  is  prepared  to  receive  that 
Epistle  which  is  written  to  the  Hebrews  under  the  name  of 
Paul,  J  there  also  the  care  of  the  Church  is  divided  equally 
among  more  than  one,  since  he  writes  to  the  people — '  Obey 
them  that  have  the  rule  over  you  and  submit  yourselves, 
for  they  are  they  who  watch  for  your  souls  as  those  who 
must  give  account,  that  they  may  not  do  it  with  grief,  since 
this  is  profitable  for  you.'  §  And  Peter,  who  received  his 
name  from  the  firmness  of  his  faith,  in  his  Epistle  speaks, 
saying — *  The  elders,  therefore,  who  are  among  you,  I 
exhort,  who  am  also  an  elder,  and  a  witness  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  Christ,  and  wdio  am  a  partaker  of  his  glory  which 
shall  be  revealed,  feed  that  fiock  of  the  Lord  which  is 

*  Acts  XX.  17,  28. 

t  Our  translators,  as  it  would  appear  acting  under  instructions  from 
James  I.,  here  render  the  word  "  overseers." 

X  The  Church  of  Rome,  of  which  Jerome  was  a  presbyter,  long  hesitated  to 
receive  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  Its  opposition  to  ritualism  seems,  in  the 
third  and  fourth  centuries,  to  have  been  offensive  to  the  ecclesiastical  leaders 
in  the  Western  metropolis.  In  the  first  century  no  such  doubts  resjaecting  it 
existed  among  the  Roman  Christians.     See  Period  I.  sec.  ii.  chap.  i.  p.  183. 

§  Heb.  xiii.  17.  The  reading  of  Jerome,  here,  as  well  as  in  the  case  of 
other  texts  quoted,  differs  somewhat  from  that  of  our  authorized  version. 
He  seems  to  have  often  quoted  from  memory. 


JEROME  S  TESTIMONY.  527 

among  you,  not  by  constraint  but  willingly/ ""'  We  may 
thus  shew  that  anciently  bishops  and  presbyters  were  the 
same;  but,  hij  degrees,  that  the  plants  of  dissension 
MIGHT  be  eooted  UP,  all  care  was  transferred  to  one.  As, 
therefore,  the  presbjrters  know  that,  in  accordance  with  the 
custom  of  the  Church,  they  are  subject  to  him  who  has  been 
set  over  them,  so  the  bishops  should  know  that  they  are 
greater  than  the  presbyters,  rather  by  custom,  than  by  the 
truth  of  an  arrangement  of  the  Lord."  t 

Jerome  here  explains  himself  in  language  which  admits 
of  no  second  interpretation ;  for  all  these  proofs,  adduced 
to  shew  that  the  Church  was  originally  under  presbyterial 
government,  are  of  a  later  date  than  the  First  Epistle  to 
the  Corinthians.  The  Epistle  to  the  Philippians  contains 
internal  evidence  that  it  was  dictated  during  Paul's  first 
imprisonment  at  Eome;  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  ap- 
peared after  his  liberation;  and  the  First  Epistle  of  Peter 
was  written  in  the  old  age  of  the  apostle  of  the  circum- 
cision. J  Nor  is  this  even  the  full  amount  of  his  testimony 
to  the  antiquity  of  the  presbyterian  polity.  On  another 
occasion,  after  mentioning  some  of  the  texts  which  have 
been  given,  he  goes  on  to  make  quotations  from  the  Second 
and  Third  Epistles  of  John — which  are  generally  dated 
towards  the  close  of  the  first  century  § — and  he  declares 

*  1  Pet.  V.  1,  2. 

t  It  may  suffice  to  give  in  the  original  only  the  conclusion  of  this  long 
quotation.  "  Paulatini  vero,  ut  dissensiouum  plantaria  evellerentur,  ad  unum 
omnem  solicitudinem  esse  delatam.  Sicut  ergo  presbyteri  sciunt  se  ex 
ecclesise  consuetudine  ei  qui  sibi  prsepositus  fuerit  esse  subjectos ;  ita  epis- 
copi  noverint  se  magis  consuetudine  quam  dispositionis  dominicse  veritate 
presbyteris  esse  majores." — C'otnment.  in  Titum. 

t  See  Period  I.  sec.  i.  chap.  10.  p.  157. 

§  Thus  Dr  Burton  says  that  "  the  Epistles  of  St  John  were  composed  in 
the  latter  part  of  Domitian's  reign." — Lectures,  i.  382.  Jerome  was  evidently 
of  this  opinion,  for  he  says  that,  in  his  First  Epistle,  he  refers  to  Cerinthus 
and  Ebion,  who  appeared  towards  the  close  of  the  first  century.  "  Jam  tunc 
haereticorum  semina  pullularent  Cerinthi,  Ebionis,  et  cseterorum  qui  negant 
Christum  in  carne  venisse,  quos  et  ipse  in  Epistola  sua  Antichristos  vocat." — 
J.  in  Comment,  super  Matthceum. 


528  JEROME  S  TESTIMONY. 

that  prelacy  had  not  made  its  appearance  when  these  letters 
were  written.  Having  produced  authorities  from  Paul  and 
Peter,  he  exclaims — "  Do  the  testimonies  of  such  men  seem 
small  to  you'?  Let  the  Evangelical  Trumpet,  the  Son  of 
Thunder,  whom  Jesus  loved  very  much,  who  drank  the 
streams  of  doctrine  from  the  bosom  of  the  Saviour,  sound 
in  your  ears — 'The  elder,  unto  the  elect  lady  and  her 
children,  whom  I  love  in  the  truth;''""  and,  in  another 
epistle — '  The  elder  to  the  very  dear  Caius,  whom  I  love  in 
the  truth.'  t  But  what  was  done  afterwards,  when  one 
was  elected  who  was  set  over  the  rest,  was  for  a.  cure  of 
schism;  lest  every  one,  insisting  upon  his  own  will,  should 
rend  the  Church  of  God."  J 

We  have  already  seen§  that  extant  documents,  written 
about  the  close  of  the  first  century  and  the  middle  of  the 
second,  bear  similar  testimony  as  to  the  original  constitu- 
tion of  the  Church.  The  "Epistle  of  Clement  to  the  Corin- 
thians" cannot  be  dated  earlier  than  the  termination  of 
the  reign  of  Domitiau,  for  it  refers  to  a  recent  persecution,  || 
it  describes  the  community  to  which  it  is  addressed  as 
"most  ancient,"  it  declares  that  others  now  occupied  the 
places  of  those  who  had  been  ordained  by  the  apostles,  and 
it  states  that  this  second  generation  of  ministers  had  been 
long  in  possession  of  their  ecclesiastical  charges.lF  Candid 
writers,  of  almost  all  parties,  acknowledge  that  this  letter 
distinctly  recognizes  the  existence  of  government  by  pres- 
byters.'"''""    The  evidence  of  the  letter  of  Polycarp  tt  is  not 

*  2  John  1.  t  3  Jolin  1.  %  Epist.  ci.  "Ad  Evangelum." 

§  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  5.  p.  500.  ||  Sec.  1. 

TT  The  reader  may  find  tlie  quotations  in  the  preceding  chapter,  pp.  501, 
502. 

**  Thus  Milner  says  that  "  so  far  as  one  may  judge  by  Clement's  Epistle," 
the  Church  of  Corinth,  when  the  letter  was  written,  had  Church  governors 
"  07ily  of  two  ranks"  presbyters  and  deacons. — Hist,  of  the  Church,  cent.  ii. 
chap.  1. 

ft  As  the  letter  supplies  no  trace  whatever  of  the  existence  of  a  bishop  in 
the  Church  to  which  it  is  addressed,  Pearson  is  sadly  puzzled  by  its  testi- 
mony, and  gravely  advances  the  supposition  that  the  bishop  of  Philippi  must 


HERESIES  THREATEN  TO  DIVIDE  THE  CHURCH.  529 

less  explicit.  Jerome,  therefore,  did  not  speak  without 
authority  when  he  affirmed  that  prelacy  was  established 
after  the  days  of  the  apostles,  and  as  an  antidote  against 
schism. 

The  apostolic  Church  was  comparatively  free  from  divi- 
sions ;  and,  whilst  the  inspired  heralds  of  the  gospel  lived, 
it  could  not  be  said  that  "  there  were  parties  in  religion." 
The  heretics  who  appeared  were  never  able  to  organize  any 
formidable  combinations  ;  they  were  inconsiderable  in  point 
of  numbers  ;  and,  though  not  wanting  in  activity,  those  to 
whom  our  Lord  had  personally  entrusted  the  publication  of 
His  Word,  were  ready  to  oppose  them,  so  that  all  their  efforts 
were  effectually  checked  or  defeated.  The  most  ancient 
writers  acknowledge  that,  during  the  early  part  of  the  second 
centuiy,  the  same  state  of  things  continued.  According  to 
Hegesippus,  who  outlived  Poly  carp  about  fifteen  or  twenty 
years,*  the  Church  continued  until  the  death  of  Simeon  of 
Jerusalem,  in  a.  d.  11 6,t  "  as  a  pure  and  uncorrupted 
virgin."  "  If  there  were  any  at  all,"  says  he,  "  who  at- 
tempted to  pervert  the  right  standard  of  saving  doctrine, 
they  were  yet  skulking  in  dark  retreats  ;  but  when  the 
sacred  company  of  the  apostles  had,  in  various  ways,  finished 
their  career,  and  the  generation  of  those  who  had  been 

PRIVILEGED  TO  HEAR  THEIR  INSPIRED  WISDOM    HAD   PASSED 

AWAY,  then  at  length  the  fraud  of  false  teachers  produced  a 
confederacy  of  impious  errors." |    The  date  of  the  appearance 

have  been  dead  when  Polycarp  wrote  !  "  Viudicice  IgnatiaujB,"  pars  ii.  cap.  13. 
Rothe  is  equally  perplexed  by  the  Epistle  of  Clement.  He  says  that  "  in  the 
whole  Epistle  there  is  never  any  reference  to  a  bishop  of  the  Corinthian  com- 
munity," and  he  admits  that,  when  the  letter  was  written,  "  the  Corinthian 
community  had  no  bishop  at  all ; "  but,  to  support  his  favourite  theory,  he 
contends,  like  Pearson,  that  the  bishop  of  Corinth  must  also  have  been  dead ! 
"Die  Aufange  der  Christlichen  Kirche,"  pp.  403,  404.  Strange  that  the 
bishop  of  Corinth  and  the  bishop  of  Philippi  both  happened  to  be  dead  at  the 
only  time  that  their  existence  would  have  been  of  any  historical  value,  and 
that  no  reference  is  made  either  to  them  or  their  successors ! 

*  See  Euseb.  iv.  c.  11.  t  Euseb.  iii.  32,  and  iv.  22. 

+  Euseb.  iii.  32.  It  was  probably  immediately  after  the  election  of  Marcus, 
2  L 


530         HERESIES  THREATEN  TO  DIVIDE  THE  CHURCH. 

of  these  parties  is  also  establislied  by  the  testimony  of  Celsus, 
who  lived  in  the  time  of  the  Antonines,  and  who  was  one 
of  the  most  formidable  of  the  early  antagonists  of  Chris- 
tianity. This  writer  informs  us  that,  though  in  the  begin- 
ning the  disciples  were  agreed  in  sentiment,  they  became, 
in  his  days,  when  "spread  out  into  a  multitude,  divided 
and  distracted,  each  aiming  to  give  stability  to  his  own 
faction."'' 

The  statements  of  Hegesippus  and  Celsus  are  substan- 
tiated by  a  host  of  additional  witnesses.  Justin  Martyr,! 
Iren8sus,J  Clemens  Alexandrinus,  §  Cyprian,  ||  and  others, 
all  concur  in  representing  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Hadrian, 
or  the  beo-innino;  of  the  reia;n  of  Antoninus  Pius,  as  the 

dot)  ' 

period  when  heresies  burst  forth,  like  a  flood,  upon  the 
Church.  The  extant  ecclesiastical  writings  of  the  succeeding 
century  are  occupied  chiefly  with  their  refutation.  No 
wonder  that  the  best  champions  of  the  faith  were  embar- 
rassed and  alarmed.  They  had  hitherto  been  accustomed 
to  boast  that  Christianity  was  the  cement  which  could  unite 
all  mankind,  and  they  had  pointed  triumphantly  to  its 
influence  in  bringing  together  the  Jew  and  the  Gentile, 
the  Greek  and  the  barbarian,  the  master  and  the  slave,  the 
learned  and  the  iUiterate.  They  had  looked  forward  with 
high  expectation  to  the  days  of  its  complete  ascendency, 

as  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  that  Thebuthis  became  a  heretic.  See  Euseb.  iv.  22. 
About  that  time  the  sect  of  the  Nazareues  originated. 

*  Origen,  "  Contra  Celsum,"  iii.  §  10,  Oiaera,  i.  453,  454. 

t  "  Dialogue  with  Trypho,"  Opera,  p.  253. 

t  "  Contra  Hseres."  i.  27,  §  1.  §  "  Strom."  p.  764. 

II  Epist.  Ixxiv.  Opera,  p.  293.  The  ancient  wa-iters  speak  of  all  the  early 
schismatics  as  heretics.  Thus  Novatian,  though  sound  in  the  faith,  is  so 
described.  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  315.  When,  therefore,  Jerome  speaks  of 
the  early  schismatics  he  obviously  refers  to  the  heretics.  Irenseus  says  of 
them — "  Scindunt  et  separant  unitatem  ecclesise." — Lib.  iv.  c.  xxvi.  §  2.  In 
like  manner  Cyprian  represents  "  heresies  and  schisms  "  as  making  their  ap- 
pearance after  the  apostolic  age,  and  as  inseparably  connected.  "  Cum  hsereses 
et  schismata  postmodum  nata  sint,  dum  conventicula  sibi  diversa  constitu- 
unt." — De  Unitate  Ecdes.,  Opera,  p.  400. 


HERESIES  THllEATEN  TO  DIVIDE  THE  CHURCH.  531 

wlieii,  under  its  gentle  sway,  all  nations  would  exhibit  the 
spectacle  of  one  great  and  happy  brotherhood.  How,  then, 
must  they  have  been  chagrined  by  the  rise  and  spread  of 
heresies  !  They  saw  the  Church  itself  converted  into  a  great 
battle-field,  and  every  man's  hand  turned  against  his  fellow. 
In  almost  all  the  populous  cities  of  the  Empire,  as  if  on  a 
concerted  signal,  the  errorists  commenced  their  discussions. 
The  Churches  of  Lyons,*  of  Eome,  of  Corinth,  of  Athens,  of 
Ephesus,  of  Antioch,  and  of  Alexandria,  resounded  with  the 
din  of  theological  controversy.  Nor  were  the  heresiarchs 
men  whom  their  opponents  could  aiford  to  despise.  In  point 
of  genius  and  of  literary  resources,  many  of  them  were  fully 
equal  to  the  most  accomplished  of  their  adversaries*.  Their 
zeal  was  unwearied,  and  their  tact  most  perplexing.  Mixing 
up  the  popular  elements  of  the  current  philosophy  with  a 
few  of  the  facts  and  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  they  produced 
a  compound  by  which  many  were  deceived.  How  did  the 
friends  of  the  Church  proceed  to  grapple  with  these  diffi- 
culties 1  They,  no  doubt,  did  their  utmost  to  meet  the 
errorists  in  argument,  and  to  shew  that  their  theories  were 
miserable  perversions  of  Christianity,  But  they  did  not 
confine  themselves  to  the  use  of  weapons  drawn  from  their 
own  heavenly  armoury.  Not  a  few  presbyters  were  them- 
selves tainted  with  the  new  opinions  ;  some  of  them  were 
even  ringleaders  of  the  heretics  ;t  and,  in  an  evil  hour,  the 
dominant  party  resolved  to  change  the  constitution  of  the 
Church,  and  to  try  to  put  down  disturbance  by  means  of  a 
new  ecclesiastical  organization.  Believing,  with  many  in 
modern  times,  that  "parity  breedeth  confusion,"  and  ex- 
pecting, as  Jerome  has  expressed  it,  "that  the  seeds  of 

*  The  existeuce  of  heresy  in  Gaul  in  the  second  century  is  established  by 
the  fact  that  Irenseus  spent  so  much  time  in  its  refutation.  Had  he  not  been 
annoyed  by  it,  he  never  would  have  thought  of  writing  his  treatise  "  Contra 
Hsereses." 

t  Valentine  himself  seems  to  have  been  a  presbj^ter.  He  at  one  time 
expected  to  be  made  bishop. 


532       POWER  OF  THE  PRESIDING  PRESBYTER  INCREASED. 

schisms  might  be  destroyed,"  they  sought  to  invigorate 
their  administration  by  investing  the  presiding  elder  with 
authority  over  the  rest  of  his  brethren.  The  senior  presby- 
ters, the  last  survivors  of  a  better  age,  were  all  sound  in  the 
faith ;  and,  as  they  were  still  at  the  head  of  the  Churches  in 
the  great  cities,  it  was  thought  that  by  enlarging  their  pre- 
rogatives, and  by  giving  them  the  name  of  bishops,  they 
would  be  the  better  able  to  struggle  energetically  with  the 
dangers  of  their  position.  The  principle  that,  whoever 
would  not  submit  to  the  bishop  should  be  cast  out  of  the 
Church,  was  accordingly  adopted;  and  it  was  hoped  that 
in  due  time  peace  would  be  restored  to  the  spiritual  com- 
monwealth. 

About  the  same  period  arrangements  were  made  in  some 
places  for  changing  the  mode  of  advancement  to  the  presi- 
dential chair,  so  that,  in  no  case,  an  elder  susj^ected  of 
error  could  have  a  chance  of  promotion.*  An  immense 
majority  of  the  presbyters  were  yet  orthodox;  and  by  being 
permitted  to  depart,  as  often  as  they  pleased,  from  the 
ancient  order  of  succession,  and  to  nominate  any  of  them- 
selves to  the  episcopate,  they  could  always  secure  the 
appointment  of  an  individual  representing  their  own  senti- 
ments. In  some  of  the  larger  Churches,  where  their  number 
was  considerable,  they  appear  to  have  usually  selected  three 
or  four  candidates;  and  then  to  have  permitted  the  lot  to 
make  the  ultimate  decision.!  But  the  ecclesiastical  revolu- 
tion could  not  stop  here.  Jealousy  quickly  appeared  among 
the  presbyters;  and,  during  the  excitement  of  elections, 
the  more  popular  candidates  would  not  long  be  willing  to 
limit  the  voting  to  the  presbytery.  The  people  chose  their 
presbyters  and  deacons,  and  now  that  the  office  of  mode- 

*  Such  is  tlie  statement  of  Hilary — "  Immutata  est  ratio,  prospiciente  con- 
cilio,  ut  non  ordo  sed  merituni  crearet  episcopum,  multorum  sacerdotum 
judicio  constitutum,  ne  indignus  temere  usurparet,  et  esset  multis  scanda- 
lum." — Comment,  in  Eph.  iv. 

t  See  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  iv.  pp,  333,  334,  349. 


JEROME  NOT  INCONSISTENT.  533 

rator  possessed  substantial  power,  and  differed  so  mucli 
from  what  it  was  originally,  why  should  not  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  be  allowed  to  exercise  their  legitimate 
influence'?  Such  a  claim  could  not  be  well  resisted.  Thus 
it  was  that  the  bishops  were  ultimately  chosen  by  popular 
suffrage.'"' 

Some  have  imagined  that  they  have  discovered  incon- 
sistency in  the  statements  of  Jerome  relative  to  prelacy. 
They  allege,  in  proof,  that  whilst  he  describes  the  Church 
as  governed,  until  the  rise  of  "  parties  in  religion,"  by  the 
common  council  of  the  presbyters,  he  also  sj)eaks  of  bishops 
as  in  existence  from  the  days  of  the  apostles.     "  At  Alex- 
andria," says  he,  "  from  Mark  the  Evangelist,  [by  whom 
the  Church  there  is  said  to  have  been  founded]  to  Heraclas 
and  Dionysius  the  bishops,   [who  flourished  in  the  third 
century]  the  presbyters  always  named  as  bishop  one  chosen 
from  among  themselves  and  placed  along  Avith  them  t  in  a 
higher  position."!     ^^  must  appear,  however,  on  due  con- 
sideration, that  here  there  is  no  inconsistency  whatever. 
In  the  Epistle  where  this  passage  occurs  Jerome  is  assert- 
ing the  ancient  dignity  of  presbyters,  and  shewing  that 
they  originally  possessed  prerogatives  of  which  they  had 
more  recently  been  deprived.     In  proof  of  this  he  refers  to 
the  Church  of  Alexandria,  one  of  the  greatest  sees  in  Chris- 
tendom, where  for  upwards  of  a  century  and  a  half  after 
the  days  of  the  Evangelist  Mark,  the  presbyters  appointed 
their  spiritual  overseers,  and  performed  aU  the  ceremonies 
connected  with  their  official  investiture.     But  it  does  not 
therefore  follow  that  meanwhile  these  overseers  had  always 
possessed  exactly  the  same  amount  of  authority.     The  very 
fact  mentioned  by  Jerome  suggests  a  quite  different  infer- 

*  At  an  early  period,  out  of  three  elders  nominated  by  the  i:»resbytery,  one 
was  chosen  by  lot ;  subsequently,  out  of  three  elders  chosen  by  lot,  one  was 
elected  by  the  people.     See  pp.  333,  349. 

t  "CoUocatum."  J  Epist.  ci.  "  Ad  Evangelum." 


534  JEROME  NOT  INCONSISTENT. 

ence,  as  it  proves  that  whilst  the  power  of  the  presbyters 
had  been  declining,  that  of  the  bishops  had  increased.  In 
the  second  century  the  presbyters  inaugurated  bishops ;  in 
the  days  of  Jerome  they  were  not  permitted  even  to  ordain 
presbyters. 

Jerome  says,  indeed,  that,  in  the  beginning,  the  Alex- 
andrian presbyters  nominated  their  hisJiops,  but  we  are  not 
to  conclude  that  the  parties  chosen  were  always  known 
distinctively  by  the  designation  which  he  here  gives  to 
them.  He  evidently  could  not  have  intended  to  convey 
such  an  impression,  as  in  the  same  Epistle  he  demonstrates, 
by  a  whole  series  of  texts  of  Scripture,  that  the  titles  bishop 
and  presbyter  were  used  interchangeably  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  first  century.  By  bishops  he  obviously  under- 
stands the  presidents  of  the  presbyteries,  or  the  officials 
who  filled  the  chairs  which  those  termed  bishops  subse- 
quently occupied.  In  their  own  age  these  primitive  func- 
tionaries were  called  bishops  and  presbyters  indifferently; 
but  they  partially  represented  the  bishops  of  succeeding 
times,  and  they  always  appeared  in  the  episcopal  registries 
as  links  of  the  apostolical  succession,  so  that  Jerome  did 
not  deem  it  necessary  to  depart  from  the  current  nomen- 
clature. His  meaning  cannot  be  mistaken  by  any  one  who 
attentively  marks  his  language,  for  he  has  stated  imme- 
diately before,  that  episcopal  authority  properly  commenced 
when  the  Church  began  to  be  distracted  by  the  spirit  of 
sectarianism.* 

In  this  passage,  however,  the  learned  father  bears  unequi- 
vocal testimony  to  the  fact  that,  from  the  earliest  times, 

*  A  few  passages  of  the  letter  may  liere  be  given  in  the  original.     "  Mani- 

festissime  comprobatur  eundem  esse  episcopum  atque  presbyterum 

Quod  autem  postea  unus  electus  est,  qui  cseteris  praeponeretur,  in  schismatis 
remedium  factum  est,  ne  imusquisque  ad  se  trahens  Christi  ecclesiam  rumpe- 
ret.  Nam  et  Alexandrise  a  INIarco  Evangelista  usque  ad  Heraclam  et  Diony- 
sium  Episcopos,  presbyteri  semper  unum  ex  se  electum  in  excelsiori  gradu 
coUocatum  episcopum  nominabant." — Epist.  ci.  ad  Evangelum. 


THE  PRIMITIVE  MODERATOR.  535 

the  presbytery  had  an  official  head  or  president.  Such  an 
arrangement  was  known  in  the  days  of  the  apostles.  But 
the  primitive  moderator  was  very  different  from  the  bishop 
of  the  fourth  century.  He  was  the  representative  of  the 
presbytery — not  its  master.  Christ  had  said  to  the  dis- 
ciples— "  A^^osoever  will  be  great  among  you,  let  him  be 
your  minister;  and  whosoever  Avill  be  chief  among  you,  let 
him  be  your  servant." '""  Such  a  chief  was  at  the  head  of 
the  ancient  presbytery.  Without  a  president  no  Church 
court  could  transact  business;  and  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
chairman  to  preserve  order,  to  bear  many  official  burdens, 
to  ascertain  the  sentiments  of  his  brethren,  to  speak  in  their 
name,  and  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  their 
collective  wisdom.t  The  bishop  of  after-times  rather  re- 
sembled a  despotic  sovereign  in  the  midst  of  his  counsellors. 
He  might  ask  the  advice  of  the  presbyters,  and  condescend 
to  defer  to  their  recommendations ;  but  he  could  also  nega- 
tive their  united  resolutions,  and  cause  the  refractory  quickly 
to  feel  the  gravity  of  his  displeasure. 

Though  Jerome  tells  us  how,  for  the  destruction  of  the 
seeds  of  schisms,  "  it  loas  decreed  throughout  the  ivhole  world 
that  one  elected  from  the  presbyters  should  be  set  over  the 
rest,"  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  decree  was  carried 
out,  all  at  once,  into  universal  operation.  General  councils 
were  yet  unknown,  and  the  decree  must  have  been  sanc- 

*  Matt.  XX.  26,  27. 

t  The  view  here  taken  is  sustained  by  the  verdict  of  learned  and  candid 
episcopalians.  "  When  elders  were  ordained  by  the  apostles  in  every  Church, 
through  every  city,  to  feed  the  flock  of  Christ,  whereof  the  Holy  Ghost  had 
made  them  overseers  :  they,  to  the  intent  that  they  might  the  better  do  it  by 
common  counsel  and  consent,  did  use  to  assemble  themselves  and  meet 
together.  In  the  which  meetings,  for  the  more  orderly  handling  and  con- 
cluding of  things  pertaining  to  their  charge,  they  chose  one  amongst  them  to 
be  the  president  of  their  company  and  moderator  of  their  actions." — The 
Judgment  of  Doctor  Rainoldes  touchincj  the  Original  of  Episcopacy  more  largely 
confirmed  out  of  Antiquity,  hy  James  Ussher,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  Usshei-'s 
Woi-ks,  vii.  p.  75. 


536  PEOGEESS  OF  THE  CHANGE. 

tioned  at  different  times  and  by  distant  Cliurcli  judica- 
tories. Such  a  measure  was  first  thought  of  shortly  before 
the  middle  of  the  second  century,  but  it  was  not  very 
extensively  adopted  until  about  fifty  years  afterwards. 
The  history  of  its  origin  must  now  be  more  minutely 
investigated. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


PRELACY  BEGINS  TN  ROME. 


Any  attentive  reader  wlio  lias  marked  the  chronology  of 
the  early  bishops  of  Rome,  as  given  by  Eusebius,"^'"  may 
have  observed  that  the  pastorates  of  those  who  flourished 
during  the  first  forty  years  of  the  second  century  were  all 
of  comparatively  short  duration.  Clement  is  commonly 
reputed  to  have  died  about  a.d.  100  ;t  he  was  followed  by 
Evaristus,  Alexander,  Xystus,  and  Telesphorus;  and  Hygi- 
nus,  who  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Church  in  a.d.  139, 
and  who  died  in  a.d.  142,  was  the  fifth  in  succession. 
Thus,  the  five  ministers  next  in  order  after  Clement  occu- 
pied the  post  of  president  only  forty-two  years,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  Hyginus,  whose  ofiicial  career  was  very 
brief,  each  appears  to  have  held  the  situation  for  nearly  a.n 

*  Pearson  has  endeavoured  to  destroy  the  credit  of  this  chronology,  and 
has  urged  against  it  the  authority  of  the  "  Annals  of  Eutychius ! "  "  De  Suc- 
cessione  prim.  Eom.  Episc."  He  had  before  laboured  to  prove  that  the 
testimony  of  these  "  Annals  "  is  worthless.     "  Vindic.  Ignat."  pars  i.  c.  xi. 

t  The  chronology  of  Eusebius,  as  arranged  by  Bower  in  his  "  Lives  of  the 
Popes,"  stands  thus : — 

Evaristus,  .  .  .        a.d.  100  to  A.D.  109. 


Alexander, 

A.D.  109  to  A.D.  119. 

Sixtus  (or  Xystus), 

A.D.  119  to  A.D.  128. 

Telesphorus, 

A.D.  128  to  A.D.  139. 

Hyginus, 

A.D.  139  to  A.D.  142. 

Pius,       . 

A.D.  142  to  A.D.  157. 

Anicetus, 

A.D.  157  to  A.D.  168. 

Soter,     . 

A.D.  168  to  A.D.  176. 

Eleutherius, 

A.D.  176  to  A.D.  192. 

Victor,  . 

A.D.  192  to  A.D.  201. 

538 


THE  TIME  OF  HYGINUS. 


equal  period/"'  But,  on  the  death  of  Hyginus,  a  pastorate 
of  unusual  length  commences,  as  Pius,  by  whom  he  was 
followed,  continued  fifteen  years  in  office — a  term  con- 
siderably more  extended  than  that  of  any  of  his  five  prede- 
cessors. Beckoning  from  the  date  of  the  advancement  of 
Pius,  we  find  also  a  decided  increase  in  the  average  length 
of  the  life  of  the  president  for  the  remainder  of  the  cen- 
tury ;  as,  of  the  ten  individuals  in  all  who  were  at  the  head 
of  the  Eoman  Church  during  its  revolution,  the  five  who 
followed  next  after  Clement  lived  only  forty-two  years,  whilst 
their  five  successors  lived  fifty-nine  years.  Thus,  there  is 
at  least  some  ostensible  ground  for  the  inquiry  whether  any 
arrangement  was  made,  about  the  time  of  Hyginus,  which 
may  account  for  these  statistics. 

The  orio'in  of  the  Church  of  Eome,  like  the  ori2;in  of  the 
city,  is  buried  in  obscurity ;  and  a  very  few  facts  constitute 
the  whole  amount  of  our  information  respecting  it  during 
the  first  century  of  its  existence.  About  the  time  of 
Hyginus  the  twilight  of  history  begins  to  dawn  upon  it. 
Guided  by  the  glimmerings  of  intelligence  thus  supplied, 
we  shall  endeavour  to  illustrate  this  dark  passage  in  its 
annals.  The  following  statements  may  contribute  some- 
what to  the  explanation  of  transactions  which  have  hitherto 
been  rarely  noticed  by  modern  ecclesiastical  writers. 

I.  A  change  in  the  organization  of  the  Church  about  the 

*  The  following  is  the  chronology  of  Pearson  : — 

Clement             .             .             .  died  a.d.    83. 

Evaristus,           ,            .            .  a.d.    83  to  a.d.    91. 

Alexander,         .            .            .  a.d.    91  to  a.d.  101. 

Xystus,                .              .              .  A.D.  101  to  A.D.  111. 

Telesphorus,      .             .            .  a.d.  Ill  to  a.d.  122. 

Hyginus,            .            .            .  A.D.  122  to  a.d.  126. 

Pius,       .            .            .             .  A.D.  127  to  A.D.  142. 

Anicetus,           .            .             .  a.d.  142  to  a.d.  161. 

Soter,     ....  a.d.  161  to  a.d.  170. 

Eleutherius,       .            .            .  a.d.  170  to  a.d.  185. 

Victor,    ....  A.D.  185  to  a.d.  197. 
— "  Minor  Works,"  ii.  pp.  570,  571. 


PEELACY  BEGINS.  539 

time  of  Hygimis,  will  account  for  the  increase  in  the 
average  length  of  the  lives  of  the  Roman  bishops*  If  the 
alteration,  mentioned  by  Hilary,  was  now  made  in  the  mode 
of  succession  to  the  presidential  chair,  such  a  result  must 
have  followed.  Under  the  new  regime,  the  recommendation 
of  large  experience  would  still  have  much  weight  in  the 
choice  of  a  bishop,  but  he  would  frequently  enter  on  his 
duties  at  a  somewhat  earlier  age,  and  thus  the  ordinary 
duration  of  his  official  career  would  be  considerably  ex- 
tended.! 

11.  The  time  of  Hyginus  exactly  answers  to  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  period  when,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Jerome,  prelacy  commenced.  The  heretics  then  exhibited 
extraordinary  zeal,  so  that  "parties  in  religion"  were 
springing  up  all  over  the  Empire.  The  Church  of  Rome 
is  said  to  have  hitherto  escaped  the  contagion  of  false  doc- 
trine, J  but  now  errorists  from  all  quarters  began  to  violate 

*  I  have  endeavoured,  from  the  records  of  the  late  Synod  of  Ulster,  to 
estimate  the  mediimi  length  of  the  incumbency  of  a  moderator  for  life,  being 
the  senior  minister  of  a  i^resbytery  of  from  ten  to  fifteen  members,  and  have 
found  that  the  average  of  thirty-six  successions  amounted  to  between  eight 
and  nine  years.  In  these  presbyteries  young  ministers  generally  constituted 
a  considerable  portion  of  the  members.  Had  they  all  been  persons  advanced 
in  life,  the  average  must  have  been  greatly  reduced. 

t  During  that  part  of  the  second  century  which  terminated  with  the  death 
of  Hyginus,  the  average  duration  of  the  life  of  a  Eoman  bishop  very  little 
exceeded  eight  years ;  whereas,  dm-ing  the  remainder  of  the  century,  it 
amounted  to  nearly  twelve  years.  According  to  the  chronology  of  Pearson 
the  disproportion  is  still  greater,  being  as  eight  years  and  a  fraction  to 
foiu"teen  years.  If  we  insert  the  episcopate  of  Anacletus,  it  will  be  nearly  as 
seven  to  fourteen. 

X  In  the  verses  erroneously  attributed  to  Tertullian,  the  Church  of  Rome 
is  represented  as  in  a  flom-ishing  state  when  visited  by  Cerdo. 
"  Advenit  Romam  Cerdo,  nova  vulnera  gestans 
Detectus,  quoniam  voces  et  verba  veueni 
Spargebat  fui-tim ;  quapropter  ab  agmine  pulsus, 
Sacrilegum  genus  hoc  genuit  spirante  dracone. 
Constabat  pietate  vigens  Ecclesia  Romse 
Composita  a  Petro,  cujus  successor  et  ipse 
Jamque  loco  nono  cathedram  suscepit  Hyginus." 


540  THE  TIME  OF  HYGINUS. 

its  purity  and  to  disturb  its  peace.  Valentine,  Cerdo, 
Marcion,  and  Marcus  appeared  about  this  time  in  the 
Western  capital.''  Some  of  tliese  men  were  noted  for  their 
genius  and  learning;  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  they  created  no  common  ferment.  They  were  assiduous 
in  the  dissemination  of  their  principles,  and  several  of 
them  resorted  to  very  extraordinary  and  unwarrantable 
expedients  for  strengthening  their  respective  factions.  An 
ancient  writer  represents  them  as  conducting  their  ad- 
herents to  water,  and  as  baptizing  them  "in  the  name  of 
the  Unknown  Father  of  the  universe;  in  the  Truth,  the 
mother  of  all;  and  in  Him  who  descended  on  Jesus." 
"  Others  again,"  says  the  same  authority,  "  repeated  Hebrew 
names  to  inspire  the  initiated  with  the  greater  awe."t 
These  attempts  at  proselytism  were  not  unsuccessful. 
Valentine,  in  particular,  made  many  converts,  and  after 
his  death,  when  Irenseus  wrote  a  refutation  of  his  heresy, 
his  disciples  must  still  have  been  numerous.  J 

The  account  given  by  Jerome  of  the  state  of  the  Christian 
interest  when  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  set  \i^  episcopacy, 
is  not  so  completely  suj)plemented  by  the  condition  of  the 
Church  at  any  other  period.  Never  certainly  did  the  bre- 
thren at  Rome  more  require  the  services  of  a  skilful  and 
energetic  leader,  than  when  the  Gnostic  chiefs  settled  in  the 
great  metropolis.  Never  could  it  be  said  with  so  much 
truth  of  their  community,  in  the  language  of  the  Latin 

*  Euseb.  iv.  11.  Irenaeus  says  that  Valentine,  the  most  famous  and 
formidable  of  the  Gnostic  teachers,  "  came  to  Rome  under  Hyginus,  was  in 
his  prime  under  Pius,  and  lived  until  the  time  of  Anicetus." — Contra  Hceres., 
iii.  4.  §  3.  Cyprian  speaks  of  "  the  more  grievous  pestilences  of  heresy  break- 
ing forth  when  Marcion  the  Pontian  emerged  from  Pontus,  whose  master 
Cerdo  came  to  Rome  during  the  episcopate  of  Hyginus^ — Epist.  Ixxiv.  He 
adds — "  But  it  is  acknowledged  that  heresies  afterwards  became  more  nume- 
rous and  worse." — Upist.  Ixxiv.  Opera,  pp.  293,  294. 

t  Euseb.  iv.  11.  See  also  a  fragment  attributed  to  Irenseus  in  Stieren's 
edition,  i.  938. 

See  Mosheim,  "  Commentaries,"  by  Vidal,  ii.  2G6. 


PRELACY  BEGINS.  541 

father,  that  "  every  one  reckoned  those  whom  he  baptized 
as  belonging  to  himself  and  not  to  Christ;"'""  for,  as  we 
have  just  seen,  some,  when  baptizing  their  disciples,  used 
even  new  forms  of  initiation.  Never,  assuredly,  had  the 
advocates  of  expediency  a  better  opportunity  for  pleading 
in  favour  of  a  decree  ordaining  that  "one  chosen  from 
among  the  presbyters  should  be  put  over  the  rest,  and  that 
the  whole  care  of  the  Church  should  be  committed  to  him, 
that  the  seeds  of  schisms  should  be  taken  away."t 

III.  The  testimony  of  Hilary,  who  was  contemporary 
with  Jerome,  exactly  accords  with  the  views  here  promul- 
gated as  to  the  date  of  this  occurrence.  This  writer,  who 
was  also  a  minister  of  the  Eoman  Church,  was  obviously 
acquainted  with  a  tradition  that  a  change  had  taken  place 
at  an  early  period  in  the  mode  of  ecclesiastical  government. 
His  evidence  is  all  the  more  valuable  as  it  contains  internal 
proofs  of  derivation  from  an  independent  source  ;  for,  whilst 
it  corroborates  the  statement  of  Jerome,  it  supplies  fresh 
historical  details.  According  to  his  account,  "  after  that 
churches  were  erected  in  all  places  and  offices  established, 
an  arrangement  was  adopted  different  from  that  which  pre- 
vailed at  the  beginning.";};  By  "the  beginning"  he  under- 
stands the  apostolic  age,  or  the  time  when  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  written.  §  He  then  goes  on  to  say,  in  explana- 
tion, that  it  was  found  necessary  to  change  the  mode  of 
appointing  the  chairman  of  the  eldership,  and  that  he  was 
now  promoted  to  the  office  by  election,  and  not  by  seniority.  || 

*  Hieronymus,  "  Comment,  in  Titum."  f  Ibid. 

X  "  Tamen  postquam  in  omnibus  locis  ecclesia;  sunt  constituta),  et  officia 
ordinata,  aliter  comi^osita  res  est,  quam  cojperat." — Comment,  in  Epist.  ad 
Ephes.  cap.  4. 

§  "  Ideo  non  per  omnia  conveniunt  scripta  apostoli  ordinationi,  qua3  nunc 
in  ecclesia  est ;  quia  bsec  inter  ipsa  primordia  sunt  scripta." — Ibid. 

II  "  Ut  non  ordo,  sed  meritum  crearet  episcopum." — Ibid.  Hilary  appears  to 
have  believed  with  Jerome  that  the  Church  was  originally  governed  "  by  the 
common  council  of  the  presbyters,"  but  that,  meanwhile,  with  their  sanction,  or 
under  peculiar  circumstances,  deacons  might  preach  and  even  laymen  baptize. 


542  THE  TIME  OF  HYGINUS. 

Whilst  his  language  indicates  distinctly  that  this  alteration 
was  made  after  the  days  of  the  apostles,  it  also  implies  a 
date  not  later  than  the  second  century;  for,  though  it  was 
"  after  the  beginning,"  it  was  at  a  time  when  churches  had 
been  only  recently  "  erected  in  all  places,  and  offices  estab- 
lished," The  period  of  the  spread  of  heresies  at  Rome,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and 
when  Hyginus  closed  his  career,  answers  these  conditions. 

IV.  As  Rome  was  the  head-quarters  of  heathenism,  it 
was  also  the  place  where  the  divisions  of  the  Church  must 
have  proved  most  disastrous.  There,  the  worshijD  of  the 
State  was  celebrated  in  all  its  magnificence ;  there,  the  Em- 
peror, the  Pontifex  Maximus  of  the  gods,  surrounded  by  a 
splendid  hierarchy  of  priests  and  augurs,  presided,  at  the 
great  festivals;  and  there,  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands, 
prompted  by  interest  or  by  prejudice,  were  prepared  to 
struggle  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  superstition. 
Already,  the  Church  of  Rome  had  often  sustained  the  vio- 
lence of  persecution ;  but,  notwithstanding  the  bloody  trials 
it  had  undergone,  it  had  continued  steadily  to  gain  strength ; 
and  a  sagacious  student  of  the  signs  of  the  times  might 
even  now  have  looked  forward  to  the  day  when  Christianity 
and  paganism,  on  nearly  equal  terms,  would  be  contending 
for  mastery  in  the  chief  city  of  the  Empire.  But  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  heretics  were  calculated  to  dissipate  all  the 
visions  of  ecclesiastical  ascendency.  If  the  Roman  Chris- 
tians were  split  up  into  fragments  by  sectarianism,  the 
Church,  in  one  of  its  great  centres  of  influence,  would  be 
incalculably  injured.  And  yet,  how  could  the  crisis  be 
averted"?  How  could  heresy  be  most  eflectuaUy  discoun- 
tenanced'? How  could  the  unity  of  the  Church  be  best 
maintained?     In  times  of  peril  the  Romans  had  formerly 

Such,  too,  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  TertuUian.  See  Kaye's  "  Tertul- 
lian,"  pp.  226, 448.  Hilary,  however,  maintained  that  this  arrangement  was  soon 
abrogated.  "  Ccspit  aho  ordine  et  providentia  gubernari  ecclesia ;  quia  si  omnes 
eadem  possent,  irrationabile  esset,  et  vulgaris  res,  et  vilissima  videretur." 


PRELACY  BEGINS.  543 

been  wont  to  set  up  a  Dictator,  and  to  commit  the  whole 
power  of  the  commonwealth  to  one  trusty  and  vigorous 
ruler.  During  the  latter  days  of  the  RepubHc,  the  State 
Lad  been  almost  torn  to  pieces  by  contending  factions ;  and 
now,  under  the  sway  of  the  Emperors,  it  enjoyed  compara- 
tive repose.  It  seems  to  have  occurred  to  the  brethren  at 
Rome  that  they  should  try  the  effects  of  a  similar  change 
in  the  ecclesiastical  constitution.  By  committing  the  go- 
vernment of  the  Church,  in  this  emergency,  almost  entirely 
into  the  hands  of  one  able  and  resolute  administrator,  they, 
perhaps,  hoped  to  contend  successfully  against  the  dangers 
by  which  they  were  now  encompassed. 

V.  A  recent  calamity  of  a  different  character  was  cal- 
culated to  abate  the  jealousy  which  such  a  proposition 
might  have  otherwise  awakened.  It  appears  that  Teles- 
phorus,  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Hyginus,  suffered  a 
violent  death.'"'  Telesphorus  is  the  first  bishop  of  Rome 
whose  title  to  martyrdom  can  be  fairly  established ;  and  not 
one  of  his  successors  during  the  remainder  of  the  second 
century  forfeited  his  life  for  his  religion.  The  death  of  the 
presiding  pastor,  as  a  victim  to  the  intolerance  of  heathen- 
ism, must  have  thrown  the  whole  Church  into  a  state  of 
confusion  and  perplexity;  and  when  Hyginus  was  called 
upon  to  occupy  the  vacant  chair,  well  might  he  enter  ujDon 
its  duties  with  deep  anxiety.  The  appearance  of  heresy 
multiplied  the  difficulties  of  his  office.  It  might  now  be 
asked  with  no  small  amount  of  plausibility — Is  the  presiding 
presbyter  to  have  no  special  privileges'?  If  his  mind  is  to 
be  harassed  continually  by  errorists,  and  if  his  life  is  to  be 
imperilled  in  the  service  of  the  Church,  should  he  not  be 
distinguished  above  his  brethren  1  Without  some  such 
encourao-ement  will  not  the  elders  at  leno'th  refuse  to  ac- 
cept  a  situation  which  entails  so  much  responsibility,  and 
yet  possesses  so  little  influence  1     Such  questions,  urged 

*  IrentEus,  iii.  3,  §  3. 


544  INFLUENCE  OP  THE  CHURCH  OF  ROME. 

under  such  circumstances,  must  have  been  felt  to  be  per- 
plexing. 

VI.  As  there  was  now  constant  intercourse  between  the 
seat  of  government  and  all  the  provinces  of  the  Empire,  it 
would  seem  that  the  Church  of  the  metropolis  soon  con- 
trived to  avail  itself  of  the  facilities  of  its  position  for 
keeping  up  a  correspondence  with  the  Churches  of  other 
countries/""  In  due  time  the  results  became  apparent. 
Every  event  of  interest  which  occurred  in  any  quarter  of 
the  Christian  world  was  known  speedily  in  the  capital;  no 
important  religious  movement  could  be  weU  expected  to 
succeed  without  the  concurrence  and  co-operation  of  the 
brethren  at  Eome;  and  its  ministers  gradually  acquired 
such  influence  that  they  were  able,  to  some  extent,  to  con- 
trol the  public  opinion  of  the  whole  ecclesiastical  com- 
munity. On  this  occasion  they,  perhaps,  did  not  find  it 
difficult  to  persuade  their  co-religionists  to  enter  into  their 
views.  In  Antioch,  in  Alexandria,  in  Ephesus,  and  else- 
where, as  well  as  in  Italy,  the  heretics  had  been  displaying 
the  most  mischievous  activity ;  t  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  the  remedy  now  proposed  by  the  ruling  spirits  in  the 
great  city  had  already  suggested  itself  to  others.  During 
the  summer  months  vessels  were  trading  to  Eome  from  all 
the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean,  so  that  Christian  deputies, 
without  much  inconvenience,  could  repair  to  head-quarters, 
and,  in  concert  with  the  metropolitan  presbyters,  make 
arrangements  for  united  action.  If  the  champions  of  ortho- 
doxy were  nearly  as  zealous  as  the  errorists,|  they  must 
have  travelled  much  during  these  days  of  excitement.  But 
had  not  the  idea  of  increasing  the  power  of  the  presiding 
pastor  originated  in  Eome,  or  had  it  not  been  supported  by 

*  See  Period  II.  sec.  1.  chap.  iv.  pp.  334-336. 

+  Irenseus,  i.  24,  §  1 ;  i.  28,  §  1. 

%  Thus,  Valentine  travelled  from  Alexandria  to  Rome,  and  afterwards 
settled  in  Cyprus.  Marcion,  who  was  originally  connected  with  Pontus,  and 
who  taught  in  Rome,  is  said  to  have  also  travelled  in  Egypt  and  the  East. 


THE  CHAIR  LONG  VACANT  ABOUT  A.D.  142.      545 

the  weighty  sanction  of  the  Church  of  the  capital,  it  is  not 
to  be  supposed  that  it  would  have  been  so  readily  and  so 
extensively  adopted  by  the  Churches  in  other  parts  of  the 
Empire. 

VII.  Though  we  know  little  of  the  early  history  of  the 
Roman  see,  it  would  seem  that,  on  the  death  of  Hyginus, 
there  was  a  vacancy  of  unusual  length ;  and  circumstances, 
which  meanwhile  took  place,  argue  strongly  in  favour  of 
the  conclusion  that,  aboat  this  time,  the  change  in  the 
ecclesiastical  constitution  indicated  by  Jerome  actually 
occurred.  According  to  some,  the  interval  between  the 
death  of  Hyginus  and  the  commxcncement  of  the  episcopate 
of  Pius,  his  immediate  successor,  was  of  several  years'  dura- 
tion ; """  but  it  is  clear  that  the  chair  must  have  been  vacant 
for  at  least  about  a  twelvemonth.f  How  are  we  to  account 
for  this  interregnum'?  We  know  that  subsequently,  in  the 
times  of  Decius  and  of  Diocletian,  there  were  vacancies  of 
quite  as  long  continuance;  but  then  the  Church  was  in  the 
agonies  of  martyrdom,  and  the  Roman  Christians  were  pre- 
vented by  the  strong  arm  of  imperial  tyranny  from  filling 
up  the  bishopric.  Now  no  such  calamity  appears  to  have 
threatened;  and  the  commotions  created  by  the  heretics 
supply  evidence  that  persecution  was  asleep.  This  long 
vacancy  must  be  otherwise  explained.  If  Hyginus  had  been 
invested  with  additional  authority,  and  if  he  soon  after- 
wards died,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  his  removal  was 
the  signal  for  the  renewal  of  agitation.  Questions  which, 
perhaps,  had  not  hitherto  been  mooted,  now  arose.  How 
was  the  vacant  place  to  be  supplied '?  Was  the  senior 
presbyter,  no  matter  how  ill  adapted  for  the  crisis,  to  be 
allowed  to  take  quiet  possession  ?  If  other  influential 
Churches  required  to  be  consulted,  some  time  woidd  thus 

*  "  Blondelli  Apologia  pro    Sententia  Hieronymi,"  p.  18.     Blondel  makes 
the  vacancy  of  four  years'  continuance, 
t  Pearson's  "  Minor  Works,"  ii.  p.  571. 
2  M 


546  VALENTINE  A  CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  CHAIR. 

be  occupied;  so  tliat  delay  in  the  appointment  was  una- 
voidable. 

During  this  interval  tlie  spirit  of  faction  was  busily  at 
work.  The  heretic  Marcion  sought  admission  into  the 
Roman  jDresbytery ; ''"  and  Valentine,  who  appears  to  have 
been  now  recognized  as  an  elder,t  no  doubt  supported  the 
ajDplication.  The  presbytery  itself  was  probably  divided, 
and  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that  even  Valentine  had 
hopes  of  obtaining  the  presidential  chair  !  His  pretensions, 
at  this  period  of  his  career,  were  sufficiently  imposing. 
Though  he  may  have  been  suspected  of  unsoundness  in  the 
faith,  he  had  not  yet  committed  himself  by  any  public 
avowal  of  his  errors;  and  as  a  man  of  literary  accomplish- 
ment, address,  energy,  and  eloquence,  he  had  few  compeers. 
No  wonder,  with  so  many  disturbing  elements  in  operation, 
that  the  see  remained  so  long  vacant. 

Some  would  willingly  deny  that  Valentine  was  a  candi- 
date for  the  episcopal  chair  of  Rome,  but  the  fact  can  be 
established  by  evidence  the  most  direct  and  conclusive. 
TertuUian,  who  had  lived  in  the  imperial  city,  and  who 
was  well  acquainted  with  its  Church  history,  expressly 
states  that  '"  Valentine  hoped  for  the  bishopric,  because  he 
excelled  in  genius  and  eloquence,  but  indignant  that  another, 
who  had  the  superior  claim  of  a  confessor,  obtained  the 
place,  he  deserted  the  Catholic  Church."  J  The  Cartha- 
ginian father  does  not,  indeed,  here  name  the  see  to  which 
the  heresiarch  unsuccessfully  aspired,  but  his  words  shut 
us  up  to  the  conclusion  that  he  alluded  to  Rome.§     And 

*  Epiphanius,  "  Hseres."  42,  Opera,  torn.  i.  p.  302. 

t  See  Burton's  "  Lectures,"  ii.  98. 

X  "  Speraverat  episcopatum  Valeutiuus,  quia  et  ingenio  poterat  et  eloquio, 
Sed  alium  ex  martyrii  prserogativa  loci  potitum  indignatus  de  ecclesia  authen- 
ticaj  regulse  abrupit." — Adv.  Valent.  c.  iv. 

§  Tertullian  states  that  Valentine  at  first  believed  the  doctrine  of  the  Ca- 
tholics in  the  Church  of  Rome.  "  De  PrsBscrip."  c.  30.  When  he  came  to  the 
city  he  was  admitted  to  communion.  He  set  up  a  distinct  sect  after  Pius  was 
made  bishop.     It  is  impossible,  therefore,  to  avoid  the  inference  that  he  was 


THE  LETTERS  OF  PIUS  OF  EOME.  547 

we  can  thus  discover  at  least  one  reason  why  the  history 
of  this  vacancy  has  been  involved  in  so  much  mystery.  In 
a  few  more  generations  the  whole  Church  would  have  felt 
compromised  by  any  reflection  cast  upon  the  orthodoxy  of 
the  great  Western  bishopric,'"'  How  sadly  would  many 
have  been  scandalized  had  it  been  proclaimed  abroad  that 
the  arch-heretic  Valentine  had  once  hoped  to  occupy  the 
chair  of  St  Peter  ! 

VIII.  Two  letters  Avhich  are  still  extant,  and  which  are 
supposed  to  have  been  addressed  by  Pius,  the  immediate 
successor  of  Hyginus,  to  Justus,  bishop  of  Vienne  in  Gaul, 
supply  corroborative  evidence  that  the  presiding  pastor 
had  recently  obtained  additional  authority.  Though  the 
genuineness  of  these  documents  has  been  questioned,  the  ob- 
jections urged  against  them  have  not  been  sufficient  to  pre- 
vent critics  and  antiquarians  of  all  parties  from  appealing  to 
their  testimony.t  It  is  not  improbable  that  they  are  Latin 
translations  from  Greek  originals,  and  we  may  thus  account 
for  a  few  words  to  be  found  in  them  which  were  intro- 
duced at  a  later  period.^     Their  tone  and  spirit,  which  are 

mortified  because  he  was  not  himself  chosen.  Tertnllian  here  confounds 
Eleutherius  and  Hyginus. 

*  The  unwillingness  even  of  Tertullian  to  sa}'  anything  to  its  prejudice  has 
been  often  remarked.  See  Neander  on  a  passage  in  the  tract  "  De  Virg.  Ve- 
land."  in  his  "  Antignostikos,"  appended  to  his  "  History  of  the  Planting  and 
Training  of  the  Christian  Church,"  in  Bohn's  edition,  ii.  420.  See  also  the 
same,  p.  429.     See  also  "  De  Pudicitia,"  c.  1. 

+  They  are  quoted  as  genuine  bj'  Binius,  Baronius,  Bona,  Thorndike,  Bing- 
ham, Salmasius,  and  many  others.  Bishop  Beveridge  speaks  of  one  of  them 
as  of  undoubted  authority.  "  In  indicbitata  illius  epistola." — Annot.  in  Can. 
Ap.  See  Cotelerius,  i.  459.  Pearson  rejects  them  as  spurious,  whilst  contend- 
ing so  valiantly  for  the  Ignatian  Epistles. 

t  Such  as  Missa  and  Titulus.  But  that  Pastor  really  did  erect  a  place  in 
which  the  Christians  assembled  for  worship,  as  stated  in  one  of  these  letters, 
is  not  improbable.  See  Routh's  "  Reliquiae,"  i.  430.  Pearson  objects  to  them 
on  the  ground  that  Eleutherius  is  spoken  of  in  one  of  them  as  a  presbyter, 
whereas  Hegesippus  describes  him  as  deacon  afterwards  in  the  time  of  Anice- 
tus.  See  Euseb.  iv.  22.  But  it  is  not  clear  that  Hegesippus  here  uses  the 
word  deacon  in  its  strictly  technical  sense.  He  may  mean  by  it  minister  or 
manager,  and   may  design  to  indicate  that  Eleutherius  was  the  most  pro- 


548  THE  LETTERS  OF  PIUS  OF  ROME. 

entirely  different  from  the  spurious  productions  ascribed  to 
the  same  age,  plead  strongly  in  their  favour  as  trustworthy 
witnesses.  The  writer  makes  no  lofty  pretensions  as  a 
Roman  bishop ;  he  speaks  of  himself  simply  as  at  the  head 
of  an  humble  presbytery;  and  it  would  be  difficult  to 
divine  the  motive  which  could  have  tempted  an  impostor 
to  fabricate  such  unpretending  compositions.  Though  given 
as  the  veritable  Epistles  of  Pius  by  the  highest  literary 
authorities  of  Eome,  they  are  certainly  ill  calculated  to 
prop  up  the  cause  of  the  Papacy.  If  their  claims  are 
admitted,  they  must  be  regarded  as  among  the  earliest 
authentic  records  in  which  the  distinction  between  the 
terms  bishop  and  presbyter  is  unequivocally  recognized; 
and  it  is  obvious  that  if  alterations  in  the  ecclesiastical 
constitution  were  made  under  Hyginus,  they  must  have 
prepared  the  way  for  such  a  change  in  the  terminology. 
In  one  of  these  Epistles  Pius  gives  the  following  piece  of 
advice  to  his  correspondent : — "  Let  the  elders  and  deacons 
respect  you,  not  as  a  greater,  but  as  the  servant  of  Christ.""" 
This  letter  purports  to  have  been  written  when  its  author 
anticipated  the  approach  of  death;  and  the  individual  to 
whom  it  is  directed  seems  to  have  been  just  placed  in  the 
episcopal  chair.  Had  Pius  believed  that  Justus  had  a 
divine  right  to  rule  over  the  presbyters,  would  he  have 
tendered  such  an  admonition  1  A  hundred  years  afterwards, 
Cyprian  of  Carthage,  when  addressing  a  young  prelate, 
would  certainly  have  expressed  himself  very  differently. 
He  would,  probably,  have  complained  of  the  presumption 
of  the  presbyters,  have  boasted  of  the  majesty  of  the  epis- 
copate, and  have  exhorted  the  new  bishop  to  remember  his 
apostolical  dignity.     But,  in  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 

minent  official  personage  under  Anicetus,  occupying  the  position  afterwards 
held  by  the  archdeacon. 

*  "  Presbyteri  et  Diaconi,  non   ut  majorem,  sed  ut  niinistrum  Christi  te 
observent." 


THE  LETTEES  OF  PIUS  OF  ROME.  549 

tury,  such  language  would  have  been  strangely  out  of  place. 
Pius  is  writing  to  an  individual,  just  entering  on  an  office 
lately  endowed  with  additional  privileges,  who  could  not 
yet  afford  to  make  an  arbitrary  use  of  his  new  authority. 
He,  therefore,  counsels  him  to  moderation,  and  cautions 
him  against  presuming  on  his  power.  "  Beware,"  says  he, 
"  in  your  intercourse  with  your  presbyters  and  deacons,  of 
insisting  too  much  on  the  duty  of  obedience.  Let  them 
feel  that  your  prerogative  is  not  exercised  capriciously,  but 
for  good  and  necessary  purposes.  Let  the  elders  and  dea- 
cons regard  you,  not  so  much  in  the  light  of  a  superior,  as 
the  servant  of  Christ." 

In  another  portion  of  this  letter  a  piece  of  intelligence  is 
communicated,  which,  as  coming  from  Pius,  possesses  pecu- 
liar interest.  When  the  law  was  enacted  altering  the  mode 
of  succession  to  the  presidency,  it  may  be  supposed  that 
the  proceeding  was  deemed  somewhat  ungracious  towards 
those  aged  presbyters  who  might  have  soon  expected,  as  a 
matter  of  right,  to  obtain  possession  of  the  seat  of  the 
moderator.  The  death  of  Telesphorus,  the  predecessor  of 
Hyginus,  as  a  martyr,  was,  indeed,  calculated  to  abate  an 
anxiety  to  secure  the  chair ;  for  the  whole  Church  was  thus 
painfully  reminded  that  it  was  a  post  of  danger,  as  well  as 
of  dignity ;  but  still,  when,  on  the  occurrence  of  the  first 
vacancy,  Pius  was  promoted  over  the  heads  of  older  men, 
he  may,  on  this  ground,  have  felt,  to  some  extent,  embar- 
rassed by  his  elevation.  We  may  infer,  however,  from  this 
letter,  that  the  few  senior  presbyters,  with  whose  advance- 
ment the  late  arrangement  interfered,  did  not  long  sm^vive 
this  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  Church ;  for  the  bishop  of 
Eome  here  informs  his  Gallic  brother  of  their  demise. 
"  Those  presbyters,"  says  he,  "  who  were  taught  by  the 
apostles,'""  and  who  have  survived  to  our  own  days,  with 

*  That,  in  the  time  of  J\rarcion,  there  were  Roman  presbyters  who  had  been 
disciples  of  the  apostles,  see  Tillemont,  "Memoires,"  torn.  ii.  sec.  par.  p.  215. 
Edit.  Brussels,  1695. 


550  NEW  USE  OF  THE  WORD  BISHOP. 

whom,  we  have  united  in  dispensing  the  word  of  faith,  have 
now,  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  the  Lord,  gone  to  their 
eternal  rest."  ""'  Such  a  notice  of  the  decease  of  these  vener- 
able colleagues  is  precisely  what  might  have  been  expected, 
under  the  circumstances,  in  a  letter  from  Pius  to  Justus. 

IX.  The  use  of  the  word  hishojy,  as  denoting  the  presi- 
dent of  the  presbytery,  marks  an  era  in  the  history  of 
ecclesiastical  polity.  New  terms  are  not  coined  without 
necessity;  neither,  without  an  adequate  cause,  is  a  new 
meaning  annexed  to  an  ancient  designation.  When 
the  name  bishop  was  first  used  as  descriptive  of  the  cluej 
'pastor,  there  must  have  been  some  special  reason  for  such 
an  application  of  the  title;  and  the  rise  of  the  hierarchy 
furnishes  the  only  satisfactory  explanation.t  If  then  we 
can  ascertain  when  this  new  nomenclature  first  made  its 
appearance,  we  can  also  fix  the  date  of  the  origin  of  prelacy. 
Though  the  documentary  proof  available  for  the  illustration 
of  this  subject  is  comparatively  scanty,  it  is  sufficient  for 
our  purpose ;  and  it  clearly  shews  that  the  presiding  elder 
did  not  begin  to  be  known  hj  the  title  of  bishop  until 
about  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  Polycarp,  who 
seems  to  have  written  about  that  time,  J  still  uses  the  ter- 

*  "  Preshyteri  illi  qui  ab  apostolis  educati  usque  ad  nos  pervenerunt,  cum 
quibus  simul  verbum  fidei  partiti  sumus,  a  Domino  vocati  in  cubilibus  seter- 
nis  clausi  tenentur." 

■)-  Pearson  ("  Vindicise,"  par.  ii.  c.  13)  bas  appealed  to  a  letter  from  the  Em- 
peror Hadrian  to  tbe  Consul  Servianus  as  a  proof  that  the  terms  bishop  and 
presbyter  had  distinctive  meanings  as  early  as  a.d.  134.  The  passage  is  as  fol- 
lows : — "  Illi  qui  Serapim  colunt,  Christiani  sunt ;  et  devoti  sunt  Serapi, 
qui  se  Christi  episcopos  dicuut.     Nemo  illic  Ai'chisyuagogus  Judseorum,  nemo 

Samarites,  nemo  Christianorum  Presbyter Ipse  ille  Patriarcha,  quum 

.^gyptum  venerit,  ab  aliis  Serapidem  adorare,  ab  aliis  cogitur  Christum." 
Such  a  testimony  only  shews  that  Pearson  was  sadly  in  want  of  evidence. 
This  same  letter  has  in  fact  often  been  adduced  to  prove  that  the  terms 
bishop  and  presbyter  were  still  used  interchangeably,  and  such  is  certainly 
the  more  legitimate  inference.  See  Lardner's  remai'ks  on  this  letter,  Works, 
vol.  vii.  p.  99.     Edit.  London,  1838. 

X  "■  The  Philippians  appear  to  have  continued  to  live  under  the  same  aristo- 
cratic constitution  (of  venerable  elders)  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
when  Polycarp  addressed  his  Epistle  to  them." — Bunsenh  Hippolytus,  i.  369. 


NEW  USE  OF  THE  WORD  BISHOP.  551 

minology  employed  by  the  apostles.  Justin  Martyr,  the 
earliest  father  who  has  left  behind  him  memorials  amount- 
ing in  extent  to  anything  like  a  volume,  often  speaks  of 
the  chief  minister  of  the  Church,  and  designates  him,  not 
the  bishop,  but  the  president'''  His  phraseology  is  all  the 
more  important  as  he  lived  for  some  time  in  Rome,  and  as 
he  undoubtedly  adopted  the  style  of  exj^ression  once  cur- 
rent in  the  great  city.  But  another  writer,  who  was  his 
contemporary,  and  who  also  resided  in  the  capital,  inciden- 
tally suj)plies  evidence  that  the  new  title  was  then  just 
coming  into  use.  The  author  of  the  book  called  "  Pastor," 
when  referring  to  those  who  were  at  the  head  of  the  pres- 
byteries, describes  them  as  "  the  bishops,  that  is,  the 
PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  Churches."  t  The  rcasou  wiiy  he  here 
deems  it  necessary  to  explain  what  he  means  by  bishops 
cannot  well  be  mistaken.  The  name,  in  its  new  applica- 
tion, was  not  yet  familiar  to  the  public  ear;  and  it  there- 
fore required  to  be  interpreted  by  the  more  ancient  desig- 
nation. Could  we  tell  when  this  work  of  Hernias  was 
written,  we  could  also  perhaps  name  the  very  year  when 
the  president  of  the  eldership  was  first  called  bishop.J  It 
is  now  pretty  generally  admitted  that  the  author  was  no 
other  than  the  brother  of  Pius  of  Rome,§  the  immediate 
successor  of  Hyginus,  so  that  he  wrote  exactly  at  the  time 
when,  as  appears  from  other  evidences,  the  transition  from 
presbytery  to  prelacy  actually  occurred.  His  words  furnish 
a  very  strong,  but  an  undesigned,  attestation  to  the  novelty 
of  the  episcopal  regimen. 

*  npoea-Tois,  Opera,  pp.  97-99. 

t  "  Episcopi,  id  est,  firesides  ecdesiarum." — Lib.  iii.  simil.  ix.  c.  27.  There 
is  a  parallel  j)assage  to  this  in  Tertiillian,  "  De  Baptismo,"  c.  17 — "  Summus 
sacerdos,  qui  est  episcopus."  This  is,  perhaps,  the  first  instance  on  record  in 
which  a  bishop  is  called  the  chief  i^riest.  Hence  the  necessity  of  the  inter- 
pretation— "  qui  est  episcoj^us."  Pastor  considered  an  explanation  of  the  title 
"  episcopus  "  eqvially  necessary. 

+  Neander  supposes  this  work  to  have  been  wi'itten  a.d.  156.  "  General 
History,"  ii.  443.  §  See  Period  II.  sec.  ii.  chap.  i.  j).  368. 


552  TESTIMONY  OF  THE  PONTIFICAL  BOOK. 

X.  But,  perhaps,  the  most  pointed,  and  certainly  the  most 
remarkable  testimony  to  the  fact  that  a  change  took  place 
in  the  constitution  of  the  Eoman  Church  in  the  time  of 
Hyginus  is  furnished  from  a  quarter  where  such  a  voucher 
might  have  been,  least  of  all,  anticipated.  We  allude  to 
the  Pontifical  Book.  This  work  has  been  ascribed  to  Da- 
masus,  the  well-known  bishop  of  the  metropolis  of  the  West, 
who  flourished  in  the  foiurth  century,  but  much  of  it  is  un- 
questionably of  later  origin ;  and  though  many  of  its  state- 
ments are  apocryphal,  it  is  often  quoted  as  a  document  of 
weight  by  the  most  distinguished  ^vTiters  of  the  Romish 
communion.'"  Its  account  of  the  early  popes  is  little  better 
than  a  mass  of  fables;  but  some  of  its  details  are  evidently 
exaggerations,  or  rather  caricatures,  of  an  authentic  tradition ; 
and  a  few  grains  of  truth  maybe  discovered  here  and  there 
in  a  heap  of  fictions  and  anachronisms.  This  part  of  the 
production  contains  one  brief  sentence  which  has  greatly 
puzzled  the  commentators,!  as  it  is  strangely  out  of  keeping 
with  the  general  spirit  of  tlie  narrative,  and  as  it  contra- 
dicts, rather  awkwardly,  the  pretensions  of  the  popedom. 
According  to  tins  testimony,  Hyginus  "  aekanged  the 
CLERGY  and  distuibuted  THE  GRADATIONS."  |  Peter  himsclf 
is  described  by  Romanists  as  organizing  the  Church;  but 
here,  one  of  his  alleged  successors,  upwards  of  seventy  years 

*  So  high  indeed  is  its  authority  that  many  facts  taken  from  it  are  recorded 
in  the  "  Breviary."  Even  Bunsen  appeals  to  it.  See  "  Analecta  Antenicaena," 
iii.  52,  53. 

t  Binius  makes  the  following  abortive  attempt  to  explain  the  statement — 
"  Qu6d  hierarchicus  catholicse  ecclesise  ordo,  quo  presbyteri  episcopis,  diaconi 
presbyteris,  populus  presbyteris  et  diaconis  subditus  est,  ab  Hygino  compo- 
situs  esse  hie  dicitur,  non  aliter  intelligi  potest,  quS,m  quod  Hyginus  hier- 
archise  ecclesiasticse  jam  tempore  apostolorum  a  Christo  Domino^constitutse, 
et  a  Sanctis  Patribus  ipso  antiquioribus  comprobatee,  quaedam  duntaxat  injuria 
temporum  et  scriptorum  deperdita  addiderit,  vel  eadem  quEe  Divino  jure  insti- 
tuta,  et  a  patribus  comprobata  sunt,  hac  coustitutione  sua  illustraverit." — 
Concilia,  i.  65,  66. 

X  "  Hie  clerum  composuit,  et  distribuit  gradus." — Binii  Concil.  i.  65. 
Baronius,  ad  annum,  158. 


TESTIMONY  OF  THE  PONTIFICAL  BOOK.  553 

after  his  death,  is  set  forth  as  the  real  framer  of  the  hier- 
archy,"' The  facts  ah-eady  adduced  prove  that  this  obscure 
announcement  rests  upon  a  sound  historical  foundation,  and 
that  it  vaguely  indicates  the  alterations  now  introduced  into 
the  ecclesiastical  constitution.  If  Hilary  and  Jerome  be  em- 
ployed as  its  interpreters,  the  truth  may  be  easily  eliminated. 
At  a  synod  held  in  Rome,  Hyginus  brought  under  the  notice 
of  the  meeting  tlie  confusion  and  scandal  created  by  the 
movements  of  the  errorists;  and,  with  a  view  to  correct 
these  disorders,  the  council  agreed  to  invest  the  moderator 
of  each  presbytery  with  increased  authority,  to  give  him  a 
discretionary  power  as  the  general  superintendent  of  the 
Church,  and  to  require  the  other  elders,  as  well  as  the  dea- 
cons, to  act  under  his  advice  and  direction,  A  new  func- 
tionary was  thus  established,  and,  under  the  old  name  of 
bishop  or  overseer,  a  third  order  was  virtually  added  to  the 
ecclesiastical  brotherhood.  Hence  Hyginus,  who,  no  doubt, 
took  a  prominent  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  convo- 
cation, is  said  to  have  "  arranged  the  clergy  and  distributed 
the  gradations." 

The  change  in  the  ecclesiastical  polity  which  now  occurred 
led  to  results  equally  extensive  and  permanent,  and  yet  it 
has  been  but  indistinctly  noticed  by  the  writers  of  anti- 
quity. Nor  is  it  so  strange  that  we  have  no  contemporary 
account  of  this  ecclesiastical  revolution.  The  history  of 
other  occurrences  and  innovations  is  buried  in  profound 
obscurity.  We  can  only  ascertain  by  inference  what  were 
the  reasons  which  led  to  the  general  adoption  of  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  to  the  use  of  the  chrism  in  baptism,  to  standing 
at  the  Lord's  Supper,  to  the  institution  of  lectors,  acolyths, 
and  sub-deacons,  and  to  the  establishment  of  metropolitans. 

*  When  referring  to  this  statement  Baronius  says — "  Porro  quod  ad  gradus 
cujusque  ordinis  in  Ecclesia,  quo  ecclesiastica  habetur  composita  hierarchia, 
jam  a  temporibus  apostolorum  hsec  facta  esse,  Ignatio  aiictore  et  aliis,  tomo 
pvimo  AnnaHum  demonstravimus  ;  verum  aliqua  antiquce  formce  ah  Hyginio 
flUsse  addita,  vel  eadem  ilhistrata,  ceqrmm  est  cestimare!^ 


554  TEACES  OF  THE  EISE  OF  PEELACY. 

Tliough  the  Paschal  controversy  agitated  almost  the  whole 
Church  towards  the  close  of  the  second  century,  and  though 
TertuUian  wrote  immediately  afterwards,  he  does  not  once 
mention  it  in  any  of  his  numerous  extant  publications.'" 
Owing  to  peculiar  circumstances  the  rise  of  prelacy  can  be 
more  minutely  traced  than  that  of,  perhaps,  any  other  of 
the  alterations  which  were  introduced  during  the  first  three 
centuries.  At  the  time  the  change  which  it  involved  was 
probably  considered  not  very  important ;  but,  as  the  remain- 
ing literary  memorials  of  the  period  are  few  and  scanty,  the 
reception  which  it  experienced  can  now  only  be  conjectured. 
The  alteration  was  adopted  as  an  antidote  against  the 
growth  of  heresy,  and  thus  originating  in  circumstances  of 
a  humiliating  character,  there  woidd  be  little  disposition,  on 
the  part  of  ecclesiastical  writers,  to  dwell  upon  its  details. 
Soon  afterwards  the  pride  of  churchmen  began  to  be  deve- 
loped ;  and  it  was  then  found  convenient  to  forget  that  all 
things  originally  did  not  accord  with  existing  arrangements, 
and  that  the  hierarchy  itself  was  but  a  human  contrivance. 
Prelacy  soon  advanced  apace,  and  every  bishop  had  an  in- 
terest in  exalting  "  his  order."  It  is  only  wonderful  that 
so  much  truth  has  oozed  out  from  witnesses  so  prejudiced, 
and  that  the  Pontifical  Book  contains  so  decisive  a  deposi- 
tion. And  the  momentous  consequences  of  this  apparently 
slight  infringement  upon  the  primitive  polity  cannot  be 
overlooked.  That  very  Chiu'ch  which,  in  its  attempts  to 
suppress  heresy,  first  departed  from  di^dne  arrangements, 
was  soon  involved  in  doctrinal  error,  and  eventually  became 
the  great  foster-mother  of  superstition  and  idolatry. 

It  may  at  first  seem  extraordinary  that  the  ecclesiastical 
transformation  was  so  rapidly  accomplished ;  but,  when  the 
cii'cumstances  are  more  attentively  considered,  this  view  of 
the  subject  presents  no  real  difficulty.  At  the  outset,  the 
principle  now  sanctioned  produced  very  little  alteration  on 

*  See  Kaye's  "  TertuUian,"  p.  414. 


THE  CHANGE  EASILY  ACCOMPLISHED.  555 

the  general  aspect  of  tlie  spiritual  commonwealth.  At  this 
period  a  Chm-ch,  in  most  places,  consisted  of  a  single  con- 
gregation; and  as  one  elder  laljouring  in  the  word  and 
doctrine  was  generally  deemed  sufficient  to  minister  to  the 
flock,  only  a  slight  modification  took  place  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  such  a  society.  The  preaching  elder,  who  was  en- 
titled by  authority  of  Scripture*  to  take  precedence  of 
elders  who  only  ruled,  had  always  been  permitted  to  act  as 
moderator;  but,  on  the  ground  of  the  new  arrangement,  the 
pastor  probably  began  to  assume  an  authority  over  his  ses- 
sion which  he  had  never  hitherto  ventured  to  exercise.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Antoninus  PiiLS  the  number 
of  towns  with  several  Christian  congTegations  must  have 
been  but  small ;  and  if  five  or  six  leading  cities  approved 
of  the  system  now  inaugurated  at  Eome,  its  general  adop- 
tion was  thus  secured.  The  statements  of  Jerome  and 
Hilary  attest  that  the  matter  was  submitted  to  a  s}Tiod ; 
and  the  remarkable  interregnum  which  followed  the  death 
of  Hyginus  can  be  best  accounted  for  on  the  hypothesis 
that  meanwhile  the  ministers  of  the  great  metropolis  found 
it  necessary  to  consult  the  rulers  of  other  influential  and 
distant  Chm'ches.  If  the  measure  had  the  sanction  of  these 
foreign  brethren,  they  were  of  course  prepared  to  resort  to 
it  at  home  on  the  demise  of  their  presiding  presb}i:er. 
Heretics  were  now  disturbing  the  Chiurch  aU  over  the  Em- 
pire, so  that  the  same  arguments  coidd  be  everywhere  used 
in  favour  of  the  new  polity.  We  find,  too,  that  there  was 
a  vacancy  in  the  presidential  chaii'  at  Antioch  about  the 
time  of  the  death  of  Hyginus;  and  that,  in  the  com^se  of 
the  next  year,  a  similar  vacancy  occurred  at  Alexandria. t 
If  the  three  most  important  Chiu'ches  then  in  Christendom, 

*  1  Tim.  V.  17. 

t  Euseb.  iv.  11  ;  iv.  19.  Dr  Biirton  has  well  observed  that  Alexandria  and 
Antioch  were  "  the  hotbeds  from  which  nearly  all  the  mischief  arose,  which, 
under  the  name  of  philosophy,  inundated  the  Chm-ch  in  the  second  centvuy." 
— Lectures,  vol.  ii.  p.  103. 


556  POLYCAEP  S  VISIT  TO  ROME. 

with  the  sanction  of  a  very  few  others  of  less  note,  almost 
simultaneonsly  adopted  the  new  arrangement,  the  question 
was  practically  settled.  There  were  probably  not  more  than 
twenty  cities  to  be  found  with  more  than  one  Christian  con- 
gregation ;  and  places  of  inferior  consequence  would  speedily 
act  upon  the  exam23le  of  the  large  capitals.  But  unques- 
tionably the  system  now  introduced  gradually  effected  a 
complete  revolution  in  the  state  of  the  Church.  The  ablest 
man  in  the  presbytery  was  commonly  elevated  to  the  chair, 
so  that  the  weight  of  his  talents,  and  of  his  general  cha- 
racter, was  added  to  his  official  consequence.  The  bishop 
soon  became  the  grand  centre  of  influence  and  authority, 
and  arrogated  to  himself  the  principal  share  in  the  admi- 
nistration of  all  divine  ordinances. 

When  this  change  commenced,  the  venerable  Polycarp 
was  still  alive,  and  there  are  some  groimds  for  believing 
that,  when  far  advanced  in  life,  he  was  induced  to  under- 
take a  journey  to  Eome  on  a  mission  of  remonstrance.  This 
view  is  apparently  corroborated  by  the  fact  that  his  own 
Church  of  Smyrna  did  not  now  adopt  the  new  polity;  for 
we  have  seen'"'  that,  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  century  after 
his  demise,  it  still  continued  under  presbyterial  government. 
Irenseus  was  obviously  well  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances which  occasioned  this  extraordinary  visit  of  Poly- 
carp to  Eome;  but  had  he  not  come  into  collision  vdth  the 
pastor  of  the  great  city  in  the  controversy  relating  to  the  . 
Paschal  Feast,  we  might  never  have  heard  of  its  occurrence. 
Even  when  he  mentions  it,  he  observes  a  mysterious  silence 
as  to  its  main  design.  The  Paschal  question  awakened 
little  interest  in  the  days  of  Polycarp,  and  among  the  topics 
which  he  discussed  with  Anicetus  when  at  Eome,  it  con- 
fessedly occupied  a  subordinate  position. t     "When,"  says 

*  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  v.  pp.  516,  517. 

t  "Quanquam  sunt  inter  scriptores   ecclesiasticos   qui  ijutaverint  Poly- 
carpum  Komam  venisse,  ut  qusereret  de  festo  paschatis  :  ex  his  IreiiEei  verbis 


POLYCAEP  S  VISIT  TO  ROME.  557 

Irenaeus,  "  the  most  blessed  Polycarp  came  to  Rome  in  the 
days  of  Anicetus,  and  wlien  as  to  certmn  other  matters  they 
had  a  little  controversy,  they  were  immediately  agreed  on 
this  point  (of  the  Passover)  without  any  disputation."  ^ 
What  the  "  certain  other  matters"  were  which  created  the 
chief  dissatisfaction,  we  are  left  obscurely  to  conjecture; 
but  we  may  presume  that  they  must  have  been  of  no  ordi- 
nary consequence,  when  so  eminent  a  minister  as  Polycarp, 
now  verging  on  eighty  years  of  age,  felt  it  necessary  to 
make  a  lengthened  journey  by  sea  and  land  with  a  view  to 
their  adjustment.  He  obviously  considered  that  Anicetus 
was  at  least  influentially  connected  with  arrangements  which 
he  deemed  objectionable;  and  he  plainly  felt  that  he  could 
hope  to  obtain  their  modification  or  abandonment  only  by  a 
personal  conference  with  the  Eoman  pastor.  And  intima- 
tions are  not  wanting  that  he  was  rather  doubtful  whether 
Anicetus  would  ])e  disposed  to  treat  with  him  as  his  eccle- 
siastical peer,  for  he  seems  to  have  been  in  some  degree 
appeased  when  the  bishop  of  the  capital  jDermitted  him  to 
preside  in  the  Church  at  the  celebration  of  tlie  Eucharist,  f 
This,  certainly,  was  no  extraordinary  piece  of  condescension ; 
as  Polycarp,  on  various  grounds,  was  entitled  to  take  pre- 
cedence of  his  Roman  brother  ;|  and  the  reception  given  to 
the  "  apostolic  presbyter"  was  only  what  might  have  fairly 
been  expected  in  the  way  of  ministerial  courtesy.  §  Why 
has  it  then  been  mentioned  as  an  exhibition  of  the  episco- 
pal humility  of  Anicetus  1  Apparently  because  he  had  been 
previously  making  some  arrogant  assumptions.  He  had 
been,  probably,  presuming  on  his  position  as  a  pastor  of  the 
"  new  order,"  and  his  bearing  had  perhaps  been  so  off'ensive 

luce  clarius  elucet,  oh  alias  causas  loannis  apostoli  discipulum  Eomam  pro- 
fectum  esse." — iStiereri's  Irenceus,  i.  p.  826,  note. 

*  Euseb.  V.  24.  f  Stieren's  "  Irenseus,"  i.  827. 

:j:  First,  as  his  senior  ;  and  secondly,  as  a  disciple  of  the  apostles. 

§  It  was  a  standing  riUe  of  the  Church  that  a  strange  bishop  should  be 
thus  treated.     See  "  Didascalia,"  by  Piatt,  p.  97. 


558  PRELACY  EASILY  INTRODUCED. 

that  Polycarp  had  been  commissioned  to  visit  him  on  an  ( 
errand  of  expostulation.  But  by  prudently  paying  marked 
deference  to  the  aged  stranger ;  and,  it  may  be,  by  giving  a 
plausible  account  of  some  proceedings  which  had  awakened 
anxiety ;  he  appears  to  have  succeeded  in  quieting  his  appre- 
hensions. That  the  presiding  minister  of  the  Church  of 
Smyrna  was  engaged  in  some  such  delicate  mission  is  all  i 
but  certain,  as  the  design  of  the  journey  would  not  other- 
wise have  been  involved  in  so  profound  secrecy.  The  very 
fact  of  its  occurrence  is  first  noticed  about  forty  years  after- 
wards, when  the  haughty  behaviour  of  another  bishop  of 
Rome  provoked  Ireneeus  to  call  up  certain  unwelcome  re- 
miniscences which  it  must  have  suggested. 

Though  the  journey  of  Polycarp  betokens  that  he  must 
have  been  deeply  dissatisfied  with  something  which  was  going 
forward  in  the  great  metropolis,  we  can  only  guess  at  its 
design  and  its  results ;  and  it  is  now  imjoossible  to  ascertain 
whether  the  alterations  introduced  there  encountered  any 
very  formidable  opposition :  but  it  is  by  no  means  improbable 
that  they  were  effected  without  much  difficulty.  The  dis- 
orders of  the  Chiu-ch  imperatively  called  for  some  strong 
remedy ;  and  it  perhaps  occurred  to  not  a  few  that  a  dis- 
tracted presbytery,  under  the  presidency  of  a  feeble  old 
man,  was  but  ill  fitted  to  meet  the  emergency.  They  would 
accordingly  propose  to  strengthen  the  executive  government 
by  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a  more  efficient  mo- 
derator, and  by  arming  him  with  additional  authority.  The 
people  would  be  gratified  by  the  change,  for,  though  in 
Rome  and  some  other  gTeat  cities,  where  its  effects  would  be 
felt  most  sensibly,  they,  no  doubt,  met  before  this  time  in 
separate  congregations,  yet  they  had  still  much  united  inter- 
course ;  and  as,  on  such  occasions,  their  edification  depended 
mainly  on  the  gifts  of  the  chairman  of  the  eldership,  they 
would  gladly  join  in  advancing  the  best  preacher  in  the 
presbytery  to  the  office  of  president.      At  this  particular 


PRELACY  GRADUALLY  ESTABLISHED.  559 

crisis  tlie  alteration  may  not  have  been  unacceptable  to  the 
elders  themselves.  To  those  of  them  who  were  in  the  de- 
cline of  life,  there  was  nothing  very  inviting  in  the  prospect 
of  occupying  the  most  prominent  position  in  a  Church 
threatened  by  persecution  and  torn  by  divisions,  so  that 
they  may  have  been  not  unwilling  to  waive  any  claim  to 
the  presidency  which  their  seniority  implied;  whilst  the 
more  vigorous,  sanguine,  and  aspiring,  wonld  hail  an  ar- 
rangement which  promised  at  no  distant  day  to  place  one 
of  themselves  in  a  position  of  greatly  increased  dignity  and 
influence.  Whilst  all  were  agreed  that  the  times  demanded 
the  appointment  of  the  ablest  member  of  presbytery  as 
moderator,  none,  perhaps,  foresaw  the  danger  of  abiding  per- 
manently to  the  prerogatives  of  so  potent  a  chairman.  It 
was  never  anticipated  that  the  day  would  come  when  the 
new  law  would  be  regarded  as  any  other  than  a  human  con- 
trivance; and  when  the  bishops  and  their  adherents  would 
contend  that  the  presbyters,  under  no  circumstances  what- 
ever, had  a  right  to  reassume  that  power  which  they  now 
surrendered.  The  result,  however,  has  demonstrated  the 
folly  of  human  wisdom.  The  prelates,  who  were  originally 
set  up  to  save  the  Church  from  heresy,  became  themselves 
at  length  the  abetters  of  false  doctrine;  and  whilst  they 
thus  grievously  abused  the  influence  with  which  they  were 
entrusted,  they  had  the  temerity  to  maintain  that  they 
still  continued  to  be  exclusively  the  fountains  of  spiritual 
authority. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  prelacy  was  set  up  at  once 
in  the  plenitude  of  its  power.  Neither  is  it  to  be  imagined 
that  the  system  was  simultaneously  adopted  by  Christians 
all  over  the  world.  Jerome  informs  us  that  it  was  estab- 
lished "by  little  and  little;"'"'  and  he  thus  apparently 
refers,   as  well  to   its  gradual   spread,   as   to  the   almost 

*  "  Paulatim  vero,  ut  dissensionum  plautaria  evellereiitur,  ad  unum  om- 
ueiu  solicitudinem  esse  delatam." — Comment,  in  Tit. 


560  REMNANTS  OF  PRESBYTEPJANISM, 

im^Derceptible  growth  of  its  pretensions.  We  have  shewn, 
in  a  preceding  chapter,''^  that  in  various  cities,  such  as 
Smyrna,  Coesarea,  and  Jerusalem,  the  senior  presbyter  con- 
tinued to  be  the  president  until  about  the  close  of  the 
second  century;  and  there  the  Church  seems  to  have  been 
meanwhile  governed  by  "the  common  council  of  the  pres- 
byters."! Evidence  can  be  adduced  to  prove  that,  in  many 
places, .  even  at  a  much  later  period,  the  episcopal  system 
was  still  unknown.  J  But  its  advocates  were  active  and 
influential,  and  they  continued  to  make  steady  progress. 
The  consolidation  of  the  Catholic  system  contributed  vastly 
to  its  advancement.  The  leading  features  of  this  system 
must  now  be  illustrated. 

*  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  5,  pp.  510,  512,  516,  520. 

t  But  the  presiding  elders  now  began  generally  to  be  called  bishops. 

X  Thus,  though,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  testimony  of  Tertuilian,  Christi- 
anity was  jjlanted  in  North  Britain  in  the  second  century,  the  universal 
tradition  is  that  originally  there  were  no  bishops  in  that  country.  According 
to  an  ancient  MS.  belonging  to  the  former  bishops  of  St  Andrews,  and  to  be 
found  in  the  "  Life  of  AVilliam  Wishart,"  one  of  their  number  who  lived  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  the  first  bishop  created  in  Scotland  was  elected  in 
A.D.  270.     See  Jamieson's  "  Culdees,"  pp.  100,  101. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THE  CATHOLIC  SYSTEM. 


The  word  catholic,  which  signifies  universal  or  general, 
came  into  use  towards  the  end  of  the  second  century.  Its 
introduction  indicates  a  new  phase  in  the  history  of  the 
ecclesiastical  community.  For  upwards  of  a  hundred  years 
after  its  formation,  the  Church  presented  the  appearance 
of  one  great  and  harmonious  brotherhood,  as  false  teachers 
had  hitherto  failed  to  create  any  considerable  diversity  of 
sentiment ;  but  when  many  of  the  literati  began  to  embrace 
the  gospel,  the  influence  of  elements  of  discord  soon  became 
obvious.  These  converts  attempted  to  graft  their  philo- 
sophical theories  on  Christianity;  not  a  few  of  the  more 
unstable  of  the  brethren,  captivated  by  their  ingenuity 
and  eloquence,  were  tempted  to  adopt  their  views;  and 
though  the  great  mass  of  the  disciples  repudiated  their 
adulterations  of  the  truth,  the  Christian  commonwealth  was 
distracted  and  divided.  Those  who  banded  themselves 
together  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  Church  were  soon 
kno^vn  by  the  designation  of  Catholics.  "After  the  days 
of  the  apostles,"  says  one  of  the  fathers,  "when  heresies 
had  burst  forth,  and  were  striving  under  various  names  to 
tear  piecemeal  and  divide  the  Dove  and  the  Queen  of  God,"^^* 

*  Song  of  Solomon,  vi.  9 ;   Ps.  xlv.  9.     "  Sub  Apostolis  nemo  Catholicus 

vocabatur Cum  post  Apostolos  haereses  extitissent,  diversisque  nomini- 

bus  columbam  Dei  atque  reginam  lacerare  per  partes  et  scindere  niterentur ; 
uonne  cognomen  suum  ecclesia  postulabat,  quae  incorrupt!  populi  distingueret 
unitatem  V 

2  N 


562  THE  CATHOLIC  SYSTEM. 

did  not  the  ajDOstolic  people  require  a  name  of  their  own 
whereby  to  mark  the  unity  of  those  that  were  uncorrupted  1 

Therefore  our  people,  when  named  Catholic,  are 

separated  by  this  title  from  those  denominated  heretics." '"' 

The  Catholic  system,  being  an  integral  portion  of  the 
policy  which  invested  the  presiding  elder  with  additional 
authority,  rose  contemporaneously  with  Prelacy.  When 
Gnosticism  was  spreading  so  rapidly,  and  creating  so  much 
scandal  and  confusion,  schism  upon  schism  appeared  un- 
avoidable. How  was  the  Church  to  be  kept  from  going  to 
pieces'?  How  could  its  unity  be  best  conserved?  How 
could  it  contend  most  successfully  against  its  subtle  and 
restless  disturbers?  Such  were  the  problems  which  now 
occupied  the  attention  of  its  leading  ministers.  It  was 
thought  that  all  these  difficulties  would  be  solved  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Catholic  system.  Were  the  Church,  it  was 
said,  to  place  more  power  in  the  hands  of  individuals,  and 
then  to  consolidate  its  influence,  it  could  bear  down  more 
effectively  upon  the  errorists.  Every  chief  pastor  of  the 
Catholic  Church  was  the  symbol  of  the  unity  of  his  own 
ecclesiastical  district ;  and  the  associated  bishops  represented 
the  unity  of  the  whole  body  of  the  faithful.  According  to 
the  Catholic  system  when  strictly  carried  out,  every  indi- 
vidual excommunicated  by  one  bishop  was  excommunicated 
by  all,  so  that  when  a  heresiarch  was  excluded  from  fellow- 
ship in  one  city,  he  could  not  be  received  elsewhere.  The 
visible  unity  of  the  Church  was  the  great  principle  which 
the  Catholic  system  sought  to  realise.  "  The  Church,"  says 
Cyprian,  "which  is  catholic  and  one,  is  not  separated  or 
divided,  but  is  in  truth  connected  and  joined  together  by 
the  cement  of  bishops  mutually  cleaving  to  each  other."  t 

The  funds  of  the  Church  were  placed  very  early  in  the 

*  Pacian,  "Epist.  to  Sympronian,"  sees.  5  and  8.     Pacian  is  said  to  have 
been  bishop  of  Barcelona.     He  died  a.d.  392. 
t  Epist.  Ixix.  265,  266. 


THE  BISHOP  THE  CENTEE  u¥  V^LTY.  563 

hands  of  the  president  of  the  eldership,"'  and  though  they 
may  not  have  been  at  his  absohite  disposal,  he,  no  doubt, 
soon  found  means  of  sustaining  his  authority  by  means  of 
his  monetary  influence.  But  the  power  which  he  possessed, 
as  the  recognized  centre  of  ecclesiastical  unity,  to  prevent 
any  of  his  elders  or  deacons  from  performing  any  ofiicial 
act  of  which  he  disapproved,  constituted  one  of  the  essential 
features  of  the  Catholic  system,  "  The  right  to  administer 
baptism,"  says  Tertullian,  "  belongs  to  the  chief  priest,  that 
is,  the  bishop:  then  to  the  presbyters  and  the  deacons, t 
yet  not  without  the  authority  of  the  bishop,  for  the  lionour 
of  the  Church,  which  being  preserved,  peace  is  preserved/' | 
Here,  the  origin  of  Catholicism  is  pretty  distinctly  indi- 
cated; for  the  prerogatives  of  the  bishop  are  described,  not 
as  matters  of  di^dne  right,  but  of  ecclesiastical  arrange- 
ment. §  They  were  given  to  him  "for  the  honour  of  the 
Church,"  that  peace  might  be  preserv^ed  when  heretics 
began  to  cause  divisions. 

Though  the  bishop  coidd  give  permission  to  others  to 
celebrate  di^-ine  ordinances,  he  was  himself  their  chief 
administrator.  He  was  generally  the  only  preacher  ;  he 
usually  dispensed  baptism  :|j  and  he  presided  at  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Eucharist,  kt  Rome,  where  the  Catholic 
system  was  maintained  most  scrupulously,  his  presence 
seems  to  have  been  considered  necessary  to  the  due  conse- 
cration of  the  elements.  Hence,  at  one  time,  the  sacra- 
mental s}Tiibols  were  carried  from  the  cathecbal  church  to 

*  Justin  Mai-tjT,  Opei-a,  p.  99. 

t  According  to  the  "Apostolic  Constitutions"  the  deacons  were  not  at 
liberty  to  baptize.    Lib.  viii.  c.  28. 

X  "De  Baptismo,"  c.  17. 

§  Tertullian  thus  corroborates  the  testimony  of  Jerome. 

II  "In  the  sixth  century  the  clergy  of  Italy  complained  to  Justinian  that, 
owing  to  the  vacancy  of  sees,  'an  immense  multitude  of  people  died  without 
baptism.'  Even  so  late  as  the  time  of  Hincmar  (the  ninth  century)  baptisms 
were  stUl  performed  by  the  bishop,  and  thei/  alone  were  considered  canonical.*' 
— Falmer''s  Episcopacy  Vindicated,  p.  35,  not«. 


564  THE  CATHOLIC  SYSTEM. 

all  the  places  of  Christian  worship  throughout  the  city."" 
With  such  minute  care  did  the  Roman  chief  pastor  en- 
deavour to  disseminate  the  doctrine  that  whoever  was  not 
in  communion  with  the  bishop  was  out  of  the  Church. 

The  establislinient  of  a  close  connexion,  between  certain 
large  Christian  associations  and  the  smaller  societies  around 
them,  constituted  the  next  link  in  the  organization  of  the 
Catholic  system.  These  communities,  being  generally  re- 
lated as  mother  and  daughter  churches,  were  already  pre- 
pared to  adapt  themselves  to  the  new  type  of  ecclesiastical 
polity.  The  apostles,  or  their  immediate  disciples,  had 
founded  congregations  in  most  of  the  great  cities  of  the 
Empire;  and  every  society  thus  instituted,  now  distin- 
guished by  the  designation  of  the  principal  t  or  apostolic 
Church,  became  a  centre  of  ecclesiastical  unity.  Its  pre- 
siding minister  sent  the  Eucharist  to  the  teachers  of  the 
little  flocks  in  his  vicinity,  to  signify  that  he  acknowledged 
them  as  brethren;  J  and  every  pastor  who  thus  enjoyed 
communion  with  the  principal  Church  was  recognized  as  a 
Catholic  bishop.  This  parent  establishment  was  considered 
a  buhs^ark  which  could  protect  all  the  Christian  communi- 
ties surrounding  it  from  heresy,  and  they  w^ere  consequently 
expected  to  be  guided  by  its  traditions.  "It  is  manifest," 
says  Tertullian,  "  that  aU  doctrine,  which  agrees  with  these 
apostolic  Churches,  the  wombs  and  originals  op  the 
FAITH, §  must  be  accounted  true,  as  without  doubt  contain- 

*  "  It  aj)pears  to  have  beeu  the  custom  at  Rome  and  other  j)laces  to  send 
from  the  cathedral  church  the  bread  consecrated  to  the  several  parish 
churches." — Stillingf.eei' s  Irenicum,  pp.  369,  370.  "  Thomassiuus  shews  that 
in  the  fifth  century  the  jiresbyters  of  Rome  did  not  consecrate  the  Eucharist 
in  their  respective  chm-ches,  but  it  was  sent  to  them  from  the  principal 
church." — Palmer,  p.  35,  note. 

t  Thus  Rome  is  called  the  "principal  Church"  in  regard  to  Carthage. 
Cyprian,  Epist.  Iv.  p.  183. 

X  Tertullian  apparently  refers  to  this  when  he  says — "  Una  omnes  probant 
unitate  communicatio  pads  et  appellatio  fraternitatis,  et  contesseratio  hospi- 
talitatis." — De  Prcescrip.  c.  20. 

§  "Ecclesiis  apostolicis  rnatricibus  e".  originalibus  fidei." 


THE  PEINOirAL  CHURCHES.  565 

ing  that  which  the  Churches  have  received  from  the  apostles, 
the  apostles  from  Christ,  Christ  from  God :  and  that  all  other 
doctrine  must  be  judged  at  once  to  be  false,  which  savours 
of  things  contrary  to  the  truth  of  the  Churches,  and  of  the 

apostles,  and  of  Christ,  and  of  God Go  through  the 

apostohc  Churches,  in  which  the  very  seats  of  the  apostles, 
at  this  very  day,  preside  over  their  oivn  ijlaces'^  in  which 
their  own  authentic  wiitings  are  read,  speaking  with  the 
voice  of  each,  and  making  the  face  of  each  present  to  the 
eye.  Is  Achaia  near  to  you?  You  have  Corinth.  If  you 
are  not  far  from  Macedonia,  you  have  Philippi,  you  have 
the  Thessalonians.t  If  you  can  travel  into  Asia,  you  have 
Ephesus.  But  if  you  are  near  to  Italy  you  have  Kome, 
where  we  also  have  an  authority  close  at  hand."  % 

But  the  Catholic  system  was  not  yet  complete.  In  every 
congregation  the  bishop  or  pastor  was  the  centre  of  unity, 
and  in  every  district  the  principal  or  apostolic  Church 
bound  together  the  smaller  Christian  societies;  but  how 
were  the  apostolic  Churches  themselves  to  be  united'? 
This  question    did  not  long  remain  without   a  solution.  § 

*  "  Cathedrae  apostolorum  suis  locis  prpesident."  These  words  clearly  indi- 
cate that  the  Churches  founded  by  the  apostles  were  now  recognized  as 
centres  of  unity  for  the  surrounding  Christian  communities. 

t  It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  in  the  second  canonical  epistle  ever  written  by 
Paul,  he  warns  this  Church  of  the  coming  of  the  Man  of  Sin.  (2  Thess.  ii.  3.)  It 
appears  from  the  text  that  thus  early  it  was  identified  with  the  system  which 
resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the  Papacy.  It  is  equally  remarkable  that 
the  bishop  of  Thessalonica  was  the  first  Papal  Vicar  ever  appointed.  See 
Bower's  "  History  of  the  Popes,"  Damasus,  thirty-sixth  bishop ;  and  Giese- 
ler,  i.  264.  %  "  De  Prsescrip."  xxi.,  xxxvi. 

§  The  tendency  of  "  Church  princijiles  "  to  terminate  in  the  recognition  of 
a  universal  bishop  has  appeared  in  modern  as  well  as  in  ancient  times.  "  What 
other  step,"  says  a  noble  author,  "  remains  to  stand  between  those  who  hold 
those  principles  and  Rome  ?     Only  one :  that  the  priesthood  so  constituted, 

invested  with  such  powers,  is  organized  under  one  head — a  Pope The 

space  to  be  traversed  in  arriving  at  it  is  so  narrow,  and  so  unimpeded  by  any 
positive  barrier,  either  of  logic  or  of  feeling,  that  the  slightest  influence  of 
sentiment  or  imagination,  of  weakness  or  of  superstition,  is  sufficient  to  draw 
men  across." — Letter  from  the  Duke  of  Argyll  to  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  p.  23. 
London,  Moxon,  1851. 


566  THE  CENTRE  OF  CATHOLIC  UNITY. 

Had  the  Church  of  Jerusalem,  when  the  Catholic  system 
was  first  organized,  still  occupied  its  ancient  position,  it 
might  have  established  a  better  title  to  precedence  than 
any  other  ecclesiastical  community  in  existence.  It  had 
been,  beyond  all  controversy,  the  mother  Church  of  Chris- 
tendom. But  it  had  been  recently  dissolved,  and  a  new 
society,  composed,  to  a  great  extent,  of  new  members,  was 
now  in  process  of  formation  in  the  new  city  of  Aelia. 
Meanwhile  the  Church  of  Rome  had  been  raj^idly  acquiring 
strength,  and  its  connexion  with  the  seat  of  government 
pointed  it  out  as  the  appropriate  head  of  the  Catholic  con- 
federation. If  the  greatest  convenience  of  the  greatest 
number  of  Churches  were  to  be  taken  into  account,  it  had 
claims  of  peculiar  potency,  for  it  was  easily  accessible  by 
sea  or  land  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  it  had  facili- 
ties for  keeping  up  communication  with  the  provinces  to 
which  no  other  society  could  pretend.  Nor  were  these 
its  only  recommendations.  It  had,  as  was  alleged,  been 
watered  by  the  ministry  of  two  or  three ""  of  the  aj^ostles,  so 
that,  even  as  an  apostolic  Church,  it  had  high  pretensions. 
In  addition  to  all  this,  it  had,  more  than  once,  sustained 
with  extraordinary  constancy  the  first  and  fiercest  brunt  of 
persecution  ;  and  if  its  members  had  so  signalized  them- 
selves in  the  army  of  martyrs,  why  should  not  its  bishop 
lead  the  van  of  the  Catholic  Church'?  Such  considerations 
urged  in  favour  of  a  community  already  distinguished  by 
its  wealth,  as  well  as  by  its  charity,  were  amply  sufficient 
to  establish  its  claim  as  the  centre  of  Catholic  unity.  If,  as 
is  probable,  the  arrangement  was  concocted  in  Rome  itself, 
they  must  have  been  felt  to  be  irresistible.  Hence  Irenseus, 
writing  about  a.d.  180,  speaks  of  it  even  then  as  the  re- 
cognized head  of  the  Churches  of  the  Empire.  "  To  this 
Church,"  says  he,  "  because  it  is  more  potentially  principal, 

*  Tertulliaii  says  that  John,  as  well  as  Peter  and  Paul,  had  been  in  Rome. 
"  De  Pieescrip."  xxxvi. 


THE  BISHOP  OF  EOME.  567 

it  is  necessary  that  every  Catholic  Cliurch  should  go,  as  in 
it  the  apostolic  tradition  has  by  the  Catholics  been  always 
preserved."  * 

Many  Protestant  writers  have  attempted  to  explain  away 
the  meaning  of  this  remarkable  passage,  but  the  candid  stu- 
dent of  history  is  bound  to  listen  respectfully  to  its  testimony. 
When  we  assign  to  the  words  of  Irenseus  all  the  significance 
of  which  they  are  susceptible,  they  only  attest  the  fact  that, 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  second  century,  the  Church  of  Eome 
was  acknowledged  as  the  most  potent  of  all  the  apostolic 
Chui'ches.  And  in  the  same  place  the  grounds  of  its  pre- 
eminence are  enumerated  pretty  fully  by  the  pastor  of 
Lyons.  It  was  the  most  ancient  Church  in  the  West  of 
Europe  ;  it  was  also  the  most  populous  ;  like  a  city  set 
upon  a  hill,  it  was  known  to  all ;  and  it  was  reputed  to 
have  had  for  its  founders  the  most  illustrious  of  the  in- 
spired heralds  of  the  cross,  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  and 
the  apostle  of  the  circumcision.f  It  was  more  "  potentially 
principal,"  because  it  was  itself  the  principal  of  the  a230stolic 
or  principal  Churches. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  every  principal  Ijishop,  J 
or  presiding  minister  of  an  apostolic  Church,  sent  the  Eu- 
charist to  the  pastors  around  him  as  a  pledge  of  their  eccle- 
siastical fellowship;  and  it  would  appear  that  the  bishop 
of  Eome  kept  up  intercourse  with  the  other  bishops  of  the 
apostolic  Churches  by  transmitting  to  them  the  same 
symbol  of  catholicity.  §  The  sacred  elements  were  doubt- 
less conveyed  by  confidential  churchmen,  who  served,  at 
the  same  time,  as  channels  of  communication  between  the 
great  prelate  and  the  more  influential  of  his  brethren.     By 

*  "  Contra  Hseres."  hi.  c.  iii.  §  2. 

t  "  Maximse  et  antiquissima3  et  omnibus  cognitpe,  a  gloriosissimis  duobus 
apostolis  Petro  et  Paulo  Romaj  fundatse  et  constitutfe  ecclesise." — Irenceus, 
iii.  c.  iii.  §  2. 

X  We  find  this  designation  in  some  of  the  early  canons.  See  Bunsen's 
«  Hippolytus,"  iii.  50.  §  Euseb.  v.  24. 


568  THE  BISHOP  OF  ROME. 

this  means  the  communion  of  the  whole  Catholic  Church 
was  constantly  maintained. 

When  the  Catholic  system  was  set  up,  and  the  bishop  of 
Eome  recognized  as  its  Head,  he  was  not  supposed  to  pos- 
sess, in  his  new  position,  any  arbitrary  or  despotic  autho- 
rity. He  was  simply  understood  to  hold  among  pastors 
the  place  which  had  previously  been  occupied  by  the  senior 
elder  in  the  presbytery — that  is,  he  was  the  president  or 
moderator.  The  theoretical  parity  of  all  bishops,  the  chief 
pastor  of  Rome  included,  was  a  principle  long  jealously 
asserted."''  But  the  prelate  of  the  capital  was  the  indivi- 
dual to  whom  other  bishops  addressed  themselves  respecting 
all  matters  affecting  the  general  interests  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical community ;  he  collected  their  sentiments ;  and  he 
announced  the  decisions  of  their  united  wisdom.  It  was, 
however,  scarcely  possible  for  an  official  in  his  circum- 
stances either  to  satisfy  all  parties,  or  to  keep  within  the 
limits  of  his  legitimate  power.  When  his  personal  feelings 
were  known  to  run  strongly  in  a  particular  channel,  the 
minority,  to  whom  he  was  opposed,  would  at  least  suspect 
him  of  attempting  domination.  Hence  it  was  that  by  those 
who  were  discontented  with  his  policy  he  was  tauntingly 
designated,  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  third  century, 
The  Supreme  Pontiff,  and  The  Bishop  of  Bishops.t  These 
titles  cannot  now  be  gravely  quoted  as  proofs  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  claims  which  they  indicate ;  for  they  were 
employed  ironically  by  malcontents  who  wished  thus  either 
to  impeach  his  partiality,  or  to  condemn  his  interference. 
But  they  supply  clear  evidence  that  his  growing  influence 


*  See  the  statement  of  Cyprian  in  the  Council  of  Carthage,  "  Opera,"  p.  597 ; 
and  Jerome,  in  his  Epistle  to  Evangelus,  "  Opera,"  iv.  secund.  pars.  p.  803. 

t  "  Pontifex  scilicet  Maximus,  quod  est  episcopus  episcoporum,  edicit  :  Ego 
et  mcechiee  et  fornicationis  delicta  poenitentia  functis  dimitto." — Tertullian, 
De  Fudicitia,  c.  1.  "  Neque  enim  quisquam  nostrum  episcoiaum  se  esse  epis- 
coporum constituit." — Cyprian,  Con.  Car.,  Opera,  597. 


ROME  AND  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.         569 

was  beginning  to  be  formidable,  and  that  lie  already  stood 
at  the  head  of  the  ministers  of  Christendom. 

The  preceding  statements  enable  us  to  understand  why 
the  interests  of  Rome  and  of  the  Catholic  Church  have 
always  been  identified.  The  metropohs  of  Italy  has,  in 
fact,  from  the  beginning  been  the  heart  of  the  Catholic 
system.  In  ancient  times  Roman  statesmen  were  noted  for 
their  skill  in  fitting  up  the  machinery  of  political  govern- 
ment :  Roman  churchmen  have  laboured  no  less  success- 
fully in  the  department  of  ecclesiastical  organization.  The 
Catholic  system  is  a  wonderful  specimen  of  constructive 
ability;  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  same 
city  which  produced  Prelacy,  also  gave  birth,  about  the  same 
time,  to  this  masterpiece  of  human  contrivance.  The  fact 
may  be  established,  as  well  by  other  evidences,  as  by  the 
positive  testimony  of  C}^rian.  The  bishop  of  Carthage, 
who  flourished  only  about  a  century  after  it  appeared,  was 
connected  with  that  quarter  of  the  Church  in  which  it  ori- 
ginated. AVe  cannot,  therefore,  reasonably  reject  the  depo- 
sitions of  so  competent  a  witness,  more  especially  when  he 
speaks  so  frequently  and  so  confidently  of  its  source.  AVhen 
he  describes  the  Roman  bishopric  as  "  the  root  and  womb 
of  the  Catholic  Church,"'^  his  language  admits  of  no  second 
interpretation.  He  was  well  aware  that  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem  was  the  root  and  womb  of  all  the  apostolic 
Churches ;  and  when  he  employs  such  phraseology,  he  must 
refer  to  some  new  phase  of  Christianity  which  had  origi- 
nated in  the  capital  of  the  Empire.  In  another  place  he 
speaks  of  "  the  see  of  Peter,  and  the  principal  Church, 
tchence  the  unity  of  the  priesthood  took  its  rise!' \     Such 


*  "  Ecclesice  catholicce  radicem  et  matricem." — Epist.  xlv.  p.  133. 

t  "  Navigare  audent  et  ad  Petri  cathedram  atque  ad  ecclesiam  principalem 
iinde  unitas  sacerdotalis  exorta  est." — Epist.  Iv.  p.  183.  "Nam  Petro primum 
Dominus,  super  queni  aedificavit  ecclesiam,  et  unde  iinitatis  originem  instituit 
et  ostendit,  potestatem  istam  dedit." — Epist.  Ixxiii.  p.  280.     See  also  Epist. 


570  THE  WOED   "  CATHOLIC. 

statements  sliut  us  up  to  the  conclusion  that  Rome  was  the 
source  and  centre  from  which  Catholicism  radiated. 

This  system  could  have  been  only  gradually  developed, 
and  nearly  half  a  century  ajDpears  to  have  elapsed  before  it 
acquired  such  maturity  that  it  attained  a  distinctive  desig- 
nation."^'* But,  as  it  was  currently  believed  to  be  admirably 
adapted  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Church,  it  spread  with 
much  rapidity ;  and,  in  less  than  a  hundred  years  after  its 
rise,  its  influence  may  be  traced  in  almost  all  parts  of  the 
Empire.  We  may  thus  explain  a  historical  phenomenon 
which  might  otherwise  be  unaccountable.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  second  and  throughout  the  whole  of  the  third 
century,  ecclesiastical  writers  connected  with  various  and 
distant  provinces  refer  with  peculiar  respect  to  the  Apostle 
Peter,  and  even  appeal  to  Scripture  t  with  a  view  to  his 
exaltation.  Their  misinterpretations  of  the  AVord  reveal 
an.  extreme  anxiety  to  obtain  something  like  an  inspired 
warrant  for  their  Catholicism.  The  visible  unity  of  the 
Church  was  deemed  by  them  essential  to  its  very  existence, 
and  the  Eoman  see  was  the  actual  key-stone  of  the  Catholic 
structure.  Hence  every  friend  of  orthodoxy  imagined  it  to 
be,  as  well  his  duty  as  his  interest,  to  uphold  the  claims  of 
the  supposed  representative  of  Peter,  and  thus  to  maintain 

Ixx. — "  Una  ecclesia  a  Christo  Domino  super  Petrum  origine  unitatis  et  ra- 
tioue  fundata." 

*  The  word  catholic  first  occui's  in  the  Epistle  of  the  Church  of  Smyrna 
giving  an  account  of  the  martjTdom  of  Polycarp,  but  that  letter  was  probably 
not  written  until  at  least  twenty  years  after  the  event  which  it  records.  See 
Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  iv.  p.  337.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  word  is  not  found 
in  Irenceus,  or  used  by  his  Latin  interpreter.  The  pastor  of  Lyons,  however, 
recognizes  the  distinction  indicated  by  the  word  catholic,  for  he  speaks  of 
the  ecclesiastici  or  churchmen,  and  of  those  "  qui  sunt  undiquey  Stieren's 
"  Irenseus,"  i.  430,  502,  note.  The  word  catholic  was  obviously  quite  current 
in  the  time  of  Tertullian. 

+  Particularly  Matt.  xvi.  18.  Clemens  Alexandrinus  says  that  our  Lord  bap- 
tized Peter  only,  and  that  Peter  then  baptized  other  apostles.  See  Kaye's 
"Clement,"  p.  442;  and  Bunsen's  "  Aualecta  Antenic."  i.  p.  317.  See  also 
Origen,  "  Opera,"  ii.  245  ;  and  Firmilian's  "  Epistle." 


THE  HEAD  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  LEAGUE.       571 

the  cause  of  ecclesiastical  unity.  It  miglit  liaA^e  been  anti- 
cipated under  such  circumstances  that  Scripture  would  be 
miserably  perverted,  and  that  the  see,  which  was  believed 
to  possess  as  its  heritage  the  prerogatives  of  the  apostle 
of  the  circumcision,  would  be  the  subject  of  extravagant 
laudation. 

Ambition  has  been  often  represented  as  the  great  prin- 
ciple which  guided  the  policy  of  the  early  Roman  bisho2)s, 
but  there  is  no  evidence  that,  as  a  class,  they  were  inferior 
in  piety  to  other  churchmen,  and  the  readiness  with  which 
some  of  them  sufiered  for  the  faith  attests  their  Christian 
sincerity  and  resolution.  Ambition,  doubtless,  soon  began 
to  operate;  but  their  elevation  was  not  so  much  the  result 
of  any  deep-laid  scheme  for  their  aggrandizement,  as  of  a 
series  of  circumstances  pushing  them  into  prominence,  and 
placing  them  in  a  most  influential  position.  The  efforts  of 
heretics  to  create  division  led  to  a  reaction,  and  tempted 
the  Church  to  adopt  arrangements  for  preserving  union  by 
which  its  liberties  were  eventually  compromised.  The 
bishop  of  Eome  found  himself  almost  immediately  at  the 
head  of  the  Catholic  league,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that, 
before  the  close  of  the  second  century,  he  was  acknow- 
ledged as  the  chief  pastor  of  Christendom.  About  that 
time  we  see  him  writino'  letters  to  some  of  the  most  dis- 

o 

tiuguished  bishops  of  the  East'"  directing  them  to  call 
councils;  and  it  does  not  appear  that  his  ej^istles  were 
deemed  unwarranted  or  officious.  Unity  of  doctrine  was 
speedily  connected  with  unity  of  discipline,  and  an  opinion 
gradually  prevailed  that  the  Church  Catholic  should  exhibit 
universal  uniformity.     When  Victor  differed  from  the  Asi- 

*  Even  Polycrates  of  Epliesus  admits  that  he  had  been  requested  by  Vic- 
tor to  convene  a  synod.  Euseb.  v.  24.  About  sixty  years  afterwards  Cyprian 
writes  to  Stephen  of  Rome  requesting  him  to  send  letters  into  Gaul  that 
Marcianus  the  bishop,  who  had  sided  with  Novatian,  "  being  excommunicated, 
another  may  be  substituted  in  his  room." — Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixvii.  pp.  248, 
249. 


572  THE  THEORY  OF  CATHOLICISM. 

atic  bishops  relative  to  the  mode  of  observing  the  Paschal 
festival,  he  was  only  seeking  to  realize  the  idea  of  unity; 
and,  as  the  Head  of  the  Catholic  Church,  he  might  have 
carried  out  against  them  his  threat  of  excommunication, 
had  he  not  in  this  particular  case  been  moving  in  advance 
of  public  opinion.  When  Stephen,  sixty  years  afterwards, 
disputed  with  Cyprian  and  others  concerning  the  rebaptism 
of  heretics,  he  was  still  endeavouring  to  work  out  the 
same  unity ;  and  the  bishop  of  Carthage  found  himself 
involved  in  contradictions  when  he  proceeded  at  once  to 
assert  his  independence,  and  to  concede  to  the  see  of  Peter 
the  honour  which,  as  he  admitted,  it  could  legitimately 
challenge." 

The  theory  of  Catholicism  is  based  on  principles  thoroughly 
fallacious.  Assuming  that  visible  unity  is  essential  to  the 
Church  on  earth,  it  sanctions  the  startling  inference  that 
whoever  is  not  connected  with  a  certain  ecclesiastical  society 
must  be  out  of  the  pale  of  salvation.  The  most  grinding 
spiritual  tyranny  ever  known  has  been  erected  on  this 
foundation.  And  yet  how  hollow  is  the  whole  system ! 
It  is  no  more  necessary  that  all  the  children  of  God  in  this 
world  should  belong  to  the  same  visible  Church  than  that 
all  the  children  of  men  should  be  connected  with  the  same 
earthly  monarchy.  All  believers  are  "one  in  Christ;" 
they  have  all  "  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism ; "  but 
"  the  kingdom  of  G-od  cometh  not  with  observation,"  and 
the  unity  of  the  saints  on  earth  can  be  discerned  only  by 
the  eye  of  Omniscience.  They  are  all  sustained  by  the 
same  living  bread  which  cometh  down  from  heaven,  but 
they  may  receive  their  spiritual  provision  as  meml^ers  of 
ten  thousand  separated  Churches.     All  who  truly  love  the 

*  Thus  he  says — "  For  neither  did  Peter,  whom  the  Lord  chose  first,  and  on 
whom  He  built  His  Church,  when  Paul  afterwards  disputed  with  him  about 
circumcision,  claim  or  assume  anything  insolently  and  arrogantly  to  himself, 
so  as  to  say  that  he  held  the  primacy." — Epist.  Ixxi.  p.  273. 


THE  r.OMAX  BABEL.  573 

Saviour  are  united  to  Him  by  a  liuk  which  can  never  be 
broken;  and  no  ecclesiastical  barrier  can  either  exclude 
them  from  His  presence  here,  or  shut  them  out  from  His 
fellowship  hereafter.  But  a  number  of  men  might  as  well 
propose  to  appropriate  all  the  light  of  the  sun  or  all  the 
winds  of  heaven,  as  attempt  to  form  themselves  into  a 
pri^dleged  society  with  a  monopoly  of  the  means  of 
salvation. 

The  Church  of  Eome  is  understood  to  be  the  spiritual 
Bal)ylon  of  the  Apocalj-pse,  and  yet  one  point  of  corre- 
spondence between  the  t^'pe  and  the  antitype  seems  to  have 
been  hitherto  overlooked.  The  great  city  of  Babylon  com- 
menced with  the  erection  of  Babel,  and  the  builders  said — 
"  Go  to,  let  us  build  us  a  city,  and  a  tower  whose  top  may 
reach  unto  heaven,  and  let  us  make  us  a  name,  lest  we  be 
scattered  abroad  upon  the  face  of  the  whole  earth."'""  Ci^dl 
unity  was  avowedly  the  end  designed  by  these  architects. 
Amongst  other  purposes  contemplated  by  the  famous  tower, 
it  appears  to  have  been  intended  to  serve  as  a  centre  of 
catholicity — a  great  rallpng  point  or  landmark — by  which 
every  citizen  might  be  guided  homewards  when  he  lost  his 
way  in  the  plain  of  Shinar.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  in 
the  "Pastor  of  Hermas,"  perhaps  the  first  work  written  in 
Eome  after  the  establishment  of  Prelacy,  the  Church  is 
described  under  the  similitude  of  a  tower  It  When  Hy- 
ginus  "established  the  gradations,"  the  hierarchy  at  once 
assumed  that  appearance.  And  the  see  of  Peter,  the  centre 
of  Catholic  imity,  was  now  to  be  the  great  spiritual  landmark 
to  guide  the  steps  of  all  true  churchmen.  The  ecclesias- 
tical builders  prospered  for  a  time,  but  when  Constautine 
had  finished  a  new  metropolis  in  the  East,  some  symptoms 
of  disunion  revealed  themselves.  When  the  Empire  was 
afterwards  divided,  jealousies  increased;  the  builders  coidd 
not  well  understand  one  another's  speech;  and  the  Church 

*  Geu.  xi.  4.  t  Book  I.  vision  iii.  §  3,  &c. 


574  THE  KOMAN  BABEL. 

at  length  witnessed  the  great  schism  of  the  Greeks  and  the 
Latins.  In  due  time  the  Reformation  interfered  still  more 
vexatiously  with  the  building  of  the  ecclesiastical  Babel. 
But  this  more  recent  schism  has  given  a  mighty  impulse  to 
the  cause  of  freedom,  of  civilization,  and  of  truth;  for  the 
Protestants,  scattered  abroad  over  the  face  of  the  whole 
earth,  have  been  spreading  far  and  wide  the  light  of  the 
gospel.  The  builders  of  Babel  still  continue  their  work,  but 
their  boasted  unity  is  gone  for  ever;  and  noAV,  with  the 
exception  of  their  political  manoeuvring,  their  highest 
achievements  are  literally  in  the  department  of  stone  and 
mortar.  They  may  found  costly  edifices,  and  they  may 
erect  spires  pointing,  like  the  tower  of  Babel,  to  the  skies, 
but  they  can  no  longer  reasonably  hope  to  bind  together 
the  liberated  nations  with  the  chains  of  a  gigantic  despotism, 
or  to  induce  worshij)pers  of  all  kindreds  and  tongues  to 
adopt  the  one  dead  language  of  Latin  superstition.  The 
signs  of  the  times  indicate  that  the  remnant  of  the  Catholic 
workmen  must  soon  "leave  ofi"  to  build  the  city."  The 
final  overthrow  of  the  mystical  Babylon  will  usher  in  the 
millennium  of  the  Church,  and  the  present  success  of  Pro- 
testant missions  is  premonitory  of  the  approaching  doom 
of  Romish  ritualism.  It  is  written — "  I  saw  another  angel 
fly  in  the  midst  of  heaven,  having  the  everlasting  gospel  to 
preach  unto  them  that  dwell  on  the  earth,  and  to  every 
nation,  and  kindred,  and  tongue,  and  people,  saying  with 
a  loud  voice,  Fear  God,  and  give  glory  to  him ;  for  the  hour 
of  his  judgment  is  come:  and  worship  him  that  made 
heaven,  and  earth,  and  the  sea,  and  the  fountains  of  waters. 
And  there  followed  another  angel,  saying,  Babylon  is  fallen, 
is  fallen,  that  great  city,  because  she  made  all  nations  drink 
of  the  wine  of  the  wrath  of  her  fornication." ''' 

*  Rev.  xiv.  C-8. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PRIMITIVE  EPISCOPACY  AND  PRESBYTERIAN  ORDINATION. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that,  except  in  a  few  great 
cities  where  there  were  several  Christian  conojreo-ations,  the 
introduction  of  Episcopacy  produced  a  very  slight  change 
in  the  appearance  of  the  ecclesiastical  community.  In 
towns  and  villages,  where  the  disciples  constituted  but  a 
single  flock,  they  had  commonly  only  one  teaching  elder; 
and  as,  in  accordance  with  apostolic  rule,*  this  labourer  in 
the  word  and  doctrine  was  deemed  worthy  of  double 
honour,  he  was  already  the  most  prominent  and  influential 
member  of  the  brotherhood.  The  new  arrangement  merely 
clothed  him  vnth  the  name  of  hisliop,  and  somewhat  aug- 
mented his  authority.  Having  the  funds  of  the  Church  at 
his  disposal,  he  had  special  influence;  and  though  he  could 
not  weU  act  ^^'ithout  the  sanction  of  his  elders,  he  could 
easily  contrive  to  negative  any  of  their  resolutions  which 
did  not  meet  his  approval. 

It  is  abundantly  clear  that  this  primitive  dignitary  was 
ordinarily  the  pastor  of  only  a  single  congregation.  "  If, 
before  the  multitude  increase,  there  should  be  a  place  having 
a  few  faithful  men  in  it,  to  the  extent  of  twelve,  who  shall 
be  able  to  make  a  dedication  to  pious  uses  for  a  bishop,  let 
them  write  to  the  Churches  round  about  the  place,"  says  au 
ancient  canon,  "  that  three  chosen  men  ....  may  come  to 
examine  with  diligence  him  who  has  been  thought  worthy 

*  1  Tim.  V.  17. 


576  PRIMITIVE  EPISCOPACY. 

of  this  degree If  he  has  not  a  wife,  it  is  a  good 

thing;  but  if  he  has  married  a  wife,  having  children,  let 
him  abide  with  her,  continuing  steadfast  in  every  doctrine, 
able  to  explain  the  Scriptures  well."'""  This  humble  func- 
tionary was  assisted  in  the  management  of  his  little  flock 
by  two  or  three  elders.  "  If  the  bishop  has  attended  to  the 
knowledge  and  patience  of  the  love  of  God,"  says  another 
regulation,  "let  him  ordain  two  presbyters,  when  he  has 
examined  them,  or  rather  three.'" t  The  bishop,  the  elders, 
and  the  deacons,  all  assembled  in  one  place  every  Lord's 
day  for  congregational  worship.  An  old  ecclesiastical  law 
accordingly  prescribes  the  following  arrangement — "  Let  the 
seat  of  the  bishop  be  placed  in  the  midst,  and  let  the  pres- 
byters sit  oji  each  side  of  him,  and  let  the  deacons  stand 
by  them,  ....  and  let  it  be  theii'  care  that  the  people  sit 
with  all  quietness  and  order  in  the  other  part  of  the 
church."  I  Thus,  except  in  the  case  of  a  few  large  towns, 
the  primitive  bishop  was  simply  the  parochial  minister. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  second  century,  the  hisliop  and 
the  teacher  were  designations  of  the  same  import.  Speak- 
ing of  those  at  the  head  of  the  Churches,  Irenseus  describes 
them  as  distinguished  by  their  superior  or  inferior  ability  in 
sermonizing  ;§  and  a  weU-informed  AAT:iter,  who  flourished 
as  late  as  the  fourth  century,  mentions  preaching  as  the 
bishop's  peculiar  function.  ||  In  the  apostolic  age  every  one 
who  had  popular  gifts  was  permitted  to  edify  the  congrega- 
tion by  their  exercise; If  and,  long  afterwards,  any  elder, 
who  was  cjualified  to  speak  in  the  Church,  was  at  liberty  to 
address  his  fellow-worshippers.  When  Origen,  prior  to  his 
ordination  as  a  presbyter,  ventured  to  expound  the  Scrip- 

*  See  Bimsen's  "  Hippolytiis,"  ii.  305,  and  iii.  3-5,  36. 
t  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  iii.  36.  %  "  Apost.  Constit."  ii.  57. 

§  Kai  oiVe  6  irdw  dwarbs  iv  Adyo)  twv  eV  raty  eKK\r](Tiais  irpoevTOiTav,  erepa 
rovTcov  epel  {ov8e\s  yap  vnep  tov  bihacTKaKov)  ovre  6  dadevi^s  iv  tw  Aoyop  i\aTTa>a€i 
rfiv  TTapdBoa-ip. — Contra  Hcereses,  i.  c.  10.  §  2. 

II  "  Optatus  adv.  Donat."  vii.  6.  IF  1  Cor.  xiv.  5,  24,  26,  31. 


PRIMITIVE  EPISCOPACY.  577 

tures  publicly  at  the  request  of  the  bishops  of  Palestine, 
Demetrius,  his  own  ecclesiastical  superior,  denounced  his 
conduct  as  irregular ;  but  the  parties,  by  whom  the  learned 
Alexandrian  had  been  invited  to  lecture,  boldly  vindicated 
the  proceeding.  He  (Demetrius)  has  asserted,  said  they, 
"  that  this  was  never  before  either  heard  or  done,  that  lay- 
men should  deliver  discourses  in  the  presence  of  bishops. 
We  know  not  how  it  happens  that  he  is  here  evidently  so 
far  from  the  truth.  For,  indeed,  wherever  there  are  found 
those  qualified  to  benefit  the  brethren,  they  are  exhorted  by 
the  holy  bishops  to  address  the  people." "''  But  still  the 
bishop  himself  was  the  stated  and  ordinary  preacher;  and 
when  he  was  sick  or  absent,  the  flock  could  seldom  expect 
a  sermon.  AVhen  present,  he  always  administered  the  Lord's 
Supper  with  his  own  hands,  and  dispensed  in  person  the 
rite  of  baptism.  He  also  occupied  the  chair  at  the  meet- 
ings of  the  presbytery,  and  presided  at  the  ordination  of 
the  elders  and  deacons  of  his  congregation. 

Though  Christians  formed  but  a  fraction,  and  often  but  a 
small  fraction  of  the  population,  their  bishops  were  thickly 
planted.  Thus,  Cenchrea,  the  port  of  Corinth,  had  an  epis- 
copal overseer, t  as  well  as  Corinth  itself;  the  bishop  of 
Portus  and  the  bishop  of  Ostia  were  only  two  miles 
asunder;;]:  and,  of  the  eighty-seven  bishops  who  met  at 
Carthage,  about  a.d.  256,  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  re- 
baptism  of  heretics,  many,  such  as  Mannulus,  Pohanus, 
Dativus,  and  Secundinus,§  were  located  in  small  towns  or 
villages.     Though,  probably,  some  of  these  pastors  had  not 

*  Euseb.  vi.  19.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  these  laymen,  having  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  were  thus  virtually  licensed  to  preach. 

t  "  Apost.  Constit."  vii.  46.  There  was  a  Church  at  Cenchrea  in  the  time 
of  the  apostles.     Rom.  xvi.  1.     Sti'abo  calls  Cenchrea  a  village,  lib.  viii. 

X  See  Bingham,  iii.  129. 

§  Cyprian,  "  Coimcil  of  Carthage."  Girba,  Mileum,  Badias,  and  Carpi,  the 
sees  of  these  bishops,  were  all  small  places  with,  no  doubt,  a  still  smaller 
Christian  population. 

2  o 


578  PRIMITIVE  EPISCOPACY. 

tlie  care  of  more  tliaii  twenty  or  thirty  Christian  families, 
each  had  the  same  rank  and  authority  as  the  bishop  of 
Carthage.  "  It  remains/'  said  Cy^^rian  at  the  opening  of 
the  council,  "  that  we  severally  declare  our  opinion  on  this 
same  subject,  judging  no  one,  nor  depriving  any  one  of  the 
right  of  communion  if  he  differ  from  us.  For  no  one  of  us 
sets  himself  up  as  a  bishop  of  bishops,  or  by  tyrannical 
terror  forces  his  colleagues  to  a  necessity  of  obeying ;  inas- 
much as  every  bishop  in  the  free  use  of  his  liberty  and 
power  has  the  right  of  forming  his  own  judgment."*  In 
other  quarters  of  the  Church  its  episcopal  guardians  were 
equally  numerous.  Hence  it  is  said  of  the  famous  Paul  of 
Samosata,  bishop  of  Antioch,  that,  to  sustain  his  reputation, 
he  instigated  "  the  bishops  of  the  adjacent  rural  districts 
and  towns"  to  praise  him  in  their  addresses  to  the  people. t 
Even  so  late  as  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  the  juris- 
diction of  the  greatest  bishojDS  was  extremely  limited. 
Cyprian  of  Carthage,  in  point  of  position  the  second  prelate 
in  the  Western  Church,  presided  over  only  eight  or  nine 
presbyters; J  and  Cornelius  of  Rome,  confessedly  the  most 
influential  ecclesiastic  in  Christendom,  had  the  charge  of 
probably  not  more  than  fourteen  congregations.  § 

There  were  commonly  several  elders  and  deacons  con- 
nected with  every  worshijDping  society,  and  though  these, 
as  well  as  the  bishops,  began,  towards  the  close  of  the 
second  century,  to  be  called  clergymen,  ||  and  were  thus 
taught  to  cherish  the  idea  that  the  Lord  was  their  inherit- 
ance, it  would  be  quite  a  mistake'  to  infer  that  they  all 
subsisted  on  their  official  income.  Not  a  few  of  them  pro- 
bably derived  their  maintenance  from  secular  employments, 
some  of  them  being  tradesmen  or  artizans,  and  others  in 

*  Cyprian,  "  Council  of  Carthage."  t  Euseb.  vii.  30. 

X  See  Sage's  "  Vindication  of  the  Principles  of  the  Cyprianic  Age,"  p.  348. 
Etlit.,  London,  1701. 

§  ^ee  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  v.  pp.  355, 356.  ||  See  Bingham,  i.  41,  43. 


ECCLESIASTICS  IN  SECULAR  OFFICES.  579 

stations  of  greater  prominence.  Hyacinthus,  an  elder  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  in  the  time  of  bishop  Victor,  appears 
to  have  held  a  situation  in  the  Imperial  household,*  and 
Tertullian  complains  that  persons  engaged  in  trades  directly 
connected  with  the  support  of  idolatry  were  promoted  to 
ecclesiastical  offices.!  There  was  a  time  when  even  an 
apostle  laboured  as  a  tent-maker,  but  as  the  hierarchical 
spirit  acquired  strength,  and  as  the  Church  increased  in 
wealth  and  numbers,  there  was  a  growing  impression  that 
all  its  office-bearers  were  degraded  by  such  services. 
Cyprian  speaks  with  extreme  bitterness  of  a  deceased  elder, 
who  had  appointed  a  brother  elder  the  executor  of  his 
will,  declaring  that  the  clergy  "  should  in  no  way  be  called 
off  from  their  holy  ministrations  nor  tied  down  by  secular 
troubles  and  business."!  But  the  common  sense  of  the 
Church  revolted  against  such  high-flown  spiritualism,  as  in 
many  districts  where  the  disciples  were  still  few  and  in- 
digent, they  could  not  afford  a  suitable  supj)ort  for  all 
entrusted  wdth  the  performance  of  ecclesiastical  duties. 
Hence,  before  the  recognition  of  Christianity  by  Constan- 
tine,  even  bishops  in  some  countries  were  permitted  by 
trade  to  eke  out  a  scanty  maintenance.  "  Let  not  bishops, 
elders,  and  deacons  leave  their  places  for  the  sake  of 
trading,"  says  a  council  held  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century,  "nor  travelling  about  the  provinces  let  them  be 
found  dealing  in  fairs.  However,  to  provide  a  living  fcyr 
themselves,  let  them  send  either  a  son,  or  a  freedman,  or  a 


*  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  i.  129;  and  Wordsworth,  p.  257.  It  would 
appear  from  Celsus  that  not  a  few  of  the  Church  teachers  in  the  second 
century  supported  themselves  by  manual  labour.     See  Origen,  Opera,  i.  484. 

t  "  Adleguntur  in  ordinem  ecclesiasticum  artifices  idolorum." — Be  Idolola- 
tria,  c.  vii.  ^Malchion,  one  of  the  presbyters  of  Antioch  in  the  time  of  Paul 
of  Samosata,  was  the  head-master  of  one  of  the  principal  schools  in  the  place. 
Euseb.  vii.  29. 

t  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixvi.  p.  246.  In  after  times  the  bishop  himself  was  the 
gi'and-executor,  having  the  charge  of  all  the  wills  of  his  diocese ! 


580  PRESBYTERIAN  ORDINATION. 

servant,  or  a  friend,  or  any  one  else:  and  if  they  wish  to 
trade,  let  them  do  so  within  their  province,"  * 

It  is  clear,  from  the  New  Testament,  that,  in  the  apostolic 
age,  ordination  was  performed  by  "the  laying  on  of  the 
hands  of  the  presbytery,"  and  this  mode  of  designation  to 
the  ministry  appears  to  have  continued  until  some  time  in 
the  third  century.  We  are  informed  by  the  most  learned 
of  the  fathers,  in  a  passage  to  which  the  attention  of  the 
reader  has  already  been  invited,t  that  "  even  at  Alexandria, 
from  Mark  the  Evangelist  until  Heraclas  and  Dionysius  the 
bishops,  the  presbyters  were  always  in  the  habit  of  naming 
bishop  one  chosen  from  among  themselves  and  placed  in  a 
higher  degree,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  an  army  should 
make  an  emperor,  or  the  deacons  choose  from  among  them- 
selves one  whom  they  knew  to  be  industrious  and  call  him 
archdeacon,"  J  As  Jerome  here  mentions  various  important 
facts  of  which  we  midit  have  otherwise  remained  imiorant, 
and  as  this  statement  throws  much  light  upon  the  ecclesias- 
tical history  of  the  early  Church,  it  is  entitled  to  special 
notice. 

In  the  letter  where  this  passage  occurs  the  writer  is  ex- 
tolling the  dignity  of  presbyters,  and  is  endeavouring  to 
shew  that  they  are  very  little  inferior  to  bishops.  He 
admits,  indeed,  that,  in  his  own  days,  they  had  ceased  to 
ordain ;  but  he  intimates  that  they  once  possessed  the  right, 
and  that  they  retained  it  in  all  its  integrity  until  the  former 
part  of  the  preceding  century.  Some  have  thought  that 
Jerome  has  here  expressed  himself  indefinitely,  and  that  he 
did  not  know  the  exact  date  at  which  the  arrangement  he 

*  Council  of  Elvira,  a.d.  305,  18th  canon. 

t  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  vi.  p.  533. 

%  "  Nam  et  Alexandrise  h  Marco  Evangelista  usque  ad  Heraclam  et  Dio- 
nysium  Episcopos,  presbyteri  semper  unnm  ex  se  electum,  in  excelsiori  gradu 
collocatum  Episcopum  nominahant ;  quomodo  si  exercitus  Impferatorem 
faciat;  aut  Diaconi  eligant  de  se  quem  industrium  noverint,  et  Archidia- 
coniim  vocent." — Epist.  ad  Evangelum. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ALEXANDRIA.  581 

describes  ceased  at  iUexandria.  But  his  testimony,  when 
fairly  analysed,  can  scarcely  be  said  to  want  precision;  for 
he  obviously  speaks  of  Heraclas  and  Dionysius  as  bishops 
hii  anticipation,  alleging  that  a  custom  which  anciently 
existed  among  the  elders  of  the  Egyptian  metropolis  was 
maintained  until  the  time  when  these  ecclesiastics,  who 
afterwards  successively  occupied  the  episcopal  chair,  sat 
together  in  the  presbytery.  The  period,  thus  pointed  out, 
can  be  easily  ascertained.  Demetrius,  bishop  of  Alexandria, 
after  a  long  official  life  of  forty-three  years,  died  about  a.d. 
232,''  and  it  is  well  known  that  Heraclas  and  Dionysius 
were  both  members  of  his  presbytery  towards  the  close  of 
his  episcopal  administration.  It  was,  therefore,  shortly 
before  his  demise  that  the  new  system  was  introduced.  In 
certain  parts  of  the  Church  the  arrangement  mentioned  by 
Jerome  probably  continued  somewhat  longer.  Cyprian 
apparently  hints  at  such  cases  of  exception  when  he  says 
that  in  ''almost  all  the  provinces, "f  the  neighbouring- 
bishops  assembled,  on  the  occasion  of  an  episcopal  vacancy, 
at  the  new  election  and  ordination.  It  may  have  been 
that,  in  a  few  of  the  more  considerable  towns,  the  elders 
still  continued  to  nominate  their  president. 

When  the  erudite  Roman  presbyter  informs  us  that 
''even  at  Alexandria"!  ^^®  elders  formerly  made  their  own 
bishop,  his  language  obviously  implies  that  such  a  mode  of 
creating  the  chief  pastor  was  not  confined  to  the  Church 
of  the  metropolis  of  Egypt.  It  existed  wherever  Chris- 
tianity had  gained  a  footing,  and  he  mentions  this  par- 
ticular see,   partly,   because  of  its  importance — being,   in 

*  Heraclas  now  succeeded  hiia.  The  immediate  successor  of  Heraclas  was 
Dionysius. 

t  '■^  Apud  nos  quoque  et  fere  per  proviucias  imiversas  tenetur." — Cyprian, 
Epist.  Lxviii.  p.  256.  The  arrangement  of  which  Cyprian  speaks  was  now, 
perhaps,  pretty  generally  established  in  the  West,  but  he  may  have  vmder- 
stood,  through  his  intercourse  with  Firmilian,  that  in  some  parts  of  the  East 
a  different  usage  still  prevailed.  %  "  Nam  et  Alexandrise." 


582  THE  ELDERS  MADE  THE  BISHOP. 

point  of  rank,  the  second  in  tlie  Empire — and  partly,  ' 
perhaps,  because  the  remarkable  circumstances  in  its  history, 
leadino-  to  the  alteration  which  he  specij&es,  were  known  to  | 
all  his  well-informed  contemporaries.  Jerome  does  not  say  ] 
that  the  Alexandrian  presbyters  inducted  their  bishop  by 
imposition  of  hands,*  or  set  him  apart  to  his  office  by  any 
formal  ordination.  His  words  apparently  indicate  that 
they  did  not  recognize  the  necessity  of  any  special  rite  of 
investiture;  that  they  made  the  bishop  by  election;  and 
that,  when  once  acknowledged  as  the  object  of  their  choice, 
he  was  at  liberty  to  enter  forthwith  on  the  performance  of 
his  episcopal  duties.  When  the  Eoman .  soldiers  made  an 
emperor  they  appointed  him  by  acclamation,  and  the  cheers 
which  issued  from  their  ranks  as  he  stood  up  before  the 
legions  and  as  he  was  clothed  with  the  purple  by  one  of 
themselves,  constituted  the  ceremony  of  his  inauguration. 
The  ancient  archdeacon  was  still  one  of  the  deacons  ;t  as 
he  was  the  chief  almoner  of  the  Church,  he  required  to 
possess  tact,  discernment,  and  activity ;  and,  in  the  fourth 
century,  he  was  nominated  to '  his  office  by  his  fellow- 
deacons.  Jerome  assures  us  that,  until  the  time  of  Heraclas 
and  Dionysius,  the  elders  made  a  bishop  just  in  the  same 
way  as  in  his  own  day  the  soldiers  made  an  emperor,  or  as 
the  deacons  chose  one  whom  they  knew  to  be  industrious, 
and  made  him  an  archdeacon. 


*  Eutychius,  the  celebrated  patriarch  of  Alexandria  who  flourished  in  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  century,  makes  this  assertion.  According  to  this 
writer  there  were  originally  twelve  presbyters  connected  with  the  Alexandrian 
Church ;  and,  when  the  patriarchate  became  vacant,  they  elected  "  one  of  the 
twelve  presbyters,  on  whose  head  the  remaining  eleven  laid  hands,  and  blessed 
him  and  created  him  patriarch." — See  the  original  passage  in  Seldet^s  Works, 
ii.  c.  421,  422 ;  London,  1726.  This  passage  furnishes  a  remarkable  confirma- 
tion of  the  testimony  of  Jerome  as  to  the  fact  that  the  Alexandrian  presby- 
ters originally  made  their  bishops,  but  it  is  probably  not  very  accurate  as  to 
the  details.     As  to  the  laying  on  of  hands  it  is  not  supported  by  Jerome. 

t  The  case  is  different  with  the  modern  English  archdeacon  who  is  a  pres- 
byter. 


PHESBYTEUIAN  OPtDINATION  AT  HOME.  583 

In  one  of  tlie  letters  purporting  to  have  been  written  by 
Pius,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  Justus  of  Vienne,  shortly  after  the 
middle  of  the  second  century,  there  is  a  passage  which 
supplies  a  singularly  striking  confirmation  of  the  testimony 
of  Jerome.  Even  were  we  to  admit  that  the  genuineness 
of  this  epistle  cannot  be  satisfactorily  established,  it  must 
still  be  acknowledged  to  be  a  very  ancient  document,  and 
were  it  of  somewhat  later  date  than  its  title  indicates,  it 
should  at  least  be  received  as  representing  the  traditions 
which  prevailed  respecting  the  ecclesiastical  arrangements 
of  an  early  antiquity.  In  this  communication  Pius  speaks 
of  his  episcopal  correspondent  of  Vienne  as  "  constituted  by 
the  brethren  and  clothed  with  the  dress  of  the  bishops."  * 
By  "the  brethren,"  as  is  plain  from  another  part  of  the 
letter,t  he  understands  the  presbytery.  And  as  the  soldiers 
made  a  sovereign  by  saluting  him  emperor,  and  arraying 
him  in  the  purple;  so  the  elders  made  a  president  by 
clothing  him  with  a  certain  piece  of  dress,  and  calling  him 
bishop.  Thus,  the  statement  of  Jerome  is  exactly  cor- 
roborated by  the  evidence  of  this  witness. 

We  may  infer  from  the  letter  of  Pius  that  in  Gaul  and 
Italy,  as  well  as  in  Eg}q)t,  the  elders  were  in  the  habit 
of  making  their  own  bishop.J  There  is  not  a  particle  of 
evidence  to  shew  that  any  other  arrangement  originally 
existed.  The  declaration  of  so  competent  an  authority  as 
Jerome  backed  by  the  attestation  of  this  ancient  epistle 
may  be  regarded  as  perfectly  conclusive.  §     But  other  proofs 

*  "A  fratribus  coiistitutus  et  colobio  episcoporum  vestitus." 
t  "  Saluta  oi7ine  collegium  fratrum,  qui  tecum  suut  in  Domino." 
X  The  practice  seems  to  have  continued  longer  at  Alexandria  than  at 
Eome  and  various  other  places. 

i^  The  statement  of  Jerome  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  fact  that  the  senior 
ekler  was  originally  the  president  or  bishop,  for  he  was  recognized  as  such  by 
mutual  agreement.  Neither  is  it  at  variance  with  the  idea  that  the  elders 
sometimes  made  a  selection  hy  lot  out  of  three  of  their  number  previously  put 
in  nomination.  There  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that  even  after  bishops 
began  to  be  elected  by  general  suffrage,  the  people  were  in  some   places 


584    THE  ROMAN  BISHOP  HAD  PRESBYTEKIAN  ORDINATION. 

of  the  same  fact  are  not  wanting.  For  a  long  period  the 
bishop  continued  to  be  known  by  the  title  of  "  the  elder 
who  presides  " — a  designation  which  obviously  implies  that 
he  was  still  only  one  of  the  presbyters.  When  the  Paschal 
controversy  created  such  excitement,  and  when  Victor  of 
Kome  threatened  to  renounce  the  communion  of  those  who 
held  views  different  from  his  own,  Irenseus  of  Lyons  wrote  a 
letter  of  remonstrance  to  the  haughty  churchman  in  which 
he  broadly  reminded  him  of  his  ecclesiastical  position. 
"  Those  presbyters  before  Soter  who  gover7ied  the  Cliurch 
over  which  you  now  preside,  I  mean,"  said  he,  "  Anicetus, 
and  Pius,  Hyginus  with  Telesphorus  and  Xystus,  neither  did 
themselves  observe,  nor  did  they  permit  those  after  them 

to  observe  it But  those  very  presbyters  before  you 

who  did  not  observe  it,  sent  the  Eucharist  to  those  of 
Churches  which  did."  *  Irenseus  here  endeavours  to  teach 
the  bishop  of  Eome  a  lesson  of  humility  by  reminding  him 
repeatedly  that  he  and  his  predecessors  were  ])ut  pres- 
byters. 

The  pastor  of  Lyons  speaks  even  still  more  distinctly 
respecting  the  status  of  the  bishops  who  flourished  in  his 
generation.  Thus,  he  says — "  We  should  obey  those  pres- 
byters in  the  Church  who  have  the  succession  from  the 
apostles,  and  who,  ivith  the  succession  of  the  episcopate, 
have  received  the  certain  gift  of  truth  according  to  the 
good  pleasure  of  the  Father:  but  we  should  hold  as  sus- 
pected or  as  heretics  and  of  bad  sentiments  the  rest  who 
depart  from  the  principal  succession,  and  meet  together 

restricted  to  certain  candidates  chosen  from  among  the  elders  by  lot.  Cyprian 
apparently  refers  to  this  circumstance  when  he  says  that  he  was  chosen  hy 
^^  the  judgment  of  Ood'''  as  well  as  by  the  vote  of  the  people.  Epist.  xl.  p.  119. 
The  people  of  Alexandria,  towards  the  close  of  the  third  and  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century,  are  said  to  have  been  restricted  to  certain  candidates.  See 
p.  333,  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  iv.  Cornelius  of  Rome  is  said  to  have  been  made 
bishop  by  "  the  judgment  of  God  and  of  his  Christ "  and  by  the  votes  of  the 
people.  Cyprian,  Epist.  lii.  pp.  150,  151. 
*  Euseb.  V.  24. 


PEELATIC  OKDINATION  AN  INNOVATION.  585 

wherever  they  please From  all  such  we  must  keep 

aloof,  but  we  must  adhere  to  those  who  both  preserve,  as 
we  have  already  mentioned,  the  doctrine  of  the  apostles, 
and  exhibit,  ivith  the  order  of  the  presbytery,  sound  teach- 
ing and  an  inoffensive  conversation."  *  "  The  order  of  the 
presbytery"  obviously  signifies  the  official  character  con- 
veyed by  "  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  presbytery," 
and  yet  such  was  the  ordination  of  those  who,  in  the  time 
of  Irenseus,  possessed  "the  succession  from  the  apostles" 
and  "  the  succession  of  the  episcopate." 

Some  imagine  that  no  one  can  be  properly  qualified  to 
administer  divine  ordinances  who  has  not  received  episcopal 
ordination,  but  a  more  accurate  acquaintance  with  the 
history  of  the  early  Church  is  all  that  is  required  to  dissi- 
pate the  delusion.  The  preceding  statements  clearly  shew 
that,  for  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the 
death  of  our  Lord,  all  the  Christian  ministers  throughout 
the  world  were  ordained  by  presbyters.  The  bishops  them- 
selves were  of  "  the  order  of  the  presbytery,"  and,  as  they 
had  never  received  episcopal  consecration,  they  could  only 
ordain  as  presbyters.  The  bishop  was,  in  fact,  nothing 
more  than  the  chief  presbyter,  t  A  father  of  the  third  cen- 
tury accordingly  observes — "  All  power  and  grace  are  estab- 
lished in  the  Church  where  elders  preside,  who  possess  the 
power,  as  well  of  baptizing,  as  of  confirming  and  ordaining."  | 

*  "  Contra  Hsereses,"  iv.  c.  26,  sees.  2,  4.  "  Quapropter  eis  qui  in  ecclesia 
sxiut,  preshi/teris  obaudire  oportet,  his  qui  successionem  habent  ab  apostolis, 
sicut  ostendimus ;  qui  cmn  episcopatus  sioccessione  charisnaa  veritatis  certum 
secimdum  placitum  Patris  acceperuut ;  reliquos  vero,  qui  absistunt  a  princi- 
pali  successione,  et  quocunque  loco  coUigunt,   suspectos  habere  vel  quasi 

hsereticos   et  malse   sententise Ab    omnibus   igitur   tahbus   absistere 

oportet ;  adhserere  vero  his  qui  et  apostolorum,  sicut  pra^diximus,  doctrinam 
custodiuut,  et  cum  presbyterii  ordine  sermonem  sanum  et  conversationem 
sine  oftensa  prsestant." 

t  This  was  long  tlie  received  doctrine.  Thus,  the  author  of  the  "  Questions 
on  the  Old  and  New  Testament"  sa^s — "Quid  est  episcopus  nisi  primus 
presbyter?'" — Aug.  Qucest.  c.  101. 

X  "  Omnis  potestas  et  gratia  in  ecclesia  constituta  sit,  ubi  pra3sident  ma- 


58(j  OLD  METHOD  OF  OP.DAlNlNft  A  BISHOP. 

An  old  ecclesiastical  law,  recently  presented  for  the  first 
time  to  the  English  reader,*  throws  much  light  on  a  por- 
tion of  the  history  of  the  Church  long  buried  in  great 
obscurity.  This  law  may  w^ell  remind  us  of  those  remains 
of  extinct  classes  of  animals  which  the  naturalist  studies 
with  so  much  interest,  as  it  obviously  belongs  to  an  era 
even  anterior  to  that  of  the  so-called  apostolical  canons,  t 
Though  it  is  part  of  a  series  of  regulations  once  current  in 
the  Church  of  Ethiopia,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
that  it  was  framed  in  Italy,  and  that  its  authority  was 
acknowledged  by  the  Church  of  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Hippolytus.J  It  marks  a  transition  period  in  the  history 
of  ecclesiastical  polity,  and  whilst  it  indirectly  confirms  the 
testimony  of  Jerome  relative  to  the  custom  of  the  Church 
of  Alexandria,  it  shews  that  the  state  of  things  to  which 
the  learned  presbyter  refers  was  now  superseded  by  another 
arrangement.  This  curious  specimen  of  ancient  legislation 
treats  of  the  appointment  and  ordination  of  ministers. 
"  The  bishop,"  says  this  enactment,  "  is  to  be  elected  by  all 
the  people And  they  shaU  choose  one  of  the  bishops 

AND    ONE    OF    THE    PRESBYTERS, AND    THESE  SHALL 

LAY  THEIR  HANDS  UPON  HIS  HEAD  AND  PRAY."§      Here,  to 

avoid  the  confusion  arising  from  a  whole  crowd  of  indi- 
viduals imposing  hands  in  ordination,  two  were  selected  to 
act  on  behalf  of  the  assembled  ofiice-bearers ;  and,  that  the 
parties  entitled  to  ofiiciate  might  be  fairly  represented,  the 

jores  natu,  qui  et  baiitizandi  et  manum  imponeudi  et  ordinandi  possident 
potestatem." — Finnilian,  Epist.  Cyprian,  Opera,  p.  304, 

*  See  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytus,"  ii.  351-357.  See  also  Fabricius,  "  Biblioth, 
Grsecee,"  liber  v.  p.  208.     Hamburg,  1723. 

t  The  earliest  of  these  canons  was  probably  framed  only  a  few  years  before 
the  middle  of  the  third  century.  They  were  called  apostolical  perhaps  be- 
cause concocted  by  some  of  the  bishops  of  the  so-called  apostolic  Churches. 

X  The  collection  to  which  it  belongs  bears  the  designation  of  the  "  Canons 
of  Abulides,^' — the  name  of  Hippolijtus  in  Abyssinian,  as  their  calendar  shews. 
Buusen,  ii.  352.  The  canons  edited  by  Hippolytus  were,  no  doubt,  at  one 
time  acknowledged  by  the  Western  Chm-ch. 

§  Bunsen's  "Hippolytus,"  iii.  43,  and  "  Analecta  Antenicscna,"  iii.  415. 


AN  ANCIENT  BISHOP  AND  A  MODERN  TEELATE.         587 

deputies  were  to  be  a  bishop  and  a  presbyter.'"'  The  canon 
ilkistrates  the  jealousy  with  which  the  presbyters  in  the 
early  part  of  the  third  century  still  guarded  some  of  their 
rights  and  privileges.  In  the  matter  of  investing  others 
with  Church  authority,  tliey  yet  maintained  their  original 
position,  and  though  many  bishops  might  be  present  when 
another  was  inducted  into  office,  they  would  permit  only 
one  of  the  number  to  unite  with  one  of  themselves  in  the 
ceremony  of  ordination.  Some  at  the  present  day  do  not 
hesitate  to  assert  that  presbyters  have  no  right  whatever  to 
ordain,  but  this  canon  supplies  evidence  that  in  the  third 
century  they  were  employed  to  ordain  bishops. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  bishop  of  the  ancient  Church 
was  very  different  from  the  dignitary  now  known  by  the 
same  designation.  The  primitive  bishop  had  often  but  two 
or  three  elders,  and  sometimes  a  single  deacon,  t  under  his 
jurisdiction:  the  modern  prelate  has  frequently  the  over- 
sight of  several  hundreds  of  ministers.  The  ancient  bishop, 
surrounded  by  his  presbyters,  preached  ordinarily  every 
Sabbath  to  his  whole  flock :  the  modern  bishop  may  spend 
an  entire  lifetime  without  addressing  a  single  sermon,  on 
the  Lord's  day,  to  many  who  are  under  his  episcopal  super- 
vision. The  early  bishop  had  the  care  of  a  parish:  the 
modern  bishop  superintends  a  diocese.  The  elders  of  the 
primitive  bishop  were  not  unfrequently  decent  tradesmen 
who  earned  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow: J  the 

*  Eutychius  intimates  that  the  Alexandriau  presbyters  coutinued  to  ordaiti 
their  own  bishop  until  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nice.  It  is  not  improbable 
that,  until  then,  some  of  them  may  have  continued  to  take  part  in  the  ordina- 
tion, and  the  statement  of  the  Alexandrian  patriarch  may  be  so  far  correct. 

t  See  Bunsen,  iii.  45. 

X  Where  the  bishop,  as  in  the  case  contemplated  in  a  canon  quoted  in  the 
text,  had  to  depend  for  his  official  income  on  the  contributions  of  twelve 
families,  it  is  plain  that  the  elders  could  expect  no  remuneration  for  their 
services.  As  the  hierarchy  advanced  these  ruling  elders  disappeared.  Hence 
Hilary  says — "  The  synagogue,  and  aftei-wards  the  Church,  had  elders,  without 
whose  counsel  nothing  was  done  in  the  Church,  which,  by  what  negligence  it 
grew  into  disuse  I  know  not ;  unless,  perhaps,  by  the  sloth,  or  rather  by  the 


588  THE  ANCIENT  BISHOP. 

presbyters  of  a  modern  prelate  have  generally  each  the 
charge  of  a  congregation,  and  are  supposed  to  be  entirely 
devoted  to  sacred  duties.  Even  the  ancient  city  bishop 
had  Ijut  a  faint  reseml)lance  to  his  modern  namesake.  He 
was  the  most  laborious  city  minister,  and  the  chief  preacher. 
He  commonly  baptized  all  who  were  received  into  the 
Church,  and  dispensed  the  Eucharist  to  all  the  communi- 
cants. He  was,  in  fact,  properly  the  minister  of  an  over- 
grown parish  who  required  several  assistants  to  supply  his 
lack  of  service. 

The  foregoing  testimonies  likewise  shew  that  the  doctrine 
of  apostolical  succession,  as  now  commonly  promulgated,  is 
utterly  destitute  of  any  sound  historical  basis.  According 
to  some,  no  one  is  duly  qualified  to  preach  and  to  dispense 
the  sacraments  whose  authority  has  not  been  transmitted 
from  the  Twelve  by  an  unbroken  series  of  episcopal  ordina- 
tions. But  it  has  been  demonstrated  that  episcopal  ordina- 
tions, properly  so  called,  originated  only  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, and  that  even  the  bishops  of  Rome,  who  flourished 
prior  to  that  date,  were  "  of  the  order  of  the  presbytery." 
All  the  primitive  bishops  received  nothing  more  than  pres- 
byterian  ordination.  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  transmission  of  spiritual  power  from  the  apostles 
through  an  unbroken  series  of  episcopal  ordinations  flows 
from  sheer  ignorance  of  the  actual  constitution  of  the  early 
Church. 

But  the  arrangements  now  described  were  gradually  sub- 
verted by  episcopal  encroachments,  and  a  separate  chapter 
must  be  devoted  to  the  illustration  of  the  progress  of 
Prelacy. 

piide  of  the  teachers,  while  they  alone  wished  to  appear  something." —  Covv- 
mertt  on  1  Tim.  v.  1.  Some  late  writers  have  contended  that  these  elders 
(seniores)  were  not  eccleyiastical  officers  at  all,  but  civil  magistrates  of 
municipal  corporations  peculiar  to  Africa.  It  must,  however,  be  recollected 
that  Hilary  was  a  Roman  deacon  of  the  fourth  century,  and  that  he  speaks  of 
them  as  belonging  to  the  Church  before  the  civil  establishment  of  Christianity. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  PRELACY. 

We  cannot  tell  when  the  president  of  the  presbytery  began 
to  hold  office  for  life ;  but  it  is  e^ddent  that  the  change,  at 
whatever  period  it  occurred,  must  have  added  considerably 
to  his  power.  The  chairman  of  any  court  is  the  individual 
throuo;h  whom  it  is  addressed,  and,  without  whose  signature, 
its  proceedings  cannot  be  properly  authenticated.  He  acts 
in  its  name,  and  he  stands  forth  as  its  representative.  He 
may,  theoretically,  possess  no  more  power  than  any  of  the 
other  members  of  the  judicatory,  and  he  may  be  bound,  by 
the  most  stringent  laws,  simply  to  carry  out  the  decisions 
of  their. united  wisdom;  but  his  very  position  gives  him  in- 
fluence; and,  if  he  holds  office  for  life,  that  influence  may 
soon  become  formidable.  If  he  is  not  constantly  kept  in 
check  by  the  vigilance  and  determination  of  those  with 
whom  he  is  associated,  he  may  insensibly  trench  upon  their 
rights  and  privileges.  In  the  second  century  the  moderator 
of  the  city  eldership  was  invaria1)ly  a  man  advanced  in 
years,  who,  instead  of  being  watched  with  jealousy,  was 
reo-arded  with  aff'ectionate  veneration ;  and  it  is  not  strano-e 
if  he  was  often  ^Dermitted  to  stretch  his  authority  beyond 
the  exact  range  of  its  legitimate  exercise. 

Evidence  has  already  been  adduced  to  shew  that,  on  the 
rise  of  Prelacy,  the  presidential  chair  was  no  longer  inherited 
by  the  members  of  the  city  presbytery  in  the  order  of 
seniority.     The  individuals  considered  most  competent  for 


5 DO  GROWTH  OF  PHELACY. 

the  situation  were  uow  nominated  by  their  brethren;  and 
as  the  Church,  especially  in  great  towns,  was  sadly  dis- 
tracted Ijy  the  macliinations  of  the  Gnostics,  it  was  deemed 
expedient  to  arm  the  moderator  with  additional  authority. 
As  a  matter  of  necessity,  the  official  who  was  furnished 
with  these  new  powers  required  a  new  name;  for  the  title 
of  lyresident  by  which  he  was  already  known,  and  which 
continued  long  afterwards  in  current  use,*  did  not  now 
fully  indicate  his  importance.  It  was,  therefore,  gradually 
supplanted  by  the  designation  of  hishop,  or  overseer.  AVhilst 
this  functionary  was  nominated  by  the  presbyters,  he  might 
be  also  set  aside  by  them,  so  that  he  felt  it  necessary  to 
consult  their  wishes  and  to  use  his  discretionary  power  with 
modesty  and  moderation ;  but,  when  he  began  to  be  elected 
by  general  suffrage,  his  authority  was  forthwith  established 
on  a  broader  and  firmer  foundation.  He  was  now  empha- 
tically the  man  of  the  people ;  and  from  this  date  he  pos- 
sessed an  influence  with  which  the  presbytery  itself  was 
incompetent  to  grapple. 

As  early  as  the  middle  of  the  second  century  the  bishop, 
at  least  in  some  jDlaces,  was  entrusted  with  the  chief  ma- 
nagement of  the  funds  of  the  Church;!  and  probably, 
about  fifty  years  afterwards,  a  large  share  of  its  revenues 
was  appropriated  to  his  personal  maintenance.!  His  supe- 
rior wealth  soon  added  immensely  to  his  influence.  He  was 
thus  enabled  to  maintain  a  higher  position  in  society  than 
any  of  his  brethren;  and  he  was  at  length  regarded  as  the 
great  fountain  of  patronage  and  preferment.  Long  before 
Christianity  enjoyed  the  sanction  of  the  state,  the  chief 
pastors  of  the  great  cities  began  to  attract  attention  by 
their  ostentatious  display  of  secular  magnificence.     Origen, 

*  Thus,  Firmiban  speaks  of  "  seniores  et  prcepositi;'  and  of  the  Church 
"  ubi  prmident  majores  wsAnr— Cyprian,  Opera,  p.  302  and  304.     ■ 

t  Justin  Martyi',  Opera,  p.  90. 

it  In  the  days  of  Origen  the  episcopal  office  was  not  unfrequently  coveted 
for  its  wealth.     Origen,  Opera,  iii.  p.  501.     See  also  CyiM-ian,  Epist.  Ixiv.  p.  240. 


POMP  AND  PillJJE  OF  THE  CITY  BISHOPS.  591 

■who  flourished  in  the  former  half  of  the  third  century, 
strongly  condemns  their  vanity  and  ambition ;  and  though 
perhaps  his  ascetic  temperament  prompted  him  to  indulge 
somewhat  in  the  language  of  exaggeration,  the  testimony 
of-  so  respectable  a  witness  cannot  be  rejected  as  untrue. 
"  We,"  says  he,  "  proceed  so  far  in  the  affectation  of  pomp 
and  state,  as  to  outdo  even  bad  rulers  among  the  pagans ; 
and,  like  the  emj)erors,  surround  ourselves  with  a  guard 
that  we  may  be  feared  and  made  difficult  of  access,  par- 
ticularly to  the  poor.  And  in  many  of  our  so-called 
Churches,  especially  in  the  large  toivns,  may  be  found  pre- 
siding officers  of  the  Church  of  God  who  would  refuse  to 
own  even  the  best  among  the  disciples  of  Jesus  while  on 
earth  as  their  equals."'"  In  these  remarks  the  writer  had 
doubtless  a  particular  reference  f  o  his  own  Church  of  Alex- 
andria; but  it  is  well  known  that  elsewhere  some  bishops 
in  the  third  century  assumed  a  very  lofty  bearing.  It  is 
related  of  the  celebrated  Paul  of  Samosata,  the  bishop  of 
Antioch,  that  he  acted  as  a  secular  judge,  that  he  appeared 
in  public  surrounded  by  a  croAvd  of  servants,  and  that  he 
took  special  pleasure  in  pomp  and  parade ;  and  yet,  had  he 
not  lapsed  into*  heresy,  there  is  no  evidence  that  his  over- 
weening pride  would  have  brought  down  upon  him  the  ven- 
geance of  ecclesiastical  discipline.  In  the  third  century  the 
chief  pastor  of  the  Western  metrojDolis  must  have  been 
known  to  the  great  officers  of  government,  and  perhaps  to 
the  Emperor  himself.  Decius  must  have  regarded  the 
Eoman  bishop  as  a  somewhat  formidable  personage  when 
he  declared  that  he  would  sooner  tolerate  a  rival  candidate 
for  the  throne,  and  when  he  proclaimed  his  determination 
to  annihilate  the  very  office,  t 

It  was  not  strange  that  dignitaries  who  affected  so  much 
state  soon  contrived  to  surround  themselves  with  a  whole 

*  Comment,  in  Matt.,  Opera,  iii.  p.  723. 
t  See  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  v.  p.  354. 


592  NEW  OFFICIALS. 

host  of  new  officials.  Within  Httle  more  than  a  century 
after  the  rise  of  Prelacy  the  number  of  grades  of  ecclesiastics 
was  nearly  trebled.  In  addition  to  the  bishop,  the  presby- 
ters, and  the  deacons,  there  were  also,  in  a.d.  251,  in  the 
Clnirch  of  Eome  lectors,  sub-deacons,  acolyths,  exorcists, 
and  janitors.''"  The  lectors,  who  read  the  Scriptures  to  the 
congregation  t  and  who  had  charge  of  the  sacred  manu- 
scripts, attract  our  attention  as  distinct  office-bearers  about 
the  close  of  the  second  century.  The  sub-deacons  are  said 
to  have  had  the  care  of  the  sacramental  cups;  the  acolyths 
attended  to  the  lamps  of  the  sacred  edifice ;  the  exorcists  J 
professed  by  their  prayers  to  expel  evil  spirits  out  of  the 
bodies  of  those  about  to  be  baptized;  and  the  janitors  per- 
formed the  more  humble  duties  of  porters  or  door-keepers. 
At  a  subsequent  period  each  of  these  functionaries  was  ini- 
tiated into  office  by  a  special  form  of  ordination  or  investi- 
ture. It  was  laid  down  as  a  principle  that  no  one  could 
regularly  become  a  bishop  who  had  not  previously  passed 
through  all  these  inferior  orders ;  §  but  when  the  multitude 
wished  all  at  once  to  elevate  a  layman  to  the  rank  of  a 
bishop  or  a  presbyter,  ecclesiastical  routine  was  compelled 
to  yield  to  the  pressure  of  popular  enthusiasm.  |j 

The  great  city  in  which  Prelacy  originated  appears  to 
have  been  the  place  where  these  new  offices  made  their  first 
appearance.  Rome,  true  to  her  mission  as  "  the  mother  of 
the  Catholic  Church,"  conceived  and  brought  forth  nearly 
all  the  peculiarities  of  the  Catholic  system.  The  lady  seated 
on  the  seven  hills  was  already  regarded  with  great  admira- 
tion, and  surrounding  Churches  silently  copied  the  arrange- 

*  Euseb.  vi.  43. 

t  Tertullian,  "  Prajscrip.  Hseret."  c.  41.  This  office,  even  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, was  often  committed  to  mere  children— a  sad  proof  that  the  importance 
of  reading  the  Word  effectively  was  not  duly  ai^preciated. 

i  Origeu  makes  mention  of  them,  Opera,  ii.  p.  453  ;  and  Firmiliau,  Cyi^rian, 
Epist.  Ixxv.  p.  306.  §  CjTDrian,  Epist.  Hi.  p.  1.50. 

1 1  As  in  the  case  of  Fabian  of  Rome.     Euseb.  vi.  29. 


BISHOPS  CHOSEN  BY  THE  PEOPLE.  593 

inents  of  their  Imperial  parent.  In  the  East,  at  least  one 
of  the  orders  now  instituted  by  the  great  Western  prelate, 
that  is,  the  order  of  acolyths,  was  not  adopted  for  centuries 
aftei-wards.* 

The  city  bishops  were  well  aware  of  the  vast  accession  of 
influence  they  acquired  in  consequence  of  their  election  by 
the  people,  and  did  not  fail  to  insist  upon  the' circumstance 
when  desirous  to  illustrate  their  ecclesiastical  title.  Any 
one  who  peruses  the  letters  of  Cyprian  may  remark  the 
frequency,  as  well  as  the  transparent  satisfaction,  with 
which  he  refers  to  the  mode  of  his  appointment.  Who,  he 
seems  to  say,  could  doubt  his  right  to  act  as  bishop  of 
Carthage,  seeing  that  he  had  been  chosen  by  "  the  suffrage 
of  the  whole  fraternity  " — by  "  the  vote  of  the  people "? "  t 
The  members  of  the  Church  enthusiastically  acknowledged 
such  appeals  to  their  sympathy  and  support,  and  in  cases 
of  emergency  promptly  rallied  round  the  individuals  whom 
they  had  themselves  elevated  to  power.  But  as  all  the 
other  church  officers  were  meanwhile  likewise  chosen  by 
common  suffrage,  the  bishops  soon  betrayed  an  anxiety  to 
appropriate  the  distinction,  and  began,  under  various  pre- 
texts, to  interfere  with  the  free  exercise  of  the  popular 
franchise.  In  one  of  his  epistles  Cyprian  excuses  himself 
to  the  Christians  of  Carthage  because  he  had  ventured  to 
ordain  a  reader  without  their  approval.  He  pleads  that 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case  and  the  extraordinary 
merits  of  the  candidate  must  be  accepted  as  his  apology. 
"  In  clerical  ordinations,"  says  he,  "  my  custom  is  to  consult 
you  heforehcmd,  dearest  brethren,  and  m  cwnmon  delibera- 
tion to  weigh  the  character  and  merits  of  each.  But  testi- 
monies of  men  need  not  be  awaited  when  anticipated  by 
the  sentence  of  God."  \     The  sanction  of  the  people  should 

*  Bingham,  i.  356,  ,359. 

t  Cyprian,  Epist.  Iv.  pp.  177,  178  ;  xl.  pp.  110,  120. 

*  Epist.  xxxiii.  p.  105. 

2  P 


r)94   INTERFERENCE  WITH  THE  RIGHTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

have  been  obtained  before  the  ordination ;  but,  as  persecu- 
tion now  raged,  it  is  suggested  that  it  would  have  been 
inconvenient  to  lay  the  matter  before  them ;  and  Cyprian 
argues  that  the  informality  was  pardonable,  inasmuch  as 
the  Almighty  himself  had  given  His  suffrage  in  favour  of 
the  new  lector;  for  Aurelius,  though  only  a  youth,  had  nobly 
submitted  to  the  torture  rather  than  renounce  the  gospel. 

Tlie  ordination  of  Aurelius  under  such  circumstances  was 
not,  however,  a  solitary  case;  and  there  is  certainly  some- 
thing suspicious  in  the  frequency  with  which  the  bishop  of 
Carthage  apologizes  to  the  clergy  and  people  for  neglecting 
to  consult  them  on  the  appointment  of  church  officers.  In 
another  of  his  letters  he  announces  to  the  presbyters  and 
deacons  that,  "  on  an  urgent  occasion,''  he  had  "  made  Satu- 
rus  a  reader,  and  Optatus  the  confessor  a  sub-deacon."  "^^ 
Again,  he  tells  the  same  parties,  and  "  the  whole  people," 
that  "  Celerinus,  renowned  alike  for  his  courage  and  his 
character,  has  been  joined  to  the  clergy,  not  hy  human  suf- 
frage, hut  hy  the  divine  favour i'  \  and  at  another  time  he 
informs  them  that  he  had  been  "  admonished  and  instructed 
by  a  divine  vouchsafement  to  enrol  Numidicus  in  the  num- 
ber of  the  Carthaginian  presbyters."  J  These  cases  were,  no 
doubt,  afterwards  quoted  as  precedents  for  the  non-obser- 
vance of  the  law;  and  from  time  to  time  new  pretences 
were  discovered  for  evading  its  provisions.  In  this  way 
the  rights  of  the  people  were  gradually  abridged;  and  in 
the  course  of  two  or  three  centuries,  the  bishops  almost 
entirely  ignored  their  interference  in  the  election  of  pres- 
byters and  deacons,  as  well  as  of  the  inferior  clergy. 

New  canons  relative  to  ordination  were  promulgated  pro- 
bably about  th*e  time  when  the  city  presbyters  ceased  to 
have  the  exclusive  right  of  electing  their  own  bishop.  The 
altered  circumstances  of  the  Church  led  to  the  establish- 

*  Epist.  xxiv.  pix  79,  80.  f  Epist.  xxxiv.  pp.  107,  108. 

.|  Epist.  XXXV.  p.  111. 


ORDINATION  BY  BISHOPS.  595 

ment  of  these  regulations.  The  election  of  the  chief  pastoi- 
of  a  great  town  was  often  a  scene  of  much  excitement,  and 
as  several  of  the  elders  might  be  regarded  as  candidates 
for  the  office,  it  was  obviously  unseemly  that  any  of 
them  should  preside  on  the  occasion.  It  was  accord- 
ingly arranged  that  some  of  the  neighbouring  bishops 
should  be  present  to  superintend  the  proceedings.  The 
successful  candidate  now  began  to  be  formally  invested 
with  his  new  dignity  by  the  imposition  of  hands ;  and  at 
first,  perhaps,  one  of  the  bishops,  assisted  by  one  of  the  pres- 
byters of  the  place,  performed  this  ceremony.*  But  the 
elders  soon  ceased  to  take  part  in  the  ordination.  At  the 
election,  the  people  and  the  clergy  sometimes  took  opposite 
sides ;  and,  in  the  contest,  the  ecclesiastical  party  was  not 
unfrequently  completely  overborne.  It  occasionally  hap- 
pened, as  in  the  case  of  Cyprian,t  that  one  of  the  elders 
was  chosen  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  majority  of 
the  presbytery;  or,  as  in  the  case  of  Fabian  of  Rome,| 
that  a  layman  was  all  at  once  elevated  to  the  episcopal 
chair;  and,  at  such  times,  the  disappointed  presbyters  did 
not  care  to  join  in  the  inauguration.  The  bishops  availed 
themselves  of  the  pretexts  thus  furnished  to  dispense  with 
their  services  altogether.  At  length  the  power  of  admitting 
to  the  ministry  by  the  laying  on  of  hands  began  to  be  chal- 
lenged as  the  peculiar  prerogative  of  the  episcopal  order. 

In  many  places,  perhaps  before  the  middle  of  the  third 
century,  elders  were  no  longer  permitted  to  take  part  in  the 
consecration  of  bishops ;  but  Prelacy  had  not  yet  completely 

*  Bishops  and  presbyters  appear  to  have  continued  to  ordain  bishops  in  the 
time  of  Origen.  His  "  Commentaries  on  Matthew,"  written  according  to  his 
Benedictine  editor  in  a.d.  245  (see  Delarue's  "  Origen,"  iii.  Prsef.),  speak  of 
bishops  and  presbyters  "  committing  whole  churches  to  unfit  persons  and  con- 
stituting incompetent  governors." — Opera,  iii.  p.  753. 

t  It  would  appear  that  the  five  presbyters  who  opposed  Cyprian  constituted 
the  majority  of  the  presbytery.  Cyprian,  Epist.  xl.  pp.  119,  120.  See  also 
Sage's  "  Vindication  of  the  Principles  of  the  Cyprianic  Age,"  p.  348. 

X  Euseb.  vi.  29. 


r)9G  ORDINATION  BY  PRESBYTERS. 

established  itself  upon  the  ruins  of  the  more  ancient  polity. 
Sometimes  the  presbytery  itself  still  discharged  the  func- 
tions of  the  bishop.  After  the  martyrdom  of  Fabian  in 
A.D.  250,  the  Church  of  Kome  remained  upwards  of  a  year 
under  its  care,^'  as  the  see  was  meanwhile  vacant;  and 
about  the  same  period  we  find  Cyprian,  when  in  exile, 
requesting  his  presbyters  and  deacons  to  execute  both  his 
duties  and  their  o^v^l.t  It  was  still  admitted  that  elders 
were  competent  to  ordain  elders  and  deacons,  as  well  as  to 
confirm  and  to  baptize;  and  the  bishop  continued  to  recog- 
nise them  as  his  " coUeagnes"  and  his  "felloiv-presbyters"\  It 
is  clear,  however,  that  the  relations  between  them  and  their 
episcopal  chief  were  now  very  vaguely  defined,  and  that  the 
ambiguous  position  of  the  parties  led  to  mutual  complaints 
of  ambition  and  usurpation.  The  Epistles  of  Cyprian  sup- 
ply evidence  that  the  l^isliop  of  Carthage,  dming  a  great 
part  of  his  episcopate,  was  engaged  with  his  presbyters  in  a 
struggle  for  power  ;§  and  though  he  asserted  that  he  was 
contending  for  nothing  more  than  his  legitimate  authority, 
he  was  sometimes  obliged  to  abate  his  pretensions.  In  one 
case  he  complains  that,  "  without  his  permission  or  know- 
ledge," his  presbyter  Novatus  "  of  his  own  factiousness  and 
ambition"  had  "made  Felicissimus  his  follower  a  deacon ;"|| 
but  still  he  does  not  venture  to  impeach  the  validity  of  the 
act,  or  refuse  to  recognise  the  standing  of  the  new  eccle- 
siastic. Felicissimus  seems  to  have  been  ordained  in  a  small 
meeting-house  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Carthage;  and  as 

*  Cyprian,  Epist.  xxxi.  pp.  99,  100.  t  Cyprian,  Epist.  iv.  p.  31. 

X  Cyprian,  Epist.  xxxiii.  p.  106,  xxxiv.  p.  107,  Iviii.  p.  207,  Ixxi.  p.  271, 
Ixxvii.  p.  327.     Euseb.  vii.  5. 

§  Tluis  we  find  hira  going  so  far  as  to  complain  that  his  presbyters  "  with 
contempt  and  tlishonour  of  the  bishop  arrogate  sole  authority  to  themselves." 
— Epist.  ix.  p.  48. 

I!  Epi.st.  xlix.  p.  143.  See  Neander's  "  General  History,",  i.  307,  and  Bur- 
ton's "Lectures  on  the  Ecc.  Hist,  of  the  First  Three  Centuries,"  ii.  331. 
Burton  repudiates  the  attempts  of  Bingham  and  others  to  explain  away  this 
proceeding. 


COUNTRY  BISHOPS  FORBIDDEN  TO  ORDAIN.  597 

Novatiis,  who  probably  presided  on  the  occasion,  appears  to 
have  proceeded  in  conjunction  with  the  majority  of  the 
presbytery,  they  no  doubt  considered  that,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  sanction  of  the  bishop  was  by  no  means 
indispensable.  The  manifestation  of  such  a  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence was,  however,  exceedingly  galling  to  their  impe- 
rious prelate. 

From  the  manner  in  which  Cyprian  expresses  himself  we 
may  infer  that  he  would  not  have  been  dissatisfied  had 
Novatus  and  the  elders  who  acted  with  him  obtained  his 
permission  to  ordain  the  deacon  Felicissimus.  But  about 
this  period  the  bishops  were  beginning  to  look  with  extreme 
jealousy  on  all  presbyterian  ordinations,  and  were  com- 
mencing a  series  of  encroachments  on  the  rights  of  their 
episcopal  brethren  in  rural  districts.  These  country  bishops, '''' 
who  were  simply  ministers  of  single  congregations,  and  who 
were  generally  poor  and  uninfluential,  soon  succumbed  to 
the  great  city  dignitaries.  By  a  council  held  at  Ancyra 
in  A.D.  314,  or  very  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Diocletian 
persecution,  they  were  forbidden  to  perform  duties  which 
they  had  hitherto  been  accustomed  to  discharge,  for  one  of 
its  canons  declares  that  "  country  bishops  must  not  ordain 
presbyters  or  deacons ;  neither  must  city  presbyters  in 
another  parish  without  the  written  permission  of  the 
bishop."  t 

This  canon  illustrates  the  strangely  anomalous  condition 
of  the  Church  at  the  period  of  its  adoption.  It  takes  no 
notice  of  country  elders,  as  the  proceedings  of  such  an 
humble  class  of  functionaries  probably  awakened  no  jea- 
lousy; and  it  degrades  country  bishops,  who  unquestionably 


*  They  are  called  so  for  the  first  time  in  the  Council  of  Ancyra.  They 
had  before  always  been  called  simply  bishops.  It  has  been  remarked  that  we 
never  find  any  chorepiscopi  among  the  African  bishops,  though  many  of  them 
occupied  as  humble  a  position  as  those  so  designated  elsewhere. 

t  Canon  xiii.,  "Canoues  Apost.  et  Concil.  Beroliui,"  1839. 


598  COUNTRY  BISHOPS  AND  CITY  PRESBYTERS. 

belonged  to  the  episcopal  order,  by  placing  them  in  a  posi- 
tion inferior  to  that  of  city  presbyters.  About  sixty  years 
before,  or  in  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  three  of  these 
country  bishops  were  deemed  competent  to  ordain  a  bishop 
of  Kome;*  but  now  they  are  deprived  of  the  right  of  or- 
daining even  elders  and  deacons.  It  is  easy  to  understand 
why  city  presbyters  were  still  permitted,  under  certain  con- 
ditions, to  exercise  this  privilege.  As  they  constituted  the 
council  of  the  city  chief  pastor,  their  influence  was  consi- 
derable; and  as  they  had,  until  a  recent  date,  been  accus- 
tomed even  to  take  part  in  his  own  consecration,  it  was 
deemed  inexpedient  to  tempt  so  formidable  a  class  of 
churchmen  to  make  common  cause  with  the  country 
bishops  by  stripping  both  at  once  of  their  ancient  prero- 
gatives. The  country  bishops,  as  the  weaker  party,  were 
first  subjected  to  a  process  of  spoliation.  But  the  recog- 
nition of  Christianity  by  Constantino  gave  an  immense 
impulse  to  the  progress  of  the  hierarchy,  and  the  city 
presbyters  were  soon  afterwards  deprived  of  the  privilege 
now  wrested  from  the  country  bishops. 

The  current  of  events  had  placed  the  Church,  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century,  in  a  position  which  it  could 
not  long  maintain.  As  the  growth  of  Christianity  in  towns 
was  steady  and  rapid,  the  bishop  there  rose  quickly  into 
wealth  and  power ;  but,  among  the  comparatively  poor  and 
thinly-scattered  population  of  the  country,  his  condition 
remained  nearly  stationary.  AVhen  Cyprian,  in  a.d.  256, 
addressed  the  eighty-seven  bishops  assembled  in  the  Council 
of  Carthage,  and  told  them  that  they  were  all  on  an  equality, 
he  might  have  felt  that  the  doctrine  of  episcopal  parity,  as 
then  understood,  must  be  given  up  as  indefensible  if  assailed 
by  the  skill  of  a  vigorous  logician.  Who  could  believe  that 
the  bishop  of  Carthage  held  exactly  the  same  official  rank 
as  every  one  of  his  episcopal  auditors'?     He  was  the  chief 

*  In  the  case  of  Novatian.     Euseb.  vi.  43. 


RISE  OF  METROPOLITANS.  599 

pastor  of  a  flonrishing  metropolis;  he  had  several  congre- 
gations under  his  care,  and  several  of  his  presbyters  were 
preachers;*  but  many  of  the  bishops  before  him  were  mi- 
nisters of  single  congregations  and  without  even  one  elder 
competent  to  deliver  a  sermon,  t  In  point  of  ministerial 
gifts  and  actual  influence  some  of  the  presbyters  of  Carthage 
were,  no  doubt,  far  superior  to  many  of  the  bishops  of  the 
council.  And  who  could  affirm  that  Paul  of  Samosata,  the 
chief  pastor  of  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  was  quite 
on  a  level  with  every  one  of  the  village  bishops  around  him 
whom  he  bribed  to  celebrate  his  praises'?  No  wonder  that 
it  was  soon  found  necessary  to  remodel  the  episcopal  system. 
The  city  bishops  had  a  show  of  equity  in  their  favour  when 
they  asserted  their  superiority,  and  their  brethren  in  rural 
districts  were  too  feeble  and  dependent  effectively  to  resist 
their  own  degradation. 

The  ecclesiastical  title  met^^opoUtan  came  into  use  about 
the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nice  in  a.d.  3  2 5, J  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  territorial  jurisdiction  it  implied 
was  then  first  distinctly  defined  and  generally  established  ;i 
but  the  changes  of  the  preceding  three  quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury, had  been  preparing  the  way  for  the  new  arrangement. 
Many  of  the  country  bishops  had  meanwhile  been  reduced 
to  a  condition  of  subserviency,  whilst  a  considerable  number 
of  the  chief  pastors  in  the  great  cities  had  been  recognized 
as  the  constant  presidents  of  the  synods  which  met  in  their 
respective  capitals.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  these  prelates 
acquired  such  a  position.  Talent,  if  exerted,  must  always 
assert  its  ascendency ;  and  it  is  probable  that  the  metropo- 
litan bishops  were  generally  more  able  and  accomplished 

*  These  presbyters  were  called  Doctores.     Cyprian,  Epist.  xxxiv.  p.  80. 

f  It  would  appear  that,  even  at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Carthage  held 
A.D.  397,  a  bishop  had  sometimes  only  one  presbyter  under  his  care.  See 
Dupin's  account  of  the  Council. 

X  Bingham,  i.  198  ;  and  Beveridgc,  "  Cotelerius,"  tom.  ii.  App.  p.  17. 


(iOU  KISE  UF  METROrOLlTANS. 

thau  the  majority  of  their  brethren.  They  could  fairly 
plead  that  zeal  for  the  good  of  the  Church  prompted  them 
to  take  a  lead  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  their  place  of 
residence  supplied  them  with  facilities  for  communicating 
with  other  pastors  of  which  they  often  deemed  it  prudent 
to  avail  themselves.  When  the  synod  met  in  the  metro- 
polis, the  bishop  of  the  city  was  wont  to  entertain  many  of 
the  members  as  his  guests;  and,  as  he  was  elevated  above 
most,  if  not  all,  of  those  with  whom  he  acted,  in  point  of 
wealth,  social  standing,  address,  and  knowledge  of  the 
world,  he  was  usually  called  on  to  occupy  the  chair  of  the 
moderator.  In  process  of  time  that  which  was  originally 
conceded  as  a  matter  of  courtesy  passed  into  an  admitted 
right.  So  long  as  the  metropolitan  bishop  was  inducted 
into  office  by  mere  presbyters,  the  circumstances  of  his  in- 
vestiture pointed  out  to  him  the  duty  of  humility;  but 
when  the  most  distinguished  chief  pastors  of  the  province 
deemed  it  an  honour  to  take  part  in  his  consecration,  he 
immediately  increased  his  pretensions.  Thus  it  is  that  the 
change  in  the  mode  of  episcopal  inauguration  forms  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  ecclesiastical  assumption. 

About  the  middle  of  the  third  century  various  circum- 
stances conspired  to  augment  the  authority  of  the  great 
bishops.  In  the  Decian  and  Valerian  persecutions  the  chief 
pastors  were  specially  marked  out  for  attack,  and  the  heroic 
constancy  with  which  some  of  the  most  eminent  encoun- 
tered a  cruel  death  vastly  enhanced  the  reputation  of  their 
order.  In  a  few  years  several  bishops  of  Rome  were  mar- 
tyred; Cyprian  of  Carthage  endured  the  same  fate;  Alex- 
ander of  Jerusalem,  and  Babylas  of  Antioch,  also  laid  down 
their  lives  for  their  rehgion.'"'  At  the  same  time  the  schism 
of  Novatian  at  Rome,  and  the  schism  of  Felicissimus  at 
Carthage  threatened  the  Church  with  new  divisions,  and 
the  same  arguments  which  were  used,  upwards  of  a  hun- 

*  See  Period  II.  sec.  i.  chap.  ii.  p.  302,  and  p.  355. 


RISE  OF  METROPOLITANS.  601 

dred  years  before,  for  increasing  the  power  of  the  president 
of  the  ekiership,  conld  now  be  urged  with  equal  pertinency 
for  adding  to  the  authority  of  the  president  of  the  sjmod. 
In  point  of  fact  perhaps  the  earliest  occasion  on  which  the 
bishop  of  Rome  executed  discipline  in  his  archiepiscopal 
capacity  was  immediately  connected  with  the  schism  of 
Novatian;  for  we  have  no  record  of  any  exercise  of  such 
powder  until  Cornelius,  at  the  head  of  a  council  held  in  the 
Imperial  city,  deposed  the  pastors  who  had  officiated  at  the 
consecration  of  his  rival.*  From  this  date  the  Roman 
metropolitan  probably  presided  at  all  the  ordinations  of 
the  bishops  in  his  vicinity. 

To  prevent  the  recurrence  of  schisms  such  as  had  now 
happened  at  Rome  and  Carthage,  it  was,  in  all  hkelihood, 
arranged  about  this  period,  at  least  in  some  quarters  of  the 
Church,  that  the  presence  or  sanction  of  the  stated  presi- 
dent of  the  provincial  synod  should  be  necessary  to  the 
validity  of  all  episcopal  consecrations.  There  were  still, 
however,  many  districts  in  which  the  provincial  synod  had 
no  fixed  chairman.  Hence  an  ancient  canon  directs  that  at 
the  ordination  of  a  member  of  the  hierarchy,  "  one  of  the 
iwincipal  bishops  shall  pray  to  God  over  the  approved  can- 
didate." t  By  a  "  principal  bishop  "  we  are  to  understand 
the  chief  pastor  of  a  principal  or  apostolic  church; J  but  in 
some  provinces  several  such  churches  were  to  be  found,  and 
this  reo-ulation  attests  that  there  no  sino-le  ecclesiastic  had 
yet  acquired  an  unchallenged  precedence.  As  the  close  of 
the  third  century  approached,  the  ecclesiastical  structure 
exhibited  increasing  uniformity ;  and  one  dignitary  in  each 
region  began  to  be  known  as  the  stated  president  of  the 
episcopal  body.     In  one  of  the  so-called  apostolical  canons, 

*  Euseb.  vi.  43. 

t  Bunsen's  "  Hippolytvis,"  iii.  50.  Another  canon  says — "  He  who  is  tvorth)/ 
oxit  of  the  bishops  ....  putteth  his  hand  upon  him  whom  they  have  made 
bishop,  praying  over  him." — Bunseiiy  iii.  42. 

t  See  chapter  viii.  of  this  section,  pp.  565,  567. 


G02  "  THE  FIRST  AMONG  THE  BISHOPS. 

framed  probaljly  before  the  Council  of  Nice,  this  arrange- 
ment is  embodied.  "  The  bishops  of  every  nation,"  says 
the  ordinance,  "  ought  to  know  who  is  the  first  among  them, 
and  him  they  ought  to  esteem  as  their  head,  and  not  do 

any  great  thing  ivithout  his  consent But  neither  let 

him  do  anything  without  the  consent  of  all."  ^^ 

This  canon  is  apparently  couched  in  terms  of  studied 
ambiguity,  for  the  expression  "  the  first  among  the  bishops 
of  every  nation"  admits  of  various  interpretations.  In 
many  cases  it  probably  meant  the  senior  bishop  of  the  dis- 
trict; in  others,  it  perhaps  denoted  the  chief  pastor  of  the 
chief  city  of  the  province ;  and  in  others  again,  it  may  have 
indicated  the  prelate  of  a  great  metropolis  who  had  con- 
trived to  establish  his  authority  over  a  still  more  extensive 
territory.  The  rise  of  the  city  bishops  had  completely 
destroyed  that  balance  of  power  which  originally  existed  in 
the  Church ;  and  much  commotion  preceded  the  settlement 
of  a  new  ecclesiastical  equilibrium.  During  the  last  forty 
years  of  the  third  century  the  Christians  enjoyed  almost 
uninterrupted  peace ;  the  chief  pastors  were  meanwhile  per- 
petually engaged  in  contests  for  superiority ;  and  about  this 
time  the  bishops  of  Rome,  of  Alexandria,  and  of  Antioch, 
rapidly  extended  their  influence.  So  rampant  was  the  usurp- 
ing spirit  of  churchmen  that  even  the  violence  of  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution  was  not  sufficient  to  check  them  in  their 
career  of  ambition.  A  contemporary  writer,  who  was  himself 
a  member  of  the  episcopal  order,  bears  testimony  to  this 
melancholy  fact.  "  Some,"  said  he,  "  who  were  reputed  our 
pastors,  contemning  the  law  of  piety,  were,  under  the  excite- 
ment of  mutual  animosities,  fomenting  nothing  else  but  dis- 
putes and  threatenings  and  rivalry  and  reciprocal  hostility 
and  hatred,  as  they  contentiously  prosecuted  their  ambitious 
designs  for  sovereignty."  t 

What  a  change  had  passed  over  the  Christian  common- 

*  Bunsen,  iii.  111.  f  Euseb.  viii.  1. 


IMPORTANCE  OF  CHURCH  POLITY.  603 

wealth  in  the  course  of  little  more  than  two  hundred  years  ! 
When  the  Apostle  John  died,  the  city  church  was  governed 
by  the  common  council  of  the  elders,  and  their  president 
simply  announced  and  executed  the  decisions  of  his  bre- 
thren :  now,  the  president  was  transformed  into  a  prelate 
who,  by  gradual  encroachments,  had  stripped  the  presbytery 
of  a  large  share  of  its  authority.  At  the  close  of  the  first 
century  the  Church  of  Eome  was,  perhaps,  less  influential 
than  the  Church  of  Ephesus,  and  the  very  name  of  its  mo- 
derator at  that  period  is  a  matter  of  disputed  and  doubtful 
tradition;  but  the  Diocletian  persecution  had  scarcely  ter- 
minated when  the  bishop  of  the  great  metropolis  was  found 
sitting  in  a  council  in  the  palace  of  the  Lateran,  and  claim- 
ing jurisdiction  over  eight  or  ten  provinces  of  Italy!  These 
revolutions  were  not  effected  without  much  opposition.  The 
strife  between  the  presbyters  and  the  bishops  was  succeeded 
by  a  general  warfare  among  the  possessors  of  episcopal 
power,  for  the  constant  moderator  of  the  synod  was  as 
anxious  to  increase  his  authority  as  the  constant  moderator 
of  the  presbytery.  About  the  close  of  the  third  century 
the  Church  appears  to  have  been  sadly  scandalised  by  the 
quarrels  of  the  bishops,  and  Eusebius  accordingly  intimates 
that,  in  the  reign  of  terror  which  so  quickly  followed,  they 
suffered  a  righteous  retribution  for  their  misconduct. 

Discussions  respecting  questions  of  Church  polity  are 
often  exceedingly  distasteful  to  persons  of  contracted  views 
but  of  genuine  piety,  for  they  cannot  understand  how  the 
progress  of  vital  godliness  can  be  influenced  by  forms  of 
ecclesiastical  government.''      About  this  period  such  senti- 

*  The  following  observation  of  a  distinguished  writer  of  the  Church  of 
England  is  well  worthy  of  consideration.  "  The  remains  of  ancient  ecclesi- 
astical literature,  especially  those  of  the  Latin  Church,  teach  us  that  the 
corruption  of  Christianity  of  which  Romanism  is  the  full  development, 
manifested  itself,  in  the  first  instance,  not  in  the  doctrines  which  relate  to  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  individual,  but  in  those  connected  with  the  constitution 
and  authority  of  the  Christian  society." — Litton' s  Church  of  Christ,  p.  12. 


GO 4      METllOPULITANS  ESTABLISHED  WITH  DIFFICULTY. 

nieiits  were  probably  not  uncommon,  and  much  of  the 
apathy  with  which  innovations  were  contemplated  may 
thus  be  easily  explained.  Besides,  if  the  early  bishop  was 
a  man  of  ability  and  address,  his  influence  in  his  own 
cliur(;h  was  nearly  overwhelming;  for  as  he  was  the  ordi- 
nary, if  not  the  only,  preacher,  he  thus  possessed  the  most 
effective  means  of  recommending  any  favourite  scheme, 
and  of  giving  a  decided  tone  to  public  opinion.  When  a 
parochial  charge  became  vacant  by  the  demise  of  the  chief 
pastor,  the  election  of  a  successor  was  often  vigorously  con- 
tested ;  and  when  an  influential  presbyter  was  defeated,  he 
sometimes  exhibited  his  mortification  by  contending  for  the 
rights  of  his  order,  and  by  disputing  the  pretensions  of  his 
successful  rival.  But  as  such  opposition  was  obviously  dic- 
tated l)y  the  spirit  of  faction,  it  was  commonly  brief,  ill- 
sustained,  and  abortive.  The  young,  talented,  and  aspiring 
presbyters  must  have  been  strongly  tempted  to  encourage 
the  growth  of  episcopal  prerogative,  for  each  might  one 
day  hope  to  occupy  the  place  of  dignity,  and  thus  to  reap 
the  fruits  of  present  encroachments.  The  bishops  seem  to 
have  resisted  more  strenuously  the  establishment  of  metro- 
politan ascendency.  An  ecclesiastical  regulation  of  great 
antiquity,'''  condemned  their  translation  from  one  parish  to 
another,  so  that  when  the  episcopate  was  gained,  all  farther 
prospects  of  promotion  were  extinguished,  for  the  place  of 
first  among  the  hishops  was  either  inherited  by  seniority  or 
claimed  l)y  the  prelate  of  the  chief  city.  Hence  it  was  that 
the  pastors  withstood  so  firmly  all  infringements  on  their 
theoretical  i^arity;  and  hence  those  "ambitious  disputes," t 
and  those  "  collisions  of  bishops  with  bishops,"  J  even  amidst 
the  fires  of  martyrdom,  over  which  the  historian  of  the 
Church  professes  his  anxiety  to  cast  the  veil  of  oblivion. 

*  "  Can.  Apost."  xiv.     "  Coiicil.  Nic."  xv. 

t  Euseb.  "  Martyrs  of  Palestine,  "  c.  12.  %  Euseb.  viii.  i. 


CHAPTER    XL 

SYNODS — THEIR   HISTORY   AND    CONSTITUTION. 

The  apostles,  and  tlie  other  original  heralds  of  the  gospel, 
sought  primarily  the  conversion  of  unbelievers.  The  com- 
mission given  to  Paul  points  out  distinctly  the  grand  design 
of  their  ministry.  When  the  great  persecutor  of  the  saints 
was  himsehf  converted  on  his  way  to  Damascus,  our  Lord 
addressed  to  him  the  memorable  words — "  I  have  appeared 
unto  thee  for  this  purpose,  to  make  thee  a  minister  and  a 
witness  both  of  these  things  which  thou  hast  seen,  and  of 
those  things  in  the  which  I  mil  appear  unto  thee;  deliver- 
ing thee  from  the  people,  and  from  the  Gentiles,  unto  whom 
now  I  send  thee,  to  open  their  eyes,  and  to  turn  them  from 
darkness  to  light,  and  from  the  power  of  Satan  unto  God, 
that  they  may  receive  forgiveness  of  sins,  and  inheritance 
among  them  which  are  sanctified  by  faith  that  is  in  me."'"" 

When  a  few  disciples  were  collected  in  a  particular  loca- 
lity, it  not  unfrequently  happened  that  they  remained  for  a 
time  without  any  proper  ecclesiastical  organization.!  But 
the  Christian  cause,  under  such  circumstances,  could  not  be 
expected  to  flom-ish;  and  therefore,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
the  apostles  and  evangelists  did  not  neglect  to  make  ar- 
rangements for  the  increase  and  edification  of  these  infant 
communities.  To  provide,  as  well  for  the  maintenance  of 
discipline,  as  for  the  preaching  of  the  Word,  they  accord- 

*  Acts  xxvi.  16-18. 

t  Such  was  the  case  with  the  churches  mentioned  Acts  xiv.  23,  and  Titus 
i.  5. 


(iOC    ALL  EARLY  CHUECHES  NOT  FORMALLY  UNITED. 

ingly  proceeded  to  ordain  elders  in  every  city  where  the 
truth  had  gained  converts.  These  elders  afterwards  or- 
dained deacons  in  their  respective  congregations  ;  and  thus, 
in  due  time,  the  Church  was  regularly  constituted. 

In  the  first  century  Christian  societies  were  formed  only 
here  and  there  throughout  the  Roman  Empire;  and,  at  its 
close,  the  gospel  had  scarcely  penetrated  into  some  of  the 
provinces.  It  is  not  to  be  expected.that  we  can  trace  any 
general  confederation  of  the  churches  established  during 
this  period,  and  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt  to  demonstrate 
their  incorporation ;  as  their  distance,  their  depressed  con- 
dition, and  the  jealousy  with  which  they  were  regarded  by 
the  civil  government,^'  rendered  any  extensive  combination 
utterly  im^DOssible.  At  a  time  when  the  disciples  met  to- 
gether for  worship  in  secret  and  before  break  of  day,  it  is 
not  to  be  supposed  that  their  pastors  deemed  it  expedient 
to  undertake  frequent  journeys  on  the  business  of  the 
Church,  or  assembled  in  multitudinous  councils.  But 
though,  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  there  was 
no  formal  bond  of  union  connecting  the  several  Christian 
communities  throughout  the  world,  they  meanwhile  con- 
trived in  various  ways  to  cultivate  an  unbroken  fraternal 
intercourse.  Eecognising  each  other  as  members  of  the 
same  holy  brotherhood,  they  maintained  an  epistolary  cor- 
respondence, in  which  they  treated  of  all  matters  pertaining 
to  the  common  interest.  When  the  pastor  of  one  church 
visited  another,  his  status  was  immediately  acknowledged; 
and  even  when  an  ordinary  disciple  emigrated  to  a  distant 
province,  the  ecclesiastical  certificate  which  he  carried  along 
with  him  secured  his  admission  to  membership  in  the 
strange  congregation.  Thus,  all  the  churches  treated  each 
other  as  portions  of  one  great  family ;  all  adhered  to  much 


*  Trajan  regarded  with  great  .suspicion  all  associations,  even  fire  brigades 
1(1  charitable  societies.       See   Pliny's  "  Letters,"  book  x.,  letters  43  and 


SYNODS  OF  APOSTOLIC  ORIGIN.  607 

the  same  system  of  polity  and  discipline;  and,  though 
there  was  not  unity  of  jurisdiction,  there  was  the  "  keeping 
of  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace." 

In  modern  times  many  ecclesiastical  historians''^  have 
asserted  that  synods  commenced  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century.  But  the  statement  is  unsupported  by  a 
single  particle  of  evidence,  and  a  number  of  facts  may  be 
adduced  to  prove  that  it  is  altogether  untenable.  There  is 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  synods,  at  least  on  a  limited  scale, 
met  in  the  days  of  the  apostles,  and  that  the  Church  courts 
of  a  later  age  were  simply  the  continuation  and  expansion 
of  these  primitive  conventions.  We  know  very  little  re- 
specting the  history  of  the  Christian  commonwealth  during 
the  former  half  of  the  second  century,  for  the  extant 
memorials  of  the  Church  of  that  period  are  exceedingly 
few  and  meagre;  and  as  the  proceedings  of  most  of  the 
synods  which  were  then  held  did  not  perhaps  attract  much 
notice,!  it  is  not  remarkable  that  they  have  shared  the 
fate  of  almost  all  the  other  ecclesiastical  transactions  of  the 
same  date,  and  that  they  have  been  buried  in  oblivion.  | 
It  is  nowhere  intimated  by  any  ancient  authority  that 
synodical  meetings  commenced  fifty  years  after  the  death 
of  the  beloved  disciple,  and  the  earliest  writers  who  touch 
upon  the  subject  speak  of  them  as  of  apostolic  original. 
Irenseus,  the  pastor  of  Lyons,  had  probably  reached  man- 
hood when,  according  to  Mosheim  and  others,  synods  were 
at  first  formed;  he  enjoyed  the  instructions  of  Polycarp, 
the  disciple  of  the  Apostle  John;  he  was  beyond  question 

*  Such  as  Mosheim,  "  Instit."  i.  149,  150 ;  Neander,  "  General  History," 
i.  281. 

t  During  the  first  forty  years  of  the  second  century  Gnosticism  did  not 
excite  much  notice,  and  as  the  Church  courts  must  have  been  occupied  chiefly 
with  matters  of  mere  routine,  it  is  not  remarkable  that  their  proceedings 
have  not  been  recorded. 

X  We  have  no  contemporary  evidence  to  prove  that  ordinations  took  place 
in  the  former  half  of  the  second  century,  and  yet  we  earmot  doubt  their 
occurrence. 


G08  SYNODS  OF  APOSTOLIC  ORIGIN. 

one  of  the  l)est  informed  Christian  ministers  of  his  genera- 
tion; and  yet  lie  obviously  considered  that  these  ecclesi- 
astical assemblies  were  in  existence  in  the  first  century. 
Si)eaking  of  the  visit  of  Paul  to  Miletus  when  he  sent  to 
Ephesus  and  called  the  elders  of  the  Church/'^  he  says  that 
the  aj^ostle  then  convoked  "  the  bishops  and  presbyters  of 
EjdIicsus  and  of  the  other  adjoining  cities"! — plainly  indi- 
cating that  he  summoned  a  synodical  meeting.  Had  an 
assembly  of  this  kind  been  a  novelty  in  the  days  of 
Irenseus,  the  pastor  of  Lyons  w^ould  not  have  given  such  a 
version  of  a  passage  in  the  inspired  narrative.  Cyprian 
flourished  shortly  after  the  time  when,  according  to  the 
modern  theory,  councils  began  to  meet  in  Africa,  but  the 
bishop  of  Carthage  himself  unquestionably  entertained 
higher  views  of  their  antiquity.  He  declared  that  con- 
formably to  "the  practice  received  from  divine  tradition 
and  apostolic  ohservance,''  X  "  all  the  neighbouring  bishoj)s 
of  the  same  province  met  together  "  among  the  people  over 
whom  a  pastor  was  to  be  ordained  ;§  and  he  did  not  here 
merely  give  utterance  to  his  own  impressions,  for  a  whole 
African  spiod  concurred  in  his  statement.  Subsequent 
writers  of  unimpeachable  credit  refer  to  the  canons  of 
councils  of  which  we  otherwise  know  nothing,  and  though 
we  cannot  now  ascertain  the  exact  time  when  these  courts 
assembled,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  at  least  some  of 
them  were  convened  before  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. Thus,  when  Jerome  ascribes  the  origin  of  Prelacy 
to  an  ecclesiastical  decree,  he  alludes  evidently  to  some 


*  Acts  XX.  17. 

t  "  In  Mileto  enim  convocatis  episcopis  et  presbjrteris,  qui  erant  ab  Epheso 
et  a  reliquis  proximis  civitatibus." — Contra  Hceres.  iii.  c.  14.  §  2. 

X  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixviii.  §  256. 

§  The  new  bishop  was  often  chosen  before  the  interment  of  his  prede- 
cessor ;  and  even  when  the  senior  elder  was  the  president,  it  is  probable  that 
tiie  neighbouring  pastors  a.ssembled  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  deceased 
pastor,  and  to  be  present  at  the  inauguration  of  his  successor. 


EARLY  SYNODS  FEW  Ai,i)  THINLY  ATTENDED.     609 

synodical   convention  of  an  earlier  date  than  any  of  the 
meetings  of  which  history  has  preserved  a  record.""" 

Did  we  even  want  the  direct  testimony  just  adduced  as 
to  the  government  of  synods  in  the  former  part  of  the 
second  century,  we  might  on  other  grounds  infer  that  this 
species  of  polity  then  existed ;  for  apostolic  example  sug- 
gested its  propriety,  and  the  spirit  of  fraternity  so  assidu- 
ously cherished  by  the  early  rulers  of  the  Church  must 
have  prompted  them  to  meet  together  for  the  discussion 
and  settlement  of  ecclesiastical  questions  in  which  they  felt 
a  common  interest.  But  whilst  Christianity  was  still  strug- 
gling for  existence,  it  was  not  in  a  condition  to  form 
widely  spread  organizations.  It  is  probable  that  the  busi- 
ness of  the  early  Church  courts  was  conducted  with  the 
utmost  secrecy,  that  they  were  attended  by  but  few  mem- 
bers, and  that  they  were  generally  composed  of  those  pas- 
tors and  elders  who  resided  in  the  same  district  and  who 
could  conveniently  assemble  on  short  notice.  Their  meet- 
ings, in  all  likelihood,  were  summoned  at  irregular  intervals, 
and  were  held,  to  avoid  suspicion,  sometimes  in  one  city 
and  sometimes  in  another;  and,  except  when  an  exciting 
question  aw^akened  deep  and  general  anxiety,  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  Churches  of  a  whole  province  rarely,  perhaps, 
ventured  on  a  united  convention.  Our  ignorance  of  the 
councils  of  the  early  part  of  the  second  century  arises  simply 
from  the  fact  that  no  writer  appeared  during  that  interval 
to  register  their  acts;  and  we  have  now  no  means  of  accu- 
rately filling  up  this  blank  in  the  history.  But  we  have 
good  grounds  for  believing  that  Gnosticism  now  formed  the 
topic  of  discussion  in  several  synods.f  The  errorists,  we 
know,  were  driven  out  of  the  Church  in  all  places;  and 

*  See  Chapter  vi.  of  this  Section,  p.  524. 

t  The  old  writer  called  Prsedestiuatus  speaks  of  several  synods  held  in 
reference  to  the  Gnostics  before  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  He  may 
have  had  access  to  some  documents  now  lost,  but  the  testimony  of  a  witness 
who  lived  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  century  is  not  of  much  value. 

2Q 


010  EAKLY  SYNODS  CONDEMNED  MONTANISM. 

liow  can  wc  account  for  this  general  expulsion,  except  upon 
the  pi'inciplc  of  the  united  action  of  ecclesiastical  judica- 
tories? Jerome  gives  us  to  understand  that  their  machina- 
tions led  to  a  change  in  the  ecclesiastical  constitution,  and 
tliat  this  change  was  effected  by  a  synodical  decree  adopted 
all  over  the  world ''^ — thereby  implying  that  presbyterial 
government  was  already  in  universal  operation.  Montan- 
ism  appeared  whilst  Gnosticism  was  yet  in  its  full  strength, 
and  this  gloomy  fanaticism  created  intense  agitation.  ]\Iany 
of  the  pastors,  as  well  as  of  the  people,  were  bewildered  by 
its  pretensions  to  inspiration,  and  by  the  sanctimony  of  its 
ascetic  discipline.  It  immediately  occupied  the  attention 
of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  and  its  progress  was,  no  doubt, 
arrested  by  their  emphatic  condemnation  of  its  absurdities. 
It  is  certain  that  their  interference  was  judicious  and  de- 
cided. "  When  the  faithful  held  frequent  meetings  in  many 
places  throughout  Asia  on  account  of  this  afiair,  and  exa- 
mined the  novel  doctrines,  and  pronounced  them  profane, 
and  rejected  them  as  heresy,"  the  Montanist  prophets  "were 
in  consequence  driven  out  of  the  Church  and  excluded  from 
communion."  t 

The  words  just  quoted  are  from  the  pen  of  an  anony- 
mous writer  who  flourished  towards  the  end  of  the  second 
or  beginning  of  the  third  century ;  J  and,  though  they  sup- 
ply the  earliest  distinct  notice  of  synodical  meetings,  they 
do  not  even  hint  that  such  assemblies  were  of  recent  origi- 
nal. The  Paschal  controversy  succeeded  the  Montanist 
agitation,  and  convulsed  the  whole  Church  from  East  to 
West  by  its  frivolous  discussions.  The  mode  of  keeping 
the  Paschal  festival  had  for  nearly  fifty  years  been  a  vexed 
question,  but  about  the  close  of  the  second  century  it  began 
to  create  bitter  contention.     Eusebius  has  given  us  an  ac- 

*  "  In  toto  orbe  decretum  est  ut  uuus  de  presbyteris  electus  superponeretur 
caeteris." — Com.  in  Titum. 

t  Euseb.  V.  16.  J  See  Routh's  "  Reliquiae,"  ii.  183,  195. 


SYNODS  EVERYWHERE  THROUGHOUT  THE  EMPIRE.     O'll 

count  of  the  affair,  and  his  narrative  throws  great  light  upon 
the  state  of  the  ecclesiastical  community  at  the  time  of  its 
occurrence.  "  For  this  cause,"  says  he,  "  there  were  synods 
and  councils  of  bishops,  and  all,  with  according  judgment, 

published  in  epistles  an  ecclesiastical  decree There 

is  still  extant  a  letter  from  those  who  at  that  time  were 
called  together  in  Palestine,  over  whom  presided  Theophilus, 
bishop  of  the  parish  of  Ceesarea,  and  Narcissus,  bishop  of 
the  parish  of  Jerusalem.  There  is  also  another  letter  from 
those  who  were  convoked  at  Rome  *  concerning  the  same 
question,  which  shews  that  Victor  was  then  bishop.  There 
is  too  a  letter  from  the  bishops  of  Pontus,  over  whom  Pal- 
mas,  as  the  senior  pastor,  presided.  There  is  likewise  a 
letter  from  the  parishes  in  Gaul  of  which  Irenaeus  was  pre- 
sident. And  another  besides  from  the  Churches  in  Osroene 
and  the  cities  in  that  quarter."  t 

It  is  obvious  from  this  statement  that,  before  the  termi- 
nation of  the  second  century,  synodical  government  was 
established  throughout  the  whole  Church ;  for  we  here  trace  / 
its  operation   in   France,    in  Mesopotamia  or  Osroene,  in'^^ 
Italy,  Pontus,  and  Palestine.     This  passage-  also  illustrates 
the  progress  of  the  changes  which  were  taking  place  about 
the  period  under  review  in  the  constitution  of  ecclesiastical 
judicatories.     As  the  president  of  the  presbytery  was  at 
first  the  senior  elder,  so  the  president  of  the  synod  was  at   '■ 
first  the  senior  pastor.     At  this  time  the  primitive  arrange- 
ment had  not  been  altogether  superseded,  for  at  the  meet- 
ing of  the  bishops  of  Pontus,  Palmas,  as  being  the  oldest 
member  present,  was   called   to   occupy  the  chair  of  the 

*  Mosheim  ("  Commentaries"  by  Vidal,  ii,  105)  has  made  a  vain  attempt  to 
set  aside  the  Latin  translation  of  this  passage  by  Valesius,  as  he  saw  that  it 
completely  upsets  his  favourite  theory.  But  any  one  who  carefully  examines 
the  Greek  of  Eusebius  may  see  that  the  rendering  complained  of  is  quite  cor- 
rect. It  cannot  be  necessary  to  point  out  to  the  intelligent  reader  the  trans- 
parent sophistry  of  nearly  all  that  Mosheim  has  written  on  this  subject. 

t  Euseb.  V.  23. 


ni2     tertullian's  testimony  concerning  synods. 

moderator.  But  elsewhere  this  ancient  regulation  had  been 
set  aside,  and  in  some  places  no  new  principle  had  yet  been 
adopted.  At  the  synod  of  Palestine  the  jealousy  of  two 
rivals  for  the  presidency  led  to  a  rather  awkward  compro- 
mise. Ccesarea  was  the  seat  of  government,  and  on  that 
ground  its  bishop  could  challenge  precedence  of  every  other 
in  the  district,  but  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  was  the  mother 
of  the  entire  Christian  community,  and  its  pastor,  now  a 
hundred  years  of  age,""'  considered  that  he  was  entitled  to 
fill  the  place  of  dignity.  For  the  sake  of  peace  the  assem- 
bled fathers  agreed  to  appoint  two  chairmen,  and  accord- 
ingly Theophilus  of  Csesarea  and  Narcissus  of  Jerusalem 
presided  jointly  in  the  synod  of  Palestine.  In  the  synod  of 
Rome  there  AA^as  no  one  to  dispute  the  pretensions  of  Bishop 
Victor.  As  the  chief  pastor  of  the  great  metropolitan 
Church,  he  seems,  as  a  matter  of  course,  to  have  taken  pos- 
session of  the  presidential  office. 

A  few  years  after  the  Paschal  controversy  the  celebrated 
TertuUian  became  entangled  in  the  errors  of  Montanism, 
and  in  vindication  of  his  own  principles  published  a  tract 
"  Concerning  Fasts,''  in  which  there  is  a  passing  reference 
to  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical  convocations.  "  Among  the 
Greek  nations,"  says  he,  "  these  councils  of  the  whole  Church 
are  held  in  fixed  places,  in  which,  whilst  certain  important 
questions  are  discussed,  the  representation  of  the  whole 
Christian  name  is  also  celebrated  with  great  solemnity. 
And  how  worthy  is  this  of  a  faith  which  expects  to  have  its 
converts  gathered  from  all  parts  to  Christ '?  See  how  good 
and  how  pleasant  a  thing  it  is  for  brethren  to  dwell  together 
in  unity !  You  do  not  well  know  how  to  sing  this,  except 
when  you  are  holding  communion  with  many.  But  those 
conventions,  after  they  have  been  first  employed  in  prayers 
and  fasting,  know  how  to  mourn  with  the  mourners,  and 
thus  at  length  to  rejoice  with  those  that  rejoice."t 

*  See  Period  II.  sec.  iii.  chap.  v.  p.  509.        t  Tertiillian,  "  De  Jejun."  c.  xiii. 


TEKTULLIAJ^'S  TESTIMONY  CONCERNING  SYNODS.       613 

Greek  was  now  spoken  tlirougliout  a  great  part  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  and  at  this  period  it  continued  to  be  used 
even  by  the  cliief  pastors  of  the  Italian  capita],  so  that 
when  Tertullian  here  mentions  the  Greek  7iations,^''  he 
employs  an  expression  of  somev/hat  doubtful  significance. 
But  it  is  probable  that  he  refers  chiefly  to  the  mother 
country  and  its  colonies  on  the  other  side  of  the  ^gean 
Sea,  or  to  Greece  and  Asia  Minor.  It  is  apparent  from  the 
apostolic  epistles,  most  of  which  are  addressed  to  Churches 
within  their  borders,  that  the  gospel,  at  an  early  date, 
spread  extensively  and  rapidly  in  these  countries;  and  it 
is  highly  probable  that,  at  least  in  some  districts,  its 
adherents  would  have  now  made  a  considerable  figure  in 
any  denominational  census.  They  were  thus,  perhaps, 
emboldened  to  erect  their  ecclesiastical  courts  u]3on  a 
broader  basis,  as  well  as  to  hold  their  meetings  mth  greater 
publicity,  than  heretofore ;  and,  as  these  assemblies  were 
attended,  not  only  by  the  pastors  and  the  elders,  but  also 
by  many  deacons  and  ordinary  church  members  who  were  \ 
anxious  to  witness  their  deliberations,  Tertullian  alleges,  in  \ 
his  own  rhetorical  style  of  expression,  that  in  them  "the  I 
representation  of  the  whole  Christian  name  was  celebrated  / 
with  great  solemnity."  t  These  Greek  councils  commenced 
with  a  period  oi  fasting — a  circumstance  by  which  they 
seem  to  have  been  distinguished  from  similar  meetings 
convened  elsewhere,  and  as  they  thus  supplied  him  mth 
an  argument  in  favour  of  one  of  the  grand  peculiarities  of 
the  discipline  of  Montanism,  it  is  obviously  for  this  reason 
they  are  here  so  prominently  noticed.     If,  as  he  contends, 

*  "  Aguntur  prseterea  per  Grcecias  ilia  certis  in  locis  concilia  ex  universis 
ecclesiis." 

t  "  Ipsa  reprtesentatio  totius  nominis  Christiani  magna  veneratione  cele- 
bratur."  Mosheim  argues  from  these  words  that  the  bishops  attended  these 
assemblies,  not  by  right  of  office,  but  as  representatives  of  the  people!  He 
might,  with  more  plausibility,  have  contended  that  they  were  held  only  once 
a-year.     "  Ista  soUemnia  quibus  tunc  prcesens  patrocinatus  est  sermo." 


G14       TEKTULLIANS  TESTIMONY  CONCERNING  SYNODS. 

these  fasts  were  kept  so  religiously  by  tlie  representatives 
of  the  Church  when  in  attendance  on  some  of  their  most 
solemn  assemblies,  there  might,  after  all,  be  a  warrant  for 
the  observance  of  that  more  rigid  abstinence  which  he  now 
inculcated.  But  though  this  passage  of  TertuUian  is  the 
only  authority  adduced  to  prove  that  councils  originated 
in  Greece,  it  is  plain  that  it  gives  no  sanction  whatever  to 
any  such  theory.  Neither  does  it  afford  the  slightest 
foundation  for  the  inference  that,  at  the  time  when  it  was 
written,  these  ecclesiastical  convocations  were  unknown  in 
Africa  and  Italy.  We  have  direct  proof  that  before  this 
period  they  not  only  mot  in  Rome,  but  that  the  bishop  of 
the  great  city  had  been  in  the  habit  of  requesting  his 
l:)rother  pastors  in  other  countries  to  hold  such  assemblies.* 
There  is,  too,  satisfactory  evidence  that  they  were  now  not 
unknown  at  Carthage,  f  and  TertuUian  himself  elsewhere 
apparently  refers  to  the  proceedings  of  African  synods.]: 
He  must  have  been  well  aware  that  they  had  recently 
assembled  in  various  parts  of  the  West  to  pronounce 
judgment  in  the  Paschal  controversy;  for  the  decisions  of 
the  Gallic  and  Eoman  synods  mentioned  by  Eusebius  seem 
to  have  been  published  all  over  the  Church ;  and  the  reason 
why  he  refers  to  the  convocations  of  the  Greeks  was,  not 
because  such  meetings  were  not  held  in  other  lands,  but 
because  these,  from  their  peculiar  method  of  procedure  in 
the  way  of  fasting,  §    supplied,    as  he  conceived,   a  very 

*  Euseb.  V.  24.  Hippoiytus  complains  of  a  bishop  of  Rome  that  he  was 
"  ignorant  of  the  ecclesiastical  rules," — a  plain  proof,  not  only  that  synods 
were  in  existence  in  the  West,  biit  also  that  a  knowledge  of  canon  law  was 
considered  an  important  accomplishment.     See  Bunsen,  ii.  223. 

t  Cyprian  (Epist.  Ixxiii.)  speaks  of  a  large  council  held  "many  years"  be- 
fore his  time  "under  Agrippinus,"  one  of  his  predecessors.  This  bishop 
appears  to  have  been  contemporary  with  TertuUian. 

%  In  his  book  "  De  Pudicitia,"  c.  10,  he  speaks  of  the  "  Pastor  "  of  Hermas 
as  classed  among  apocryphal  productions  "a&  omni  concilio  ecclesiarum^' — 
implying  that  it  had  been  condemned  by  African  councils,  as  well  as  others. 

§  The  prevalence  of  the  Montanistic  spirit  in  Asia  Minor  may  account  for  this. 


I 


SYNODS  AND  THE  AMPHICTYONIC  COUNCIL.  615 


'   apposite  argumeut  in  support  of  the  discipline  which  he 
was  so  desirous  to  recommend. 

If  historians  have  erred  in  stating  that  synods  com- 
menced in  Greece,  they  have  been  still  more  egregiously 
mistaken  in  asserting  that  the  once  famous  Amphictyonic 
Council  suggested  their  establishment,  and  furnished  the 
model  for  their  construction.  In  the  second  century  of  the 
Christian  era  the  Council  of  the  Amphictyons  was  shorn  of 
its  glory,  and  though  it  then  continued  to  meet,'""  it  had 
long  ceased  to  be  either  an  exponent  of  the  national  mind, 
or  a  free  and  independent  assembly.  It  is  not  to  be  ima- 
gined that  the  Christian  commmiity,  in  the  full  vigour  of 
its  early  gro's^'th,  would  all  at  once  have  abandoned  its 
apostohc  constitution,  and  adopted  a  form  of  government 
borrowed  from  an  effete  institute.  Synods,  which  now 
formed  so  prominent  a  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  polity,  could 
claim  a  higher  and  holier  original.  They  were  obviously 
nothing  more  than  the  legitimate  development  of  the  pri- 
mitive structure  of  the  Chm^ch,  for  they  could  be  traced  up 
to  that  meeting  of  the  apostles  and  elders  at  Jerusalem 
which  relieved  the  Gentile  converts  from  the  observance  of 
the  rite  of  circumcision. 

The  most  plausible  argument  in  support  of  the  theory 
that  the  Amphictyonic  Council  suggested  the  establishment 
of  synodical  conventions  is  based  upon  the  alleged  fact  that 
these  ecclesiastical  meetings  were  at  first  held  in  spring  and 
autumn,  or  exactly  at  the  times  when  the  Greek  political 
deputies  were  accustomed  to  assemble,  t  But  this  statement, 
when  closely  examined,  is  found  to  be  quite  destitute  of 
evidence.  TertuUian  does  not  say  that  the  Greek  synods 
met  twice  a  year,  and  we  know  that,  at  least  half  a  cen- 
tury afterwards,  they  assembled  only  annually.  This  fact 
is  attested  by  Firmilian   of  Cappadocia  in  his  celebrated 

*  See  Potter's  "  Antiquities  of  Greece,"  i.  106. 

t  See  Mosheim'a  "  Commentaries,"  cent,  ii,  sect.  22. 


6  1 6  GREEK  COUNCILS  HELD  IN  FIXED  PLACES. 

letter  to  Cyprian.  "  It  is  of  necessity  arranged  among  us," 
says  he,  "  that  we  elders  and  presidents  meet  everij  year  ^'' 
to  set  in  order  the  things  entrusted  to  our  charge,  that  if 
there  be  any  matters  of  grave  moment  they  may  be  settled 
by  common  advice,  "t  The  author  of  this  epistle  lived  in 
the  very  country  where  synods  are  supposed  to  have  assem- 
bled so  much  more  frequently  half  a  century  before,  so  that 
his  evidence  demonstrates  the  fallacy  of  the  hypothesis 
framed  by  some  modern  historians. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  or  at  the  time 
when  TertuUian  \^T:ote,  it  would  seem  that  the  members  of 
the  Greek  synods  had  an  arrangement  which  was  not  then 
generally  adopted.  The  Greek  councils  met  together  "  in 
fixed  places."  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  these  "  fixed 
places"  were,  commonly  speaking,  the  metropolitan  cities  of 
the  respective  provinces.  But  still,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
pastors  and  elders  had  not  yet  generally  agreed  to  the  regu- 
lation that  the  chief  pastor  of  the  metropolitan  city  should 
be  the  constant  moderator  of  the  provincial  synod.  In  the 
case  of  the  bishop  of  Kome  the  rule  was,  no  doubt,  already 
established ;  but,  in  other  instances,  the  senior  pastor  pre- 
sent was,  as  yet,  invited  to  fill  the  ofiice  of  president.  The 
constant  meeting  of  the  synod  in  the  principal  town  of  the 
province  tended,  however,  to  increase  the  influence  of  its 
bishop  ;  and  he  was  at  length  almost  everywhere  acknow- 
ledged as  the  proper  chairman.  J  At  the  Council  of  Nice  in 
A.D.  325  his  rights  were  formally  secured  by  ecclesiastical 
enactment.  About  the  same  date  synods  appear  to  have 
commenced  to  assemble  with  greater  frequency.  "  Let  there 
be  a  meeting  of  the  bishops  twice  a  year,"  says  the  thirty- 
seventh  of  the  so-called  Apostolical  Canons,  "  and  let  them 

*  "  Per  singulos  annos  seniores  et  prsepositi  in  unum  conveniamus." 
t  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxv.  pp.  302,  303. 

t  In  Africa,  however,  this  arrangement  was  not  estabhshed  even  in  the 
fifth  century.     There,  the  senior  bishop  still  continued  president. 


THE  EARLY  CHURCH  GOVERNED  BY  SYNODS.     617 

examine  amouo;st  themselves  the  decrees  concernino;  religion, 
and  settle  the  ecclesiastical  controversies  which  may  have 
occurred.  One  meeting  is  to  be  held  in  the  fourth  week  of 
the  Pentecost,  and  the  other  on  the  1 2th  day  of  the  month 
of  October."""" 

As  soon  as  the  Hght  of  historical  records  begins  to  illus- 
trate the  condition  of  any  portion  of  the  ancient  Church, 
its  synodical  government  may  be  discovered;  and  though 
the  literary  memorials  of  the  third  century  are  compara- 
tively few,  they  are  abundantly  sufficient  to  demonstrate 
that,  as  early  as  the  middle  of  that  period,  ecclesiastical 
courts  upon  a  tolerably  extensive  scale  were  everywhere  , 
estabhshed.  About  that  time  the  controversy  relative  to 
the  propriety  of  rebaptizing  heretics  created  much  agitation, 
and  the  subject  was  keenly  discussed  in  the  sjmods  which 
met  for  its  consideration.  Nowhere  is  any  hint  given  that 
these  courts  were  of  recent  formation.  Though  meetino-  in 
so  many  places  in  the  East  and  West,  and  in  countries  so 
far  apart,  they  are  invariably  represented  as  the  ancient 
order  of  ecclesiastical  regimen.  They  all  aj^pear,  too,  as 
co-ordinate  and  independent  judicatories;  and  though  the 
Roman  bishop,  as  the  chief  pastor  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
endeavoured  to  induce  them  to  adopt  uniform  decisions,  his 
attempts  to  dictate  to  the  brethren  in  Spain,  Africa,  and 
other  countries,  were  firmly  and  indignantly  repulsed.  There 
were  fundamental  principles  which  they  were  all  under- 
stood to  acknowledge;  these  principles  were  generally  em- 
bodied in  the  divine  Statute-book;  it  was  admitted  that 
the  decisions  of  every  council  which  adhered  to  them  were 
entitled  to  universal  reverence ;  but,  though  the  reservation 
was  scarcely  compatible  with  the  genius  of  catholicity,  each 
provincial  convention  claimed  the  right  of  forming  its  own 

*  This  canon  somewhat  difiers  from  the  fifth  of  the  Council  of  Nice,  as  the 
latter  requires  the  first  meeting  to  be  held  "  before  Lent."  It  is  somewhat 
doubtful  which  canon  is  of  higher  antiquity. 


G18  THE  SYNODS  OF  ANTIOCH. 

jiK\i^ment  of  the  acts  of  other  courts,  and  of  adopting  or 
rejecting  them  accordingly. 

The  most  influential  synods  which  were  held  before  the 
estahlishment  of  Christianity  by  Constantino  were  those 
which  met  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third  century  to  try  the 
case  of  tlie  famous  Paul  of  Samosata,  the  bishop  of  Antioch. 
The  charge  preferred  against  him  was  the  denial  of  the 
proper  deity  of  the  Son  of  God,  and  as  he  was  an  indivi- 
dual of  much  ability  and  address,  as  well  as,  in  point  of 
rank,  one  of  the  greatest  prelates  in  existence,  his  case 
awakened  uncommon  interest.  Christianity  had  recently 
obtained  the  sanction  of  a  legal  toleration,*  and  therefore 
churchmen  now  ventured  to  travel  from  different  provinces 
to  sit  in  judgment  on  this  noted  heresiarch.  In  the  coun- 
cils which  assembled  at  Antioch  were  to  be  found,  not  only 
the  pastors  of  Syria,  but  also  those  of  various  places  in 
Palestine  and  Asia  Minor.  Even  Dionysius,  bishop  of  the 
capital  of  Egypt,  was  invited  to  be  present,  but  he  pleaded 
his  age  and  infirmities  as  an  ajDology  for  his  non-atteud- 
ance.t  In  a  council  which  assembled  a.d.  2 6 9, J  Paul  was 
deposed  and  excommunicated ;  and  the  sentence,  which  was 
announced  by  letter  to  the  chief  pastors  of  Rome,  Alexan- 
dria, and  other  distinguished  sees,  was  received  with  general 
approbation. 

All  the  information  we  possess  respecting  the  councils  of 
the  first  three  centuries  is  extremely  scanty,  so  that  it  is  no 
easy  matter  exactly  to  ascertain  their  constitution;  but  we 
have  no  reason  to  question  the  correctness  of  the  statement 

*  Under  Galliemis,  about  a.d.  260.  f  Euseb.  vii.  27. 

X  This  seems  to  have  been  the  third  council  held  on  account  of  Paul,  as  it 
is  stated  in  the  synodical  epistle  that  Firmilian  came  tioice  to  Antioch  and 
died  on  his  way  to  it  at  this  time.  At  the  preceding  councils  Firmilian 
seems  to  have  presided.  See  Pusey  on  the  Covmcils,  j).  92,  note.  Dr  Bur- 
ton says — "  It  being  generally  the  custom  for  the  oldest  bishop  to  preside 
at  these  councils,  it  is  probable  that  this  distinction  was  given  at  present  to 
Firmilianus." — Led.  Ecc.  Hist,  of  First  Three  Cents,  ii.  390.  The  rank  of  his 
city  could  not  have  given  him  a  claim. 


BISHOPS  AND  ELDERS  SIT  TOGETHER.  619 

of  Firmiliaii  of  Cappadocia,  who  was  himself  a  prominent 
actor  in  several  of  the  most  famous  of  these  assemblies,  and 
who  affirms  that  they  were  composed  of  "  elders  and  pre- 
siding pastors/'"^"  AVe  have  seen  that  bishops  and  elders 
anciently  united  even  in  episcopal  ordinations,  and  these 
ministers,  when  assembled  on  such  occasions,  constituted 
ecclesiastical  judicatories.  A  modern  writer,  of  high  stand- 
ing in  connexion  with  the  University  of  Oxford,  has  affirmed 
that  "  bishops  alone  had  a  definitive  A'-oice  in  synods,"  t  but 
the  testimonies  which  he  has  himself  adduced  attest  the 
inaccuracy  of  the  assertion.  The  presbyter  Origen,  at  an 
Arabian  synod  he]d  about  a.d.  229,  sat  with  the  bishops, 
and  was,  in  fact,  the  most  important  and  influential  mem- 
ber of  the  convention.  About  a.d.  230,  Demetrius  of 
Alexandria  "  gathered  a  council  of  bishops  and  of  certain 
lyreshyters,  which  decj^eed  that  Origen  should  remove  from 
Alexandria."  I  About  the  middle  of  the  third  century, 
"  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see  of  Eome,  the  presbyters  of 
the  city  took  part  in  the  first  Roman  council  on  the  lapsed."  § 
At  the  council  of  Eliberis,  held  about  a.d.  305,  no  less  than 
tiventy-six  j^reshyters  sat  along  with  the  bishops.  |1  In  some 
cases  deacons,1[  and  even  laymen,  were  permitted  to  address 
synods,'"""  but  ancient  documents  attest  that  they  were  never 
regarded  as  constituent  members.  Whilst  the  bishops  and 
elders  sat  together,  and  thus  proclaimed  their  equality  as 
ecclesiastical  judges, ft  the  people  and  even  the  deacons  were 
obliged  to  stand  at  these  meetings.     The  circular  letter  of 

*  "  Seniores  et  prsepositi." — Epist.  Cipriani,  Opera,  p.  302. 

t  "  The  Councils  of  the  Church,"  by  Rev.  E.  B.  Pusey,  D.D.,  p.  34.     Oxford, 
1857. 

X  Pusey,  p.  58.  §  Ibid.  p.  66.  i|  Ibid.  p.  95. 

IT  As  in  the  case  of  Athanasius  at  the  Council  of  Nice. 
**  As  witnesses  and  commissioners  may  still  be  heard  by  Church  courts, 
tt  "  Gi'aviter  commoti  sumus  ego  et  coUegse  mei  qui  pra3sentes  aderant  et 
coiiipresbyteri  nostri  qui  nobis  assidchant" — Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixvi.  p.  245.     "  Re- 
sidentibus  etiam  viginti  et  sex  j^resbyieris,  adstantibus  diaconibus  et   omni 
plebe." — Concil.  lUiberit. 


620  THE  PEOPLE  DO  NOT  VOTE  IN  SYNODS. 

the  council  of  Antiocli  announcing  the  deposition  of  Paul 
of  Samosata  is  written  in  the  name  of  "  bishops,  and  pres- 
byters, and  deacons,  and  the  Churches  of  God,"  *  but  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  the  latter  are  added  merely  as  a 
matter  of  prudence,  and  in  testimony  of  their  cordial 
approval  of  the  ecclesiastical  verdict.  The  heresiarch  had 
left  no  art  unemployed  to  acquire  popularity,  and  it  was 
necessary  to  shew  that  he  had  lost  the  influence  upon  which 
he  had  been  calculating.  It  is  obvious  that  the  pastors  and 
elders  alone  were  permitted  to  adjudicate,  for  why  were 
they  assembled  from  various  quarters  to  uphold  the  doc- 
trine and  discipline  of  the  Church,  if  the  j)eople  who  were 
themselves  tainted  with  heresy  or  guilty  of  irregularity, 
had  the  liberty  of  voting  1  Under  such  circumstances,  the 
decision  would  have  been  substantially,  not  the  decree  of  the 
Church  rulers,  but  of  the  multitude  of  the  particular  city 
in  w^hich  they  happened  to  congregate. 

The  theory  of  some  modern  ecclesiastical  historians,  w^ho 
hold  that  all  the  early  Christian  congregations  were  origin- 
ally independent,  cannot  bear  the  ordeal  of  careful  investi- 
gation. AVhilst  it  directly  conflicts  with  the  testimony 
of  Jerome,  w^ho  declares  that  the  churches  were  at  first 
*'  governed  by  the  common  council  of  the  presbyters,"  it  is 
otherwise  destitute  of  evidence.  As  soon  as  the  light  of 
ecclesiastical  memorials  begins  to  guide  our  path,  we  find 
everywhere  presbyteries  and  synods  in  existence.  Con- 
gregationalism has  no  solid  foundation  either  in  Scripture 
or  antiquity.  The  eldership,  the  most  ancient  court  of  the 
Church,  commenced  with  the  first  preaching  of  the  gospel; 
and  in  the  account  of  the  meeting  of  the  Twelve  to  induct 
the  deacons  into  ofl&ce,  we  have  the  record  of  the  first  ordi- 
nation performed  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  pres- 
bytery of  Jerusalem,  A  few  years  afterwards  the  repre- 
sentatives of  several  Christian  communities  assembled  in 

*  Euseb.  vii.  30. 


ADVANTAGES  OF  SYNODICAL  GOVERNMENT.  621 


the  holy  city  and  "  ordained  decrees"  for  the  guidance  of 
tlie  Jewish  and  Gentile  Churches.  The  continuous  deve- 
lopment of  the  same  form  of  ecclesiastical  regimen  has  now 
been  illustrated.  This  pohty  was  obviously  based  upon  the 
principle  that  "in  the  multitude  of  counsellors  there  is 
safety."'"  At  the  meetings  of  the  elders,  information  was 
multiplied,  the  intellect  was  sharpened,  the  brethren  were 
made  better  acquainted  ^vith  each  other,  and  the  Christian 
cause  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  the  decisions  of  their  collective 
wisdom.  The  members  had  been  previously  elected  to  office 
by  the  voice  of  the  people,  so  that  the  Church  had  pre- 
eminently a  free  constitution.  And  it  is  no  mean  proof  as 
well  of  the  intrepidity  as  of  the  zeal  of  the  early  Christian 
ministers  that,  at  a  time  when  their  religion  was  proscribed, 
they  sometimes  undertook  lengthened  journeys  for  the  pur- 
pose of  meeting  in  ecclesiastical  judicatories.  They  thus 
nobly  asserted  the  principle  that  Christ  has  established  in 
His  Church  a  s;overnment  with  which  the  civil  masfistrate 
has  no  right  whatever  to  intermeddle.  It  has  been  said 
that  the  early  Christian  councils  "  changed  nearly  the  whole 
form  of  the  Church,"  and  that  by  them  "  the  influence  and 
authority  of  the  bishops  were  not  a  little  augmented."t 
But  this  is  ob-vdously  quite  a  mistaken  ^dew  of  their  native 
tendency.  The  face  of  the  Church  was,  indeed,  changed  at 
an  early  period,  but  it  was  simply  because  these  councils 
yielded  with  too  much  facility  to  the  spirit  of  innovation. 
Had  they  been  always  conducted  in  accordance  with  pri- 
mitive arrangements,  they  could  have  crushed  in  the  bud 
the  aspirations  of  clerical  ambition.  But  when  the  city 
ministers  were  raj)idly  accumulating  wealth,  their  brethren 
in  rural  districts  remained  poor;  and  when  councils  began 
to  meet  on  a  scale  of  increased  magnitude,  the  village  and 
country  pastors,  who  could  not  aff'ord  the  expenses  of 
lengthened  journeys,  were  unable  to    attend.     Meanwhile 

*  Prov.  xi.  14.  t  Moslieim's  "  Institutes,"  bySoames,  i.  150. 


r>22  SYNODS  PERVERTED  BY  THE  CITY  BISHOPS. 

Prelacy  established  itself  in  the  great  towns,  and  the  in- 
fluence of  the  city  bishops  began  gradually  to  preponderate 
in  all  ecclesiastical  assemblies.  When  the  prelates  had  once 
secured  their  ascendency  in  these  conventions,  they  made 
use  of  the  machinery  for  their  own  purposes.  The  people 
were  deprived  of  many  of  their  rights  and  privileges;  the 
elders  were  stripped  of  their  proper  status;  the  village  and 
rural  bishops  were  extinguished;  and  at  length  the  ancient 
presbytery  itself  disappeared.  The  city  dignitaries  became 
the  sole  depositories  of  ecclesiastical  power,  and  the  Chiu-ch 
lost  nearly  every  vestige  of  its  freedom.  But,  long  after 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  many  remnants  of  the 
primitive  polity  still  survived  as  memorials  of  its  departed 
excellence. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE    CEREMONIES    AND    DISCIPLINE    OF   THE  CHURCH  AS 

ILLUSTRATED    BY    CURRENT    CONTROVERSIES 

AND    DIVISIONS. 

Whilst  the  Christian  community  was  contending  against 
the  Gnostics,  it  was  not  without  other  controversies  which 
were  fitted  to  prejudice  its  claims  in  the  sight  of  the 
heathen.  The  destruction  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  by 
Titus  had  prevented  the  sticklers  for  the  Mosaic  law  from 
practising  many  of  their  ancient  ceremonies :  but  there 
were  parts  of  their  ritual,  such  as  circumcision,  to  which 
they  still  adhered,  as  these  could  be  observed  when  the 
altar  and  the  sanctuary  no  longer  existed.  In  the  reign  of 
Hadrian  a  division  of  sentiment  relative  to  the  continued 
obligation  of  the  Levitical  code  led  to  a  great  change  in 
the  mother  Church  of  Christendom.  About  a.d.  132,  an 
adventurer,  named  Barchochebas,  pretending  to  be  the 
Messiah  and  aiming  at  temporal  dominion,  appeared  in 
Palestine ;  the  Jews,  in  great  numbers,  flocked  to  his 
standard ;  and  the  rebel  chief  contrived  for  three  years 
to  maintain  a  bloody  war  against  the  strength  of  the 
Roman  legions.  The  Israelitish  race,  by  their  conduct  at 
this  juncture,  grievously  provoked  the  emperor;  and  when 
he  had  rebuilt  Jerusalem,  under  the  name  of  Aelia  Capi- 
tolina,  he  threatened  them  with  the  severest  penalties  should 
they  appear  either  in  the  city  or  the  suburbs.     Some  of  the 


624  THE  NAZARENES. 

Jewish  Christians  of  tlie  place,  anxious,  no  doubt,  to  escape 
the  proscription,  now  resolved  to  give  up  altogether  the 
observance  of  circumcision.  Others,  however,  objected  to 
this  course,  and  persisted  in  maintaining  the  permanent 
obligation  of  the  Mosaic  ritual.  The  dissentients,  called 
Nazarenes,  formed  themselves  into  a  separate  community, 
which  obtained  adherents  elsewhere,  and  which  subsisted 
for  several  centuries.  At  first  they  differed  from  other 
Christians  chiefly  in  their  adherence  to  the  initiatory  ordi- 
nance of  Judaism,  but  eventually  they  adopted  erroneous 
principles  in  regard  to  the  person  of  our  Lord,  and  were 
in  consequence  ranked  amongst  heretics.* 

In  the  history  of  the  Church,  the  Nazarenes  occupy  a 
somewhat  singular  and  unique  position.  Their  name  was 
one  of  the  earliest  designations  by  which  the  followers  of 
our  Saviour  were  known,  t  and  though  by  many  they  have 
been  called  the  First  Dissenters,  they  might  have  very 
fairly  pleaded  that  they  were  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
most  ancient  stock  of  Christians  in  the  world.  The  rite 
for  which  they  contended  had  been  practised  in  the  Church 
of  Jerusalem  since  its  very  establishment ;  the  ministers  by 
whom  they  had  been  taught  had  probably  been  instructed 
by  the  apostles  themselves;  and  all  the  elders  at  the  time 
connected  with  the  holy  city  seem  to  have  joined  the  seces- 
sion. It  is  alleged  that  a  number  of  Christians  of  Gentile 
origin,  uniting  with  those  of  their  brethren  of  Jeivish  de- 
scent who  now  agreed  to  relinquish  the  Hebrew  ceremonies, 
chose  an  individual,  named  Marcus,  for  their  chief  pastor, 
and  that  at  this  period  the  succession  in  the  line  of  the 
circumcision  "  failed."  J  This  statement  cannot  signify  that 
some  dire  calamity  had  at  once  swept  away  all  the  old 
presbytery  of  Jerusalem.  It  obviously  indicates  that  none 
of  its  members  had  joined  the  party  whose  principles  had 

*  See  Mosheim's  "  Commentaries,"  cent.  ii.  sec.  39 ;  American  edition  by 
Murdock.  f  Acts  xxiv.  5.  t  Euseb.  iv.  5. 


THE  PASCHAL  CONTROVEKSY.  625 

obtained  the  ascendeucy.  And  yet,  though  the  adherents 
of  Marcus  might  have  been  charged  with  innovation,  they 
acted  under  the  sanction  of  apostolical  authority.  They 
very  properly  refused  to  continue  any  longer  in  bondage  to 
the  beggarly  elements  of  a  ritual  which  had  long  since  been 
superseded.  Though  the  seceders  might  have  urged  that 
they  were  of  apostolical  descent,  and  that  they  were  sup- 
ported by  ancient  custom,  it  must  be  admitted,  after  all, 
that  they  were  but  a  company  of  deluded  and  narrow- 
minded  bigots.  The  evangelical  pastors  of  the  primitive 
Church  repudiated  their  zeal  for  ritualism,  and  gave  the 
right  hand  of  fellowship  to  Marcus  and  his  newly-organized 
community.  The  history  of  the  mother  Church  of  Christen- 
dom in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century  is  thus  fraught 
with  lessons  of  the  gravest  wisdom.  We  may  see  from  it 
that  the  true  successors  of  the  apostles  were  not  those  who 
occupied  their  seats,  or  who  were  able  to  trace  from  them  a 
ministerial  lineage,  but  those  who  inherited  their  spirit,  who 
taught  their  doctrines,  and  who  imitated  their  example. 

Though,  in  this  instance,  the  disciples  at  Jerusalem 
nobly  emancipated  themselves  from  the  yoke  of  circum- 
cision, it  appears,  from  a  controversy  which  created  much 
confusion  about  sixty  years  afterwards,  that  the  whole 
Church  was  disposed,  to  some  extent,  to  conform  to  another 
Judaic  ordinance.  The  embers  of  this  dispute  had  been 
for  some  time  smouldering,  before  they  attracted  much 
notice;  but,  about  the  termination  of  the  second  century, 
they  broke  out  into  a  flame  which  spread  from  Kome  to 
Jerusalem.  The  name  of  Easter'''  was  yet  unknown,  and  the 
Paschal  feast  appears,  at  least  in  some  places,  to  have  been 
then  only  recently  established ;  but  at  an  early  period  there 
was  a  sprinkling  of  Jewish  Christians  in  almost  every  Church 

*  The  English  name  Easter  is  derived  from  that  of  a  Teutonic  goddess 
whose  festival  was  celebrated  by  the  ancient  Saxons  in  the  month  of  April, 
and  for  which  the  Paschal  feast  was  substituted. 

2  R 


gOC  THE  QUAETO-DECIMANS. 

througliout  the  Empire,  and  they  had  at  length  induced 
their  fellow-disciples  to  mark  the  seasons  of  the  Passover 
and  Pentecost  *  by  certain  special  observances.     The  Pass- 
over was  regarded  as  the  more  solemn  feast,  and,  strange  as 
it  may  now  appear,  was  kept  at  the  time  by  the  Christians 
in  much  the  same  way  in  which  it  had  been  celebrated  by 
the  Jews  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.     A  lamb  was  shut 
up  on  a  certain  day ;  it  was  afterwards  roasted ;  and  then 
eaten  by  the  brotherhood.t     The  time  when  this  ceremony 
was  to  be  observed,  and  some  other  circumstantials,  now 
formed  topics  of  earnest  and  protracted  discussion.     One 
party,  known  as  the  Quarto-decimans,  or  Fourteenth  Day 
Men,  held  that  the  Paschal  feast  was  to  be  kept  exactly  at 
the  time  when  the  Jews  had  been  accustomed  to  eat  the 
Passover,  that  is,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month 
of  the  Jewish  year;  if  and  they  celebrated  the  festival  of 
the  resurrection  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  the  month,  that 
is,  on  the  third  day  after  partaking  of  the  Paschal  lamb, 
whether  that  happened  to  be  the  first  day  of  the  week  or 
otherwise.     The  other  party  strenuously  maintained  that 
the  eating  of  the  Paschal  lamb  ought  to  be  postponed  until 
the  night  preceding  the  first  Lord's  day  next  following  the 
fourteenth  day  of  the  first  month.     They  considered  that 
this  next  Lord's  day  should  be  recognized  as  the  festival  of 
our  Saviour's  resurrection,  and  that  the  whole  of  the  pre- 
ceding week  until  the  close  should  be  kept  as  a  fast  not  to 
be  interrupted  by  the  eating  of  the  Passover. 

*  Pentecost,  called  Whitsunday  or  White-Sunday,  on  account  of  the  white 
garments  worn  by  those  who  then  received  baptism,  was  observed  as  early  as 
the  beginning  of  the  third  century.  Origen,  "  Contra  Celsum,"  book  viii. 
TertuUian,  "  De  Idololatria,"  c.  14.  We  have  then  no  trace  of  the  observation 
of  Christmas.     See  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  p.  413. 

t  See  Mosheiin's  "  Commentaries,"  by  Murdock,  cent.  ii.  sec.  71.  Dr  Schaff  i 
seems  disposed  to  deny  this,  but  he  assigns  no  reasons.  See  his  "  Hist,  of  the  j 
Christ.  Church,"  p.  374.  1 

X  Even  as  to  this  point  there  is  not  unanimity — some  alleging  that  our  ! 
Lord  partook  of  the  Paschal  lamb  on  the  night  preceding  that  on  which  it  was 
eaten  by  the  Jews. 


VICTOR  AND  THE  QUARTO-DECIMANS.  627 

The  most  determined  Qiiarto-decimans  were  to  be  found 
in  Asia  Minor,  and  at  tlieir  head  was  Polycrates,  the  chief 
pastor  of  Ephesns,  At  the  head  of  the  other  party  was 
Victor,  bishop  of  Eome.  The  Church  over  which  he  pre- 
sided did  not  originally  observe  any  such  appointment,* 
but  some  of  its  members  of  Jewish  extraction  were  pro- 
bably, on  that  account,  dissatisfied;  and  about  the  time  of 
the  establishment  of  the  Catholic  system,  the  matter  seems 
to  have  been  settled  by  a  compromise.  It  appears  to  have 
been  then  arranged  that  the  festival  should  be  kept ;  but  to 
avoid  the  imputation  of  symbolizing  with  the  Jews,  it  was 
agreed  that  the  Friday  of  the  Paschal  week  and  the  Lord's 
day  folloAving,  or  the  day  on  which  our  Saviour  suffered 
and  the  day  on  which  He  rose  from  the  dead,  should  be 
the  great  days  of  observance.  This  arrangement  was  pretty 
generally  accepted  by  those  connected  with  what  now  began 
to  be  called  the  Catholic  Church :  but  some  parties  pertina- 
ciously refused  to  conform.  Victor,  as  the  head  of  the 
Catholic  confederation,  no  doubt  deemed  it  his  duty  to 
exact  obedience  from  all  its  members ;  and,  deeply  mortified 
because  the  Asiatic  Churches  persisted  in  their  own  usages, 
shut  them  out  from  his  communion.  But  it  was  soon  evi- 
dent that  the  Church  was  not  prepared  for  such  an  exercise 
of  authority,  for  the  Asiatics  refused  to  yield ;  and  as  some 
of  Victor's  best  friends  protested  against  the  imprudence  of 
his  procedure,  the  ecclesiastical  thunderbolt  proved  an  im- 
potent demonstration. 

The  Paschal  controversy  was  far  from  creditable  to  any 
of  the  parties  concerned.  The  eating  of  a  lamb  on  a  par- 
ticular day  was  a  fragment  of  an  antiquated  ceremonial, 

*  This  is  distinctly  asserted  by  Irenseus.  "  Anicetus  and  Pius,  Hyginus 
witli  Telesphorus  and  Xystus,  neither  did  themselves  observe,  nor  did  they 
permit  those  after  them  to  observe  it.  And  yet  though  they  themselves  did 
not  keep  it,  they  were  not  the  less  at  peace  with  those  from  churches  where 
it  was  kept,  whenever  they  came  to  them,  although  to  keep  it  then  was  so 
much  the  more  in  opposition  to  those  who  did  not." — Euseb.  v.  24. 


(528  UNCERTAINTY  OF  TRADITION. 

and  as  the  ordinance  itself  had  been  superseded,  the  time 
of  its  observance  was  not  a  legitimate  question  for  debate. 
Each  party  is  said  to  have  endeavoured  to  fortify  its  own 
position  by  quoting  the  names  of  Paul  or  Peter  or  Philip 
or  John;  bnt  had  any  one  of  these  apostles  risen  from  the 
dead  and  appeared  in  the  ecclesiastical  arena,  he  would,  no 
doubt,  have  rebuked  all  the  disputants  for  their  trivial  and 
unholy  wrangling.  We  have  here  a  notable  proof  of  the  ab- 
surdity of  appealing  to  tradition.  Within  a  hundred  years 
after  the  death  of  the  last  survivor  of  the  Twelve  its  testi- 
mony was  most  discordant,  for  the  tradition  of  the  Western 
Churches,  as  propounded  by  Victor,  expressly  contradicted 
the  tradition  of  the  Eastern  Churches,  as  attested  by  Poly- 
crates.  It  is  clear  that  in  this  case  the  apostles  must  have 
been  misrepresented.  Peter  and  Paul  certainly  never  taught 
the  members  of  the  Church  of  Rome  to  eat  the  Paschal 
lamb,  for  the  Jewish  temple  continued  standing  until  after 
both  these  eminent  ministers  had  finished  their  career,  and 
meanwhile  the  eating  of  the  Passover  was  confined  to  those 
who  went  uj)  to  worship  at  Jerusalem.  Philip  and  John 
may  have  continued  to  keep  the  feast  according  to  the 
ancient  ritual  until  shortly  before  the  ruin  of  the  holy  city; 
and  if,  afterwards,  they  permitted  the  converts  from  Juda- 
ism to  kill  a  lamb  and  to  have  a  social  repast  at  the  same 
season  of  the  year,  they  could  have  attached  no  religious 
importance  to  such  an  observance.  But  now  that  both 
parties  were  heated  by  the  spirit  of  rivalry  and  contention, 
they  extracted  from  tradition  a  testimony  which  it  did  not 
supply.  Vague  reports  and  equivocal  statements,  handed 
down  from  ages  preceding,  were  compelled  to  convey  a 
meaning  very  different  from  that  which  they  primarily 
communicated ;  and  thus  the  voice  of  one  tradition  could 
be  readily  employed  to  neutralize  the  authority  of 
another. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  custom  which  now  created 


I 


THE  LAPSED  AND  THE  TICKETS  OP  PEACE.      629 


such  \dolent  excitement  gradually  passed  into  desuetude. 
At  present  there  are  few  places'^'  where  the  eating  of  the 
Paschal  lamb  is  continued.  But  otherwise  the  practice  for 
which  Victor  contended  eventually  prevailed,  as  the  Roman 
mode  of  celebration  was  established  by  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Nice.  What  is  called  Easter  Sunday  is  still 
observed  in  many  Churches  as  the  festival  of  the  resurrec- 
tion. But  the  institution  of  such  a  festival  is  unnecessary, 
as  each  returning  Lord's  day  should  remind  the  Christian 
that  his  Saviour  has  risen  from  the  dead  and  become  the 
first-fruits  of  them  that  sleep.t 

This  Paschal  controversy  generated  no  schism,  but  other 
disputes,  which  subsequently  occurred,  did  not  terminate  so 
peacefully.  About  the  middle  of  the  third  century  dis- 
agreements respecting  matters  of  discipline  rent  the  Churches 
of  Carthage  and  Rome.  At  Carthage,  the  malecontents  sought 
for  greater  laxity;  at  Rome,  they  contended  for  greater 
strictness.  At  that  time  the  confessors  and  the  martyrs,  or 
those  who  had  persevered  in  their  adherence  to  the  faith 
under  pains  and  penalties,  and  those  who  had  suffered  for 
it  unto  death,  were  held  in  the  highest  veneration.  They 
had  been  even  permitted  in  some  places  to  dictate  to  the 
existing  ecclesiastical  rulers  by  granting  what  were  called 
tickets  of  iDeace  \  to  the  lapsed,  that  is,  to  those  who  had 

*  It  would  appear  that  the  Armenians,  the  Copts,  and  others,  stiU  observe 
this  rite.  Mosheim's  "  Comment."  cent.  ii.  sec.  71.  As  to  the  continuance  of 
this  custom  at  Rome,  see  Bingham,  v.  36,  37. 

t  Socrates,  an  ecclesiastical  historian  of  the  fifth  century,  has  expressed 
himself  with  remarkable  candour  on  this  subject.  "  It  appears  to  me,"  says 
he,  "  that  neither  the  ancients  nor  moderns  who  have  aft'ected  to  follow  the 
Jews  have  had  any  rational  foundation  for  contending  so  obstinately  about  it 
(Easter).  For  they  have  altogether  lost  sight  of  the  fact  that  when  our  reli- 
gion superseded  the  Jewish  economy,  the  obligation  to  observe  the  Mosaic 
law  and  the  ceremonial  types  ceased.  .  .  .  The  Saviour  and  His  apostles  have 
enjoined  us  by  no  law  to  keep  this  feast :  nor  in  the  New  Testament  are  we 
threatened  with  any  penalty,  punishment,  or  curse  for  the  neglect  of  it,  as  the 
Mosaic  law  does  the  Jews." — Ecc.  Hist.  v.  c.  22. 

%  This  system  seems  to  have  been  in  existence  in  the  time  of  Tertullian. 
See  Tertullian,  "  Ad.  Mai-tyr."  c.  I.,  and  "  De  Pudicitia,"  c.  22. 


630  THE  TICKETS  OF  PEACE. 

apostatized  in  a  season  of  persecution,  and  who  had  after- 
wards sought  readmission  to  Church  communion.  These 
certificates,  or  tickets  of  peace,  were  understood  to  entitle 
the  parties  in  whose  favour  they  were  drawn  up  to  be  ad- 
mitted forthwith  to  the  Lord's  Supper.  But  it  sometimes 
happened  that  a  confessor  or  a  martyr  was  himself  far  from 
a  paragon  of  excellence, '"''  as  mere  obstinacy,  or  pride,  or 
self-righteousness,  may  occasionally  hold  out  as  firmly  as  a 
higher  principle ;  and  a  man  may  give  his  body  to  be  burned 
who  does  not  possess  one  atom  of  the  grace  of  Christian 
charity.  There  were  confessors  and  martyrs  in  the  third 
century  who  held  very  loose  views  on  the  subject  of  Church 
discipline,  and  who  gave  tickets  of  peace  without  much 
inquiry  or  consideration,  t  In  some  instances  they  did  not 
condescend  so  far  as  to  name  the  parties  to  whom  they 
supplied  recommendations,  but  directed  that  a  particular 
individual  "and  his  fnends"J  should  be  restored  to  eccle- 
siastical fellowship.  Cyprian  of  Carthage  at  length  deter- 
mined to  set  his  face  against  this  S5^stem  of  testimonials. 
He  alleged  that  the  ticket  of  a  martyr  was  no  sufficient 
proof  of  the  penitence  of  the  party  who  tendered  it,  and 
that  each  application  for  readmission  to  membership  should 
be  decided  on  its  own  merits,  by  the  proper  Church  autho- 
rities. The  bishop  was  already  obnoxious  to  some  of  the 
presbyters  and  people  of  Carthage;  and,  in  Jhe  hope  of 
undermining  his  authority,  his  enemies  eagerly  seized  on 
his  refusal  to  recognize  these  certificates.  They  endea- 
voured to  create  a  prejudice  against  him  by  alleging  that 

*  Cyprian  speaks  of  a  confessor  spending  his  time  "  in  drunkenness  and 
revelling,"  {Epist.  vi.  p.  37,)  and  of  some  guilty  of  "  fraud,  fornication,  and 
adultery."  {De  Unit.  Ecc.  p.  404.) 

t  Thus  Cyprian  says — "  Lucianus,  not  only  while  Paulus  was  still  in  prison, 
gave  letters  in  his  name  indiscriminately  written  with  his  o^vn  hand,  but  even 
after  his  decease  continued  to  do  the  same  in  his  name,  saying  that  he  had 
been  ordered  to  do  so  by  Paulus." — E^nst.  xxii.  p.  77. 

X  Cyprian,  Epist.  x.  p.  52. 


THE  SCHISM  OF  FELICISSIMUS.  631 

he  was  acting  dictatorially,  and  that  he  was  not  rendering 
due  honour  to  those  Avho  had  so  nobly  imperilled  or  sacri- 
ficed their  Uves  in  the  service  of  the  gospel.  To  a  certain 
extent  their  opposition  was  successful;  and,  as  much  sick- 
ness prevailed  about  the  time,  Cyprian  was  obliged  to  con- 
cede so  far  as  to  consent  to  give  the  Eucharist,  on  the  tickets 
of  peace,  to  those  who  had  lapsed,  and  who  were  apparently 
approaching  dissolution.  But,  soon  afterwards,  strengthened 
by  the  decision  of  an  African  Synod,  he  returned  to  his 
original  position,  and  the  parties  now  became  hopelessly 
alienated.  The  leader  of  the  secession  was  a  deacon  of  the 
Carthaginian  Church,  named  Felicissimus,  and  from  him  the 
schism  which  now  occurred  has  received  its  designation. 
The  Separatists  chose  a  presbyter,  named  Fortunatus,  as 
their  bishop,  and  thus  in  the  capital  of  the  Proconsular 
Africa  a  new  sect  was  organized.  But  the  secession,  which 
was  based  upon  a  principle  thoroughly  unsound,  soon  dwin- 
dled into  insignificance,  and  rapidly  passed  into  oblivion. 

The  schism  which  occurred  about  the  same  time  at  Eome 
was  of  a  more  formidable  and  permanent  character.  It 
had  long  been  the  opinion  of  a  certain  party  in  the  Church 
that  persons  who  had  committed  certain  heinous  sins  should 
never  again  be  readmitted  to  ecclesiastical  fellowship."'^ 
Those  who  held  this  principle  did  not  pretend  to  say  that 
these  transgressions  were  unpardonable;  it  was  admitted 
that  the  offenders  might  obtain  forgiveness  from  God,  but 
it  was  alleged  that  the  Church  on  earth  could  never  feel 
warranted  to  receive  them  to  communion.  Cornelius,  who 
was  then-  the  bishop  of  Eome,  supported  a  milder  system 
and  contended  that  those  who  were  not  hopelessly  excluded 
from  the  peace  of  God  should  not  be  inexorably  debarred 

*  Apostasy  in  time  of  persecution  was  considered  a  mortal  sin.  Adul- 
tery was  placed  in  the  same  category.  Cyprian,  Epist.  lii.  p.  155.  At  one 
time  Cyprian  himself  held  the  sentiments  of  the  stricter  party.  See  his 
"  Scripture  Testimonies  against  the  Jews,"  book  iii.  §  28,  p.  563. 


G;}2  the  schism  of  novatian. 

from  tlie  visil)le  pledges  of  His  affection.  The  leader  of  the 
stricter  party  was  Novatian,  a  Roman  presbyter  of  pure 
morals  and  considerable  ability,  who  has  left  behind 
him  one  of  the  best  treatises  in  defence  of  the  Trinity 
which  the  ecclesiastical  literature  of  antiquity  can  supply. 
This  individual  was  ordained  bishop  in  opposition  to  Cor- 
nelius; and,  for  a  time,  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
pastors  of  the  age  found  it  difficult  to  decide  between  these 
two  claimants  of  the  great  bishopric.  The  high  character 
of  Novatian,  and  the  supposed  tendency  of  his  discipline  to 
preserve  the  credit  and  promote  the  pui'ity  of  the  Church, 
secured  him  considerable  support :  the  sect  Avhich  derived 
its  designation  from  him  spread  into  various  countries ;  and, 
for  several  generations,  the  Novatians  could  challenge  com- 
parison, as  to  soundness  in  the  faith  and  propriety  of 
general  conduct,  with  those  who  assumed  the  name  of 
Catholics. 

The  agitation  caused  by  the  Novatian  schism  had  not 
yet  subsided  when  another  controversy  respecting  the  pro- 
priety of  rebaptizing  those  designated  heretics  created  im- 
mense excitement.  Cyprian  at  the  head  of  one  party  main- 
tained that  the  baptism  of  heretical  ministers  was  not  to 
be  recognized,  and  that  the  ordinance  must  again  be  dis- 
pensed to  such  sectaries  as  sought  admission  to  catholic 
communion ;  whilst  Stephen  of  Eome  as  strenuously  affirmed 
that  the  rite  was  not  to  be  repeated.  It  is  rather  singular 
that  the  Italian  prelate,  on  this  occasion,  pleaded  for  the 
more  liberal  principle ;  but  various  considerations  conspired 
to  prompt  him  to  pursue  this  course.  When  heresies  were 
only  germinating,  and  when  what  was  afterwards  called 
the  Catholic  Church  was  yet  but  in  process  of  formation,  no 
question  as  to  the  necessity  of  rebaptizing  those  to  whom 
the  ordinance  had  already  been  dispensed  by  any  re^Duted 
Christian  minister,  seems  to  have  been  mooted.  In  tjie 
time  of  Hyginus  of  Rome,  even  the  baptism  of  the  leading 


THE  BAPTISMAL  CONTEOVEKSY.  633 

ministers  of  the  Gnostics  was  acknowledged  by  the  chief 
pastor  of  the  Western  metropolis.*  The  Church  of  Rome 
had  ever  since  continued  to  act  upon  the  same  system; 
and  her  determination  to  adhere  to  it  had  been  fortified, 
rather  than  weakened,  by  recent  occurrences.  As  the  No- 
vatians  had  set  out  on  the  principle  of  reljaptizing  all  who 
joined  them,t  Stephen  recoiled  from  the  idea  of  deviating 
from  the  ancient  practice  to  follow  in  their  footsteps.  But 
Cyprian,  who  was  naturally  of  a  very  imperious  temper,  and 
who  had  formed  most  extravagant  notions  of  the  dignity  of 
the  Catholic  Church,  could  not  brook  the  thought  that  the 
ministers  connected  with  the  schism  of  Felicissimus  could 
<lispense  any  baptism  at  all.  He  imagined  that  the  honour 
of  the  party  to  which  he  belonged  would  be  irretrievably 
compromised  by  such  an  admission,  and  he  was  sustained  in 
these  views  by  a  strong  party  of  African  and  Asiatic  bishops. 
On  this  occasion  Stephen  repeated  the  experiment  made  about 
sixty  years  before  by  his  predecessor  Victor,  and  attempted 
to  reduce  his  antagonists  to  acquiescence  by  excluding  them 
from  his  fellowship.  But  this  second  effort  to  enforce  eccle- 
siastical conformity  was  equally  unsuccessful.  It  only  pro- 
voked an  outburst  of  indignation,  as  the  parties  in  favour 
of  rebaptizing  refused  to  give  way.  This  controversy  led, 
however,  to  the  broad  assertion  of  a  principle  which  might 
not  otherwise  have  been  brought  out  so  distinctly,  for  it  was 
frequently  urged  during  the  course  of  the  discussion  that 
all  pastors  stand  upon  a  basis  of  equality,  and  that  the 
bishop  of  a  little  African  village  had  intrinsically  as  good  a 
right  to  think  and  to  act  for  himself  as  the  bishop  of  the 
great  capital  of  the  Empire. 

It  is  very  clear  that  at  this  time  the  unity  of  the  Chui'ch 
did  not  consist  in  the  uniformity  of  its  discipline  and  cere- 
monies.    The  believers  at  Jerusalem  continued  to  practise 

*  Cyprian,  Epi.st.  Ixjciii.  p.  279,  and  Ixxiv.  p.  29.J. 
t  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxiii.  p.  277,  278. 


(;34  L>1VEK.S1TY  OF  DISCIPLINE  AND  CEEEMONIES. 

circumcision  nearly  a  century  after  the  establisliment  of 
Gentile  Churches  in  which  such  a  rite  was  unknown.  On 
the  question  of  rebaptizing  heretics  the  Churches  of  Africa 
and  Asia  Minor  were  diametrically  opposed  to  the  Church 
of  Eome  and  other  communities  in  the  West.  As  to  the 
mode  of  observing  the  Paschal  feast  a  still  greater  diversity 
existed.  According  to  the  testimony  of  Irenseus  there  was 
nothing  approaching  to  uniformity  in  the  practice  of  the 
various  societies  with  which  he  was  acquainted.  "The 
dispute,"  said  he,  "  is  not  only  respecting  the  day,  but  also 
respecting  the  manner  of  fasting.  For  some  think  that 
they  ought  to  fast  only  one  day,  some  two,  some  more  days ; 
some  compute  their  day  as  consisting  of  forty  hours  night- 
and  day ;  "'^  and  this  diversity  existing  among  those  that 
observe  it,  is  not  a  matter  that  has  just  sprung  up  in  our 
times,  but  long  ago  among  those  before  us."t  AVhen  Cyprian 
refused  to  admit  the  lapsed  to  the  Lord's  Supper  on  the 
strength  of  the  tickets  of  peace  furnished  by  the  confessors 
and  the  martyrs,  he  departed  from  the  course  previously 
adopted  in  Carthage;  and  when  Novatian  excluded  them 
altogether  from  communion,  he  acted  on  a  principle  which 
was  not  then  novel.  There  was  at  that  time,  in  fact,  quite 
as  much  diversity  in  discipline  and  ceremonies  among^ 
Christians  as  is  now  to  be  found  in  evangelical  Protestant 
Churches. 

It  must  be  admitted  that,  as  we  descend  from  the  apos- 
tohc  age,  the  spirit  of  the  dominant  body  in  the  Church 
betrays  a  growing  want  of  Christian  charity.  There  soon 
appeared  a  disposition,  on  the  part  of  some,  to  monopolize 
religion,  and  to  disown  all  who  did  not  adopt  their  ecclesi- 
astical Shibboleth.  When  the  great  mass  of  Christians 
became  organized  into  what  was  called  the  Cathohc  Church, 

*  In  Stieren's  "  Irenseus,"  i.  824,  there  is  a  different  reading  of  this  passage, 
acconUng  to  which  some  continued  the  fast  forty  days, 
t  Euscb.  V.  24. 


ILLIBERALITY  OF  THE  CATHOLICS.  635 

the  chief  pastors  branded  with  the  odious  name  of  heretics 
all  who  did  not  belong  to  their  association.  The  Nazarenes 
originally  held  all  the  great  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  but 
they  soon  found  themselves  in  the  list  of  the  proscribed, 
and  they  gradually  degenerated  into  abettors  of  very  cor- 
rupt principles.  Those  members  of  the  Church  of  Carthage 
who  joined  Felicissimus  acted  upon  principles  which  the 
predecessors  even  of  Cyprian  had  sanctioned,  and  yet  the 
African  prelate  denounced  them  as  beyond  the  pale  of 
divine  mercy.  Novatian  was  not  less  orthodox  than  Cor- 
nelius; but  because  he  contended  for  a  system  of  discipline 
which,  though  not  unprecedented,  was  deemed  by  his  rival 
too  austere,  and  because  he  organized  a  party  to  support 
him,  he  also  was  stigmatized  with  the  designation  of 
heretic.  The  Quarto-decimans,  as  well  as  those  who  con- 
tended for  Catholic  rebaptism,  would  doubtless  have  been 
classed  in  the  same  list,  had  they  not  formed  numerous  and 
powerful  confederations.  Thus  it  was  that  those  called 
Catholics  were  taught  to  cherish  a  contracted  spirit,  and  to 
look  upon  all,  except  their  own  party,  as  out  of  the  reach 
of  salvation.  Their  false  conceptions  of  what  properly 
constituted  the  Church  involved  them  in  many  errors 
and  tended  to  vitiate  their  entire  theology.  But  this  sub- 
ject is  too  important  to  be  discussed  in  a  few  cursory 
remarks,  and  must  be  reserved  for  consideration  in  a  sepa- 
rate chapter. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

THE  THEOr.Y  OF  THE  CHURCH,  AND  THE  HISTORY  OF  ITS 

PERVERSION. 

CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

"  I  AM  the  good  Shepherd,"  said  Jesus :  "  the  good  Shepherd 

giveth  his  life /or  the  sheep My  sheep  hear  my  voice, 

and  I  know  them,  and  they  folloio  me:  and  I  give  unto  them 
eternal  life,  and  they  shall  never  iierish!"^  The  sheep  here 
spoken  of  are  the  true  children  of  God.  They  constitute 
that  blessed  community  of  which  it  is  written — "Christ 
loved  the  Chu7'ch,  and  gave  himself  for  it,  that  he  might 
sanctify  and  cleanse  it  with  the  washing  of  water  by  the 
word,  that  he  might  present  it  to  himself  a  glorious  Church, 
not  having  spot  or  ivrinJde  or  any  such  thing,  but  that  it 
should  be  holy  and  ivithout  blemish"  t 

The  society  thus  described  is,  in  the  highest  sense,  "  the 
holy  Catholic  Church."  Its  members  are  to  be  found 
wherever  genuine  piety  exists,  and  they  are  all  united  to 
Christ  by  the  bond  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Their  Divine 
Overseer  has  promised  to  be  with  them  "  alway  unto  the 
end  of  the  world," J  to  keep  them  "through  faith  unto  sal- 
vation,"§  and  to  sustain  them  even  against  the  violence  of 
"  the  gates  of  hell."  1|  Though  they  are  scattered  through- 
out different  countries,  and  separated  by  various  barriers 
of  ecclesiastical  division,  they  have  the  elements  of  concord. 

*  John  X.  11,  27,  28.  t  Epb.  v.  25-27.  J  Matt,  xxviii.  20. 

§   iPet.  i.  5.  II   Matt.  xvi.  18. 


THE  CHURCH  VISIBLE  AND  INVISIBLE.  637 

Could  they  be  bronglit  together,  and  divested  of  their 
prejudices,  and  made  fully  acquainted  with  each  other's 
sentiments,  they  would  speedily  incorporate ;  for  they  pos- 
sess "the  unity  of  the  Spirit,"'""  "the  unity  of  the  faith," t 
and  "the  unity  of  the  knowledge  of  the  Son  of  God  ."J 
But  these  heirs  of  promise  cannot  be  distinguished  by  the 
eye  of  sense;  their  true  character  can  be  known  infallibly 
only  to  the  Great  Searcher  of  hearts ;  and  for  this,  among 
other  reasons,  the  spiritual  commonwealth  to  which  they 
belong  is  usually  designated  'Hhe  Church  invisible." %^ 

The  visible  Church  is  composed,  to  a  considerable  extent, 
of  very  difierent  materials.  It  embraces  the  whole  mixed 
multitude  of  nominal  Christians,  including  not  a  few  who 
exhibit  no  evidence  whatever  of  vital  godliness.  Our  Lord 
describes  it  in  one  of  His  parables  when  He  says — "  The 
kingdom  of  heaven  is  like  unto  a  net  which  was  cast  into 
the  sea,  and  gathered  of  every  kind;  which,  when  it  was 
full,  they  drew  to  shore,  and  sat  down,  and  gathered  the 
good  into  vessels,  but  cast  the  bad  away.  So  shall  it  be 
at  the  end  of  the  world  :  the  angels  shall  come  forth,  and 
sever  the  wicked  from  among  the  just,  and  shall  cast  them 
into  the  furnace  of  fire :  there  shall  be  wailing  and  gnashing 
of  teeth."  II 

In  the  first  century  the  profession  of  Christianity  was 
perilous  as  well  as  unpopular,  so  that  the  number  of  spuri- 
ous disciples  was  comparatively  small ;  and  so  long  as  the 
brethren  enjoyed  the  ministrations  of  inspired  teachers, 
all  attempts  to  alienate  them  from  each  other,  or  to  create 

*  Eph.  iv.  3.  t  Eph.  iv.  13.  %  Eph.  iv.  13. 

§  No  writer  since  the  Reformation  has  discussed  the  subject  of  the  Church 
with  more  learning  and  abihty  than  the  Rev.  Dr  Hodge  of  Princeton.  Those 
who  wish  to  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  all  the  bearings  of  the  question 
should  consult  his  "  Essays  and  Reviews,"  New  York,  1857.  Also  the 
"  Princeton  Review."  See  also  an  article  of  his  taken  from  the  "  Princeton 
Review"  in  the  "British  and  Foreign  Evangelical  Review"  for  Sept.  1854. 

11  Matt.  xiii.  47-50. 


G38  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

Kcliisms,  had  little  success.  But  still,  even  whilst  the 
apostles  were  on  earth,  some  of  the  Churches  planted  and 
watered  by  themselves  were  involved  in  error  and  agitated 
by  the  spirit  of  division.  "  It  hath  been  declared  unto  me 
of  you,"  says  Paul  to  the  Corinthians,  "  that  there  are  con- 
tentions among  you.  Now  this  I  say,  that  every  one  of  you 
saith,  I  am  of  Paul,  and  I  of  ApoUos,  and  I  of  Cephas,  and 
I  of  Christ."  ^''  The  same  writer  had  occasion  to  mourn 
over  the  apostasy  of  the  Churches  of  Galatia.  "  I  marvel," 
said  he,  "  that  ye  are  so  soon  removed  from  him  that  called 
you  into  the  grace  of  Christ  unto  another  gospel.  ...  0 
foolish  Galatians,  who  hath  bewitched  you  that  ye  should 
not  obey  the  truth  V  f  The  Church  of  Sard  is  in  the  life- 
time of  the  Apostle  John  had  sunk  into  an  equally  deplor- 
able condition,  and  hence  he  was  commissioned  to  declare 
to  it — "  I  know  thy  works,  that  thou  hast  a  name  that  thou 
livest,  and  art  dead."\ 

The  circumstances  which  led  to  the  organization  of  the 
Catholic  system  have  already  been  detailed,  and  it  has  been 
shewn  that  the  great  design  of  the  arrangement  was  to 
secure  the  visible  unity  of  the  ecclesiastical  commonwealth. 
The  Catholic  confederation  was  supposed  to  comprehend  all 
the  faithful;  and  it  was,  no  doubt,  expected  that,  not  long 
after  its  establishment,  it  would  have  rung  the  death  knell 
of  schism  and  sectarianism.  According  to  its  fundamental 
principle,  whoever  was  not  in  communion  with  the  bishop 
was  out  of  the  Church.  To  be  out  of  the  Church  was  soon 
considered  as  tantamount  to  be  without  God  and  without 
hope,  so  that  this  test  condemned  all  who  in  any  way  dis- 
sented from  the  dominant  creed  as  beyond  the  pale  of  sal- 
vation. Its  assumptions,  involving  a  decision  of  such  grave 
importance  and  of  such  dubious  authority,  were  acknow- 
ledged with  some  difficulty;  and  the  question  as  to  the 
extent  and  character  of  the  Church  seems  to  have  led  to 

*  iCor.  i.  11,  12.  t  Gal.  i.  6,  iii.  1.  J  Rev.  iii.  1. 


NO  SALVATION  OUT  OF  THE  CHURCH.  630 

considerable  discussion ;  *  but  tlie  horror  of  heresy  which 
SO  generally  prevailed  strengthened  the  pretensions  of  the 
hierarchy,  and  at  length  every  candidate  for  baptism  was 
required  to  declare,  as  one  of  the  articles  of  his  faith — "  I 
believe  in  the  holy  Catholic  Church."  t 

According  to  one  interpretation  the  sentiment  embodied 
in  this  profession  was  perfectly  unobjectionable.  If  by  the 
holy  Catholic  Church  we  understand  the  Church  invisible 
composed  of  all  the  true  children  of  God,  it  must  be  con- 
ceded that  every  devout  student  of  the  Scriptures  is  bound 
to  express  his  belief  in  its  existence  and  its  excellence. 
This  Church  is  precious  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord ;  it  is  the 
habitation  of  His  Spirit;  it  is  the  heir  of  His  great  and 
glorious  promises.  But  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  in  the 
current  ecclesiastical  phraseology  of  the  third  century,  had 
a  very  different  signification.  It  denoted  the  great  mass  of 
disciples  associated  under  the  care  of  the  Catholic  bishops, 
as  distinguished  from  all  the  minor  sects  throughout  the 
Empire  which  made  a  profession  of  Christianity.  A  sincere 
and  intelligent  believer  might  well  have  scrupled  to  give 
such  a  title  to  the  mixed  society  thus  claiming  its  ap- 
plication. 

It  is  quite  true  that  there  is  no  salvation  out  of  the 
Church,  if  by  the  Church  is  meant  that  elect  company 
which  Christ  died  to  redeem  and  sanctify;  but  the  Word 
of  God  does  not  warrant  us  to  assert  that  the  eternal  well- 
being  of  man  depends  on  his  connexion  with  any  earthly 
society.  Even  in  the  days  of  the  apostles,  some  who  were 
subjected  to  a  sentence  of  excommunication  were  the  ex- 
cellent of  the  earth.  "  I  wrote  unto  the  CliiircJi,"  says  John, 
"  but  Diotrej^hes,   who  loveth  to  have  the  pre-eminence 


*  Thus,  Melito  of  Sardis  is  said  to  have  written  a  work  "  On  the  Church." 
Euseb.  iv.  26. 

t  Apostles'  Creed  For  another  form  see  Bunsen's  "  ITippolytus,"  iii. 
25,27. 


G40      TRUE  SAINTS  CAST  OUT  OF  THE  CHUPX'H. 

among  tliem,  receiveth  lis  not.  Wherefore,  if  I  come,  I  will 
remember  his  deeds  which  he  doeth,  prating  against  us 
with  maUcious  words,  and  not  content  therewith,  neither 
doth  he  himself  receive  the  brethren,  and  forbiddeth  them 
that  woidd,  and  casteth  them  out  of  the  Church."  *  This 
Diotrephes  seems  to  have  been  some  wayward  and  domi- 
neering presbyter  who  took  the  lead  among  his  fellow- 
elders,  and  who  induced  them  by  the  influence  of  com- 
manding talent,  combined,  it  may  be,  with  superior  worldly 
station,  to  support  him  in  his  wilfulness.!  But  it  would  be 
very  foolish  to  suppose  that  the  brethren  who  were  thus 
cast  out  of  the  Church  were  thereby  eternally  undone,  for 
such  certainly  was  not  the  judgment  of  the  beloved  dis- 
ciple. Faith  in  Christ,  and  not  a  relation  to  any  visible 
society,  secures  a  title  to  heaven.  Thousands,  as  well  as 
the  thief  on  the  cross,  have  been  admitted  into  paradise 
who  have  never  been  baptized, J  and  we  might  point  out 
numberless  cases  in  which  individuals,  in  the  wonderful 
providence  of  God,  have  been  led  to  a  saving  knowledge  of 
the  truth  who  have  never  had  an  opportunity  of  joining  a 
congregation  of  Christian  worshippers.  But  those  who  now 
assumed  the  name  of  Catholics  were  continually  dwelling 
upon  the  importance  of  a  connexion  with  their  own  associa- 
tion; and,  assuming  that  they  were  the  Church,  they  ap- 
propriated to  themselves  whatever  they  could  find  in  Scrip- 
ture in  commendation  of  its  excellence.  The  promises 
addressed  to  the  Church  in  the  book  of  inspiration  refer, 
however,  not  to  any  local  and  visible  community,  but  to 
the   "  Church    of    the    first-born   which    are   written   in 

*  3  John  9,  10. 

t  He  appears,  for  certain  reasons  now  unknown,  to  have  been  dissatisfied 
with  some  disciples  who  had  been  engaged  in  missionary  work  ;  and  he  had 
influence  sufficient  to  procure  the  excommunication  of  the  brethren  who 
entertained  them. 

t  He  would  be  a  bold  man  who  would  assei't  that  all  the  pious  members  of 
the  Society  of  Friends  are  in  a  hopeless  condition. 


I        THE  TRUE  CHURCH  NOT  THE  CHURCH  VISIBLE.    G41 

,  heaven ; "  *  and  the  CathoHcs,  by  misapplying  them,  were 
led  to  form  very  extravagant  notions  of  the  advantages  of 
the  position  which  they  occupied.  The  ascription  of  the 
attributes  of  the  Church  invisible  to  their  own  association 
was,  in  fact,  tlie  fundamental  misconception  on  which  a 
vast  fabric  of  error  was  erected.  By  reason  of  the  indwell- 
ing of  the  Spirit  in  all  believers  the  Church  invisible  is 
catholic,  or  universal,  that  is,  it  is  to  be  found  wherever 
vital  Christianity  exists  ;  for  the  same  reason  it  is  lioly, 
every  member  of  it  being  a  living  temple  of  Jehovah ;  it  is 
also  one,  as  one  Spirit  animates  all  the  saints  and  unites 
them  to  God  and  to  each  other ;  and  it  is  perpetual,  or 
indestructible,  for  the  Most  High  has  promised  never  to 
leave  Himself  without  witnesses  among  men,  and  all  His 
redeemed  ones  shall  remain  as  trophies  of  His  grace 
throughout  all  eternity.  But  these  attributes  were  repre- 
sented as  belonging  to  the  Church  visible,  and  this  radical 
mistake  became  the  parent  of  monstrous  delusions.  The 
ecclesiastical  writers  who  flourished  towards  the  end  of  the 
second  and  beginning  of  the  third  century  exhibit  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  inconsistency  and  vacillation  when 
they  touch  upon  the  subject;  t  but,  half  a  century  after- 
wards, the  language  currently  employed  is  much  bolder 
and  more  decided.  At  that  time  Cyprian  does  not  hesitate 
to  express  himself  in  the  strongest  terms  of  high-church 
exclusiveness.  "  All,''  says  he,  "  are  adve7'sarics  of  the  Lord 
and  antichrist  wdio  are  found  to  have  departed  from  the 
charity  and  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church."  \  "  You  ought 
to  know  that  the  bishop  is  in  the  Church  and  the  Church 
in  the  bishop,  and  if  any  he  not  with  the  bishop,  that  he  is 
not  in  the  Church."  §  "  The  house  of  God  is  one,  and  there 
cannot  be  salvation  for  any  except  in  the  Church."  ||     "He 

*  Heb.  xii.  23. 

t  See  Rothe's  "  Anfange  der  Christlichen  Kirchc,"  p.  575. 
X  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  316.  §  Epi«t.  Ixix.  p.  265. 

II  Epist.  Ixii.  p.  221. 

2s 


0'42        ERRORS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY. 

can  no  longer  have  God  for  a  Fatlier,  who  has  not  the 
Church  for  a  mother." ''' 

Though  the  Catholics  were  a  compact  body,  forming  the 
bulk  of  the  Christian  population,  their  system  failed  to  ab- 
sorb all  the  professors  of  the  gospel,  or  perhaps  even  greatly 
to  check  the  tendency  towards  ecclesiastical  separation.  In 
their  controversies  with  seceders  and  schismatics,  their  own 
principles  were  more  distinctly  defined ;  and,  as  they  soon 
found  that  they  were  quite  an  overmatch  for  any  indivi- 
dual sect,  their  tone  gradually  became  more  decided  and  dic- 
tatorial. But  the  theological  position  from  which  they  started 
was  a  sophism  ;  and,  like  the  movements  of  a  traveller  who 
has  mistaken  his  way,  every  step  of  their  progress  was  an 
advance  in  a  wrong  direction.  Some  of  the  more  prominent 
errors  to  which  their  theory  led  may  here  be  enumerated. 

I.  The  theory  of  the  Catholic  Church  recognized  an  odious 
ecclesiastical  monopoly.  Pastors  and  teacJiers  are  "  for  the 
perfecting  of  the  saints,  for  the  work  of  the  ministry,  for 
the  edifying  of  the  body  of  Christ  ;"t  and  yet  a  sinner 
may  be  saved  without  their  instrumentality.  The  truth 
when  spoken  by  a  layman,  or  Avhen  read  in  a  private  cham- 
ber, may  prove  quite  as  efficacious  as  when  proclaimed  from 
the  pulpit  of  a  cathedral.  That  kingdom  of  God  which 
"  Cometh  not  with  observation"  is  built  up  by  "  the  Word 
of  His  grace  ;"J  and  so  long  as  the  Word  exists,  and 
so  long  as  the  Spirit  applies  it  to  enlighten  and  sanctify 
and  comfort  God's  children,  the  Church  is  imperishable. 
The  evangelical  labours  of  the  pious  master  of  a  mer- 
chant vessel  have  often  been  blessed  abundantly;  and 
among  the  tens  of  thousands  afloat  upon  the  broad  waters, 
who  seldom  enjoy  any  ecclesiastical  ministrations,  may 
be  found  some  of  the  highest  types  of  Christian  excel- 
lence.    Though  regularly  ordained  pastors  are  necessary  to 

*  "  De  Uuit.  Ecc."  p.  397.  See  also  Lactautius,  "  De  Vera  Sapientia,"  lib.  iv. 
P-  282.  t  Eph.  iv.  12.  I  Acts  xx.  32. 


ERRORS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY.         643 

tlie  gTo^^'tll  aucl  well-being  of  tlie  Cliiircli,  such  facts  shew 
that  they  are  not  essential  to  its  existence.  But,  according 
to  the  Catholic  system,  they  are  the  veins  and  arteries 
through  which  its  very  life-blood  circulates.  All  grace  be- 
longs to  the  visible  society  called  the  Catholic  Church,  and 
of  this  grace  the  Catholic  ministers  have  the  exclusive  dis- 
tribution. Witliout  their  intervention,  as  the  dispensers  of 
divine  ordinances,  no  one  can  hope  to  inherit  heaven.  No 
other  ministers  whatever  can  be  instrumental  in  conferrina: 
any  saving  benefit.  Was  it  extraordinary  that  individuals 
who  were  supposed  to  be  entrusted  with  such  tremendous 
iiifluence  soon  began  to  be  regarded  with  awful  reverence  ? 
If  the  services  which  they  rendered  were  necessary  to  sal- 
vation, and  if  these  services  could  be  performed  by  none 
else,  they  were  possessed  of  absolute  authority,  and  it  was 
to  be  expected  that  they  would  forthwith  begin  to  act  as 
"  lords  over  God's  heritage." 

Under  the  Mosaic  economy  none  save  the  descendants  of 
a  single  individual  were  permitted  to  present  the  sacrifices 
or  to  enter  the  holy  place.  In  the  celebration  of  the  most 
solemn  rites  of  their  religion  the  Jewish  peo]3le  were  kept 
at  a  mysterious  distance  from  the  presence  of  the  Divine 
Majesty,  and  were  taught  to  regard  the  officiating  ministers 
as  mediators  between  God  and  themselves.  This  arrange- 
ment was  symbolical,  as  all  the  priests  were  types  of  the 
Great  Intercessor.  But  every  believer  may  now  enjoy  the 
nearest  access  to  his  Maker,  for  the  Saviour  has  made  all 
His  people  "  kings  and  priests  unto  God.'" '"'  The  ministers 
of  the  gospel  do  not  constitute  a  privileged  fraternity  en- 
titled by  birth  to  exercise  certain  functions  and  to  claim 
certain  immunities.  They  should  be  appointed  hy  the  peo- 
ple as  well  3isfo7'  them,  and  no  service  which  they  perform 
implies  that  they  have  nearer  access  to  the  Divine  Presence 
than  the  rest  of  the  worshippers.     In  the  New  Testament 

*  Rev.  i.  6. 


G44  EKTvOIlS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY. 

they  are  never  designated  priests,'^''  neither  is  their  interven- 
tion between  God  and  the  sinner  described  as  indispensable. 
But  Catholicism  invested  them  with  a  factitious  conse- 
quence, representing  them  as  inheriting  peculiar  rights  and 
privileges  by  ecclesiastical  descent  from  the  apostles.  Ac- 
cording to  Cyprian,  "  Christ  says  to  the  apostles,  ard  thereby 
to  all])relates  who  hy  vicarious  ordination  are  successors  of 
the  afostles,  'He  that  heareth  you,  heareth  me.'  "t  About 
the  commencement  of  the  third  century  the  pastors  of  the 
Cliurch  began  to  be  called  priests,  \  and  this  change  in  the 
ecclesiastical  nomenclature  betokens  the  influence  of  Catho- 
lic principles  on  the  current  theology.  The  Jewish  sacri- 
ficial system  had  now  ceased,  and  the  Hebrew  Christians 
were  perhaps  disposed  to  transfer  to  their  new  ministers 
the  titles  of  the  sons  of  Levi;  but,  had  not  the  alteration 
been  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  it  could 
not  have  been  accomplished.  It  was,  how^ever,  justified  by 
Catholicism,  as  that  system  set  forth  the  clergy  in  the  light 
of  mediators  between  God  and  the  people.  This  miscon- 
ception of  the  nature  of  the  Christian  ministry  generated  a 
multitude  of  errors.  If  ministers  are  priests  they  must 
ofi"er  sacrifice,  and  must  be  entrusted  with  the  work  of 
atonement.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  monstrous  dogma 
of  transubstantiation  was  not  yet  broached,  but  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  forms  of  expression  which  were  exceedingly 

*  If  our  authorized  version  of  the  English  Bible  is  to  be  regarded  as  a 
standard  of  correct  usage,  the  word  priest  cannot  be  properly  employed  to 
designate  a  Christian  minister.  In  the  New  Testament,  as  stated  in  the  text, 
a  minister  of  the  word  is  never  called  a  priest  (Upeiis),  and  the  latter  term, 
when  used  in  reference  to  an  official  personage  in  our  English  Bible,  always 
denotes  an  individual  who  offers  sacrifice.  To  call  a  gospel  minister  a  priest 
is,  therefore,  at  once  to  adopt  an  incorrect  exiaression  and  to  insinuate  a 
false  doctrine.  The  English  word  priest  is  derived,  not  as  some  say,  from 
the  Greek  npfcr^vTepos  through  the  French  pret7'e,  but  from  the  Greek 
Trpoecrrwy,  in  Latin  prcestes,  and  in  Saxon  preost.  See  Webster's  "  Dictionary 
of  the  English  Language."  +  Epist.  Ixix.  p.  264. 

+  Thus,  TertuUian  speaks  of  the  "  ordo  sacerdotahs."     "  De  Exhor.  Cast." 


[ 


ERRORS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY.         645 

liable  to  misinterpretation,  now  began  to  be  adopted.  Thus, 
tlie  Eucharist  was  styled  "a  sacrifice,"^^"  and  the  communion- 
table "the  altar." t  At  first  such  phraseology  was  not  in- 
tended to  be  literally  understood,  J  but  its  tendency,  not- 
withstanding, was  most  pernicious,  as  it  fostered  false  views 
of  a  holy  ordinance,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  most 
senseless  superstition  ever  imposed  on  human  credulity. 

Every  genuine  pastor  has  a  divine  call  to  the  sacred 
office,  and  no  act  of  man  can  supply  the  place  of  this  spi- 
ritual vocation.  God  alone  can  provide  a  true  minister,  § 
for  He  alone  can  bestow  the  gifts  and  the  graces  which  are 
required.  Ordination  is  simply  the  form  in  which  the  exist- 
ing Church  rulers  endorse  the  credentials  of  the  candidate, 
and  sanction  his  appearance  in  the  character  of  an  eccle^ 
siastical  functionary.  But  these  rulers  may  themselves  be 
incompetent  or  profane,  so  that  their  approval  may  be  worth- 
less; or,  by  mistake,  they  may  permit  wolves  in  sheep's 
clothing  to  take  charge  of  the  flock  of  Christ.  The  simple 
fact,  therefore,  that  an  individual  holds  a  certain  jDosition  in 
any  section  of  the  visible  Church,  is  no  decisive  evidence 
that  he  is  a  true  shepherd.  Such,  however,  was  not  the 
doctrine  of  Catholicism.  Whoever  was  accredited  by  the 
existing  ecclesiastical  authorities  was,  according  to  this  sys- 
tem, the  chosen  of  the  Lord.  When  certain  j^arties  who  had 
joined  Novatian  were  induced  to  retrace  their  steps,  they 
made  the  following  penitential  declaration  in  presence  of  a 
large  congregation  assembled  in  the  Western  metropolis — 
"We  acknowledge  Cornelius  bishop  of  the  most  holy  Ca- 

*  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixiii.  p.  230  ;  kiv.  p.  239. 

t  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ixix.  p.  264.  Cotelerius,  i.  442.  The  Eucharist  is  called 
a  sacrifice  by  Justin  Mai-tyr  (see  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho.,  "Ojjera,"  p.  260) 
apparently  in  a  figiu-ative  sense,  but  when  dispensed  by  a  minister  called  a 
priest,  such  language  became  exceedingly  liable  to  misconception. 

X  In  proof  of  this  see  Cyprian,  Epist.  Ivi.  p.  200,  and  Ixiii.  p.  231.  In  the 
former  place  Cyprian  says — "  Mindful  of  the  Eucharist,  the  hand  which  ha.s 
received  the  Lord's  body  may  embrace  the  Lord  himself P 

5  Heb.  V.  4  :  Acts  xx.  28,  xxvi.  16. 


646        ERRORS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY. 

tliolic  Church  cliosen  hy  God  Almighty  and  Christ  our 
Lord."*  Cyprian  asserted  that,  as  he  was  bishop  of  Car- 
thage, he  must  necessarily  have  a  divine  commission.  No- 
thing, indeed,  can  exceed  the  arrogance  with  which  this 
imperious  prelate  expressed  himself  when  speaking  of  his 
ecclesiastical  authority.  To  challenge  his  conduct  was,  in 
his  estimation,  tantamount  to  blasphemy;  and,  to  dispute 
his  prerogatives,  a  contempt  of  the  Divine  Majesty.  Once, 
in  a  time  of  persecution,  he  retired  from  Carthage,  and  he 
was,  in  consequence,  upbraided  by  some  as  a  coward ;  but 
when  a  fellow-bishop,  Papianus,  ventured  to  ask  an  explana- 
tion of  a  course  of  proceeding  which  apparently  betokened 
indecision,  Cyprian  treated  the  inquiry  as  an  insult,  and 
poured  out  upon  his  correspondent  a  whole  torrent  of  in- 
vectives and  reproaches.  He  is  GocVs  bishop,  and  no  one  is 
to  attempt,  by  the  breath  of  suspicion,  to  stain  the  lustre 
of  his  episcopal  dignity.  "  I  perceive  by  your  letter,"  says 
he,  "  that  you  believe  the  same  things  of  me,  and  persist  in 

what  you  believed This  is  not  to  believe  in  God, 

this  is  to  be  a  rebel  against  Christ  and  against  His  gospel. 
....  Do  you  suppose  that  the  priests  of  God  are  with- 
out His  cognizance  ordained  in  the  Chiu'ch  1  For  if  you 
believe  that  those  who  are  ordained  are  unwor^y  and  in- 
cestuous, what  else  is  it  but  to  believe  that,  not  by  God,  or 
through  God,  are  His  bishops  appointed  in  the  Church."  t 
After  indulging  at  great  length  in  the  language  of  denun- 
ciation, he  adds,  in  a  strain  of  irony — "  Vouchsafe  at  length 

*  Cyprian,  Epist.  xlvi.  p.  136. 

t  Epist.  Ixix.  p.  262.  Se  also  Epist.  Iv.  p.  177.  "  If  any  amount  of  differ- 
ence of  opinion  as  to  the  truth  or  untruth  of  the  teaching  of  a  geographical 
priesthood,  will  justify  separation  under  another  Christian  ministry,  then  it 
at  once  ceases  to  be  true  that  there  can  be  but  one  bishop,  or  one  priest,  over 
any  given  area  in  which  such  differences  exist  ;  there  then  mai/  obviously  be 
as  many  bishoiis,  or  as  many  priests,  as  there  may  be  different  bodies  of  men 
differing  from  each  other's  teaching  in  what  they  deem  sufficiently  essential 
points  to  justify  separation."— Ze«e/-//-o??i  the  Duke  of  Argyll  to  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford,  p.  8. 


ERRORS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  THEORY.         647 

and  deign  to  prononnce  on  us,  and  to  confirm  our  episco- 
pate by  the  autLority  of  your  hearing,  tliat  God  and  Christ 
may  give  you  thanks,  that  through  you  a  president  and 
ruler  has  been  restored  as  well  to  tJieir  altar  as  to  their 
people."  '^ 

11.  The  Catholic  system  encouraged  its  adherents  to 
cultivate  very  bigoted  and  ungenerous  sentiments.  Tliey 
\Yere  taught  to  regard  themselves  as  the  "  peculiar  people," 
and  to  look  on  all  others,  however  excellent,  as  without 
claim  to  the  title  or  privileges  of  Christians.  How  different 
the  spirit  of  the  inspired  heralds  of  the  gospel !  When 
Peter  saw  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  poured  out  on  men 
uncircumcised,  he  recognized  the  divine  intimation  by 
acknowledging  the  believing  Gentiles  as  his  brethren  in 
Christ.  Concei\dng  that  God  himself  had  thus  settled  the 
question  of  their  Church  membership,  "  he  commanded  them 
to  be  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord."  t  But  men  who 
professed  to  derive  their  authority  from  the  apostle,  now 
showed  how  grievously  they  misunderstood  the  benign  and 
comprehensive  genius  of  his  ecclesiastical  polity.  The 
dominant  party  among  the  disciples  had  not  long  assumed 
the  name  of  Catholics  when  they  sadly  belied  the  designa- 
tion, for  nothing  could  be  more  illiberal  or  uncatholic  than 
their  Church  principles.  All  evidences  of  piety,  no  matter 
how  decided,  if  found  among  the  Nazarenes,  or  the  Nova- 
tians,  or  the  friends  of  Felicissimus,  were  rejected  by  them 
as  apocryphal.  The  brightest  manifestations  of  godliness, 
if  exhibited  outside  their  own  denomination,  only  roused 
their  jealousy  or  provoked  their  uncandid  and  malicious 
criticisms.  The  Catholic  bishops  acted  as  if  they  moved 
within  something  like  a  charmed  circle,  and  as  if  a  curse 
rested  upon  everything  not  under  their  own  influence. 
Their  proceedings  often  displayed  alike  their  folly  and  in- 
consistency.    Tertullian,  for  example,  was  a  Montanist,  and 

*  Epist.  Ixix.  p.  264.  f  Acts  x.  48. 


648  CATHOLICISM  OPPOSED  TO  GODS  WORD. 

yet  lie  Avas  the  writer  from  wliom  Cyprian  himself  derived 
a  large  share  of  his  theological  instruction.  "Give  me 
the  master,"  the  bishop  of  Carthage  is  reported  to  have 
said,  when  he  called  for  his  favourite  author.'"  Thus,  an 
individual  who,  according  to  Cyprian's  own  principles,  was 
beyond  the  pale  of  hope,  Avas  the  teacher  with  whom  he 
was  daily  holding  spiritual  fellowship!  The  bigotry  of  the 
party  must  appear  all  the  more  intolerable  when  we  con- 
sider that  some  of  those  who  differed  from  them  taught  the 
cardinal  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  as  zealously  and  as  fully 
as  themselves.  The  Novatiaus  seceded  from  their  com- 
munion merely  on  the  grouud  of  a  question  of  discipline, 
and  yet  the  Catholics  could  not  believe  that  any  grace 
could  exist  among  these  ancient  Puritans.  The  Novatians 
in  their  lives  might  exhibit  much  of  the  beauty  of  holiness, 
and  they  might  shed  their  blood  in  the  cause  of  Christi- 
anity, t  but  all  this  availed  them  nothing  in  the  estimation 
of  their  narrow-minded  antagonists.  "  Let  no  one  think," 
says  Cyprian,  "that  they  can  be  good  men  who  leave  the 
Church  ."J  "He  can  never  attain  to  the  kingdom  who 
leaves  her  with  whom  the  kingdom  shall  be."§  "  He  cannot 
be  a  martyr  who  is  not  in  the  Church.'"  ||  Every  man  not 
blinded  by  prejudice  might  well  have  suspected  the  sound- 
ness of  a  theory  which  could  only  be  sustained  by  such 
brazen  recklessness  of  assertion. 

in.  Nothing,  however,  more  clearly  revealed  the  anti- 
evangelical  character  of  the  Catholic  system  than  its  inter- 
ference with  the  claims  of  the  Word  of  God.  The  gospel 
commends  itself  by  the  light  of  its  own  evidence.  The 
official  rank  of  the  preacher  cannot  add  to  its  truth,  neither 
can  the  corrupt  motives  which  may  prompt  him  to  pro- 

*  Jerome,  "  Catalogue  of  Ecclesiastical  Writers." 

t  Some  of  those  called  heretics  had  many  martyi-s.     Euseb.  v.  16. 

t  "  De  Unit.  Ecc."  Opera,  p.  399.  §  "  De  Unit.  Ecc."  p.  401. 

II   "De  Unit.  Ecc."  p.  401. 


CATHOLICISM  OPPOSED  TO  GOd's  WOPvD.  G49 

claim  it,  impair  its  authority.  As  a  revelation  from  lieaven, 
it  possesses  a  title  to  consideration  irrespective  of  any  indi- 
vidual, or  any  Church ;  and  God  honours  His  own  com- 
munication even  though  it  may  be  delivered  by  a  very 
unworthy  messenger.'""  "  Some  indeed,"  says  Paul,  "  preach 
Christ  even  of  envy  and  strife,  and  some  also  of  good-will. 
....  What  then"?  Notwithstanding,  every  way,  whether 
in  pretence  or  in  truth,  Christ  is  preached ;  and  I  therein  do 
rejoice,  yea,  and  will  rejoice."  t  But  Catholicism  taught 
its  partizans  to  cherish  very  different  feelings,  for  they 
were  instructed  to  believe  that  the  gospel  itself  was  with- 
out efficacy  when  promulgated  by  a  minister  who  did  not 
belong  to  their  own  party.  They  could  not  challenge  a 
single  flaw  in  the  creed  of  Novatian,J  and  yet  they  strongly 
maintained  that  his  preaching  was  useless,  and  that  the 
baptism  he  dispensed  was  worthless  as  the  ablution  of  a 
heathen.  "  You  should  know,"  says  Cyprian,  "  that  we 
ought  7iot  even  to  he  curious  as  to  what  Novatian  teaches, 
since  he  teaches  out  of  the  Church.  Whosoever  he  be,  and 
whatsoever  he  be,  he  is  not  a  Christian  who  is  not  in  the 
Church  of  Christ."  §  "  When  the  Novatians  say — '  Dost 
thou  believe  remission  of  sins  and  eternal  life  by  the  Holy 
Church  r  they  lie  in  their  interrogatory,  since  theyAcwe  no 
Church!'  II 

Strange  infatuation  !  Who  could  have  anticipated  that 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  the  death  of  the  Apostle 
John,  such  miserable  and  revolting  bigotry  would  have 
been  current  ■?  The  Scriptures  teach  us  that,  in  the  salva- 
tion of  sinners,  ministers  are  as  nothing,  and  the  gospel 
everything.  "  Whosoever,"  says  Paul,  "  shall  call  upon  the 
name  of  the  Lord  shall  he  saved Faith  cometh  by 

*  Jeremiah  xxiii.  21,  22. 

+  Phil.  i.  15,  18.    See  also  Mark  ix.  38,  39. 

t  Cyprian  himself  makes  this  admission.     Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  319. 

§  Epist.  lii.  p.  156.  ||  Epist.  Ixxvi.  p.  319. 


G50  CATHOLICISM  OPPOSED  TO  GODS  WORD. 

liearing,  and  hearing  by  the  Word  of  GocV  ""'  Cyprian  did 
not  understand  such  doctrine.  He  imagined  that  the  Word 
of  God  had  no  power  except  when  issuing  from  the  lips 
of  tlie  ministers  of  his  own  communion.  The  Catholic 
Church  must  put  its  seal  upon  the  gospel  to  give  it  cur- 
rency. Without  this  stamp  it  was  all  in  vain  to  announce 
it  to  a  world  lying  in  wickedness.  The  Catholic  pastor 
might  be  a  man  without  ability ;  he  might  be  comparatively 
ignorant ;  and  he  might  be  of  more  than  suspicious  integ- 
rity; and  yet  the  King  of  the  Church  was  supposed  to  look 
down  with  complacency  on  all  the  official  acts  of  this 
wretched  hireling,  whilst  no  dew  of  heavenly  influence  rested 
on  the  labours  of  a  pious  and  accomplished  Novatian  minis- 
ter !  AVhen  men  like  Cyprian  were  prepared  to  acknow- 
ledge such  folly,  it  was  not  strange  that  a  darkness  which 
might  be  felt  soon  settled  down  upon  Christendom. 


In  the  preceding  pages  the  history  of  the  ancient  Church 
for  the  first  three  centuries  has  passed  under  review,  and  a 
few  general  observations  may  now  be  not  inappropriately 
appended  to  this  concluding  chapter.  The  details  here  fur- 
nished supply  ample  evidence  that  Christianity  was  greatly 
corrupted  long  before  the  conversion  of  Constantine.  It  is 
true,  indeed,  that  much  of  the  superstition  which  has  since 
so  much  disfigured  the  Church  was  yet  unknown.  During 
the  first  three  centuries  we  find  no  recognition  of  the  medi- 
atorship  of  Mary,  or  of  the  dogma  of  her  immaculate  con- 
ception,! or  of  the  worship  of  images,  or  of  the  celebration 

*  Rom.  X.  13,  17. 

t  Tertiillian  did  not  hold  the  doctrine  of  her  perpetual  virginity.  See 
*<  De  Mouog."  c.  8,  and  "  De  Carne  Christi,"  c.  23.  Neither  did  he  believe  in 
her  immaculate  conception.     See  Kaye's  "  Tertullian,"  p.  338. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS.  651 

of  divine  service  in  an  unknown  tongue,  or  of  tlie  doctrine 
of  the  infLillibility  of  tlie  Roman  bishop.  But  the  germs  of 
many  dangerous  errors  were  distinctly  visible,  and  when 
the  sun  of  Imperial  favour  began  to  shine  upon  the  Chris- 
tians, these  errors  rapidly  reached  maturity.  The  Eucha- 
ristic  bread  and  wine  were  viewed  with  superstitious  awe, 
and  language  was  applied  to  them  which  was  calculated  to 
bewilder  and  to  confound.  A  system  of  penitential  disci- 
pline alien  to  the  spirit  of  the  New^  Testament  was  already 
in  existence ;  rites  and  ceremonies  unknown  in  the  apostolic 
age  had  now  made  their  appearance;  and  in  the  great 
towns  a  crowd  of  functionaries,  whom  Paul  and  Peter  would 
have  refused  to  o-wn,  added  to  the  pomp  of  pubhc  worship. 
Some  imagine  that  in  the  times  of  TertuUian  and  of  Cyp- 
rian we  may  find  the  purest  faith  in  the  purest  form,  but  a 
more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  history  of  the  period 
is  quite  sufficient  to  dispel  the  delusion.  A  little  considera- 
tion may,  indeed,  convince  us  that,  in  the  second  or  third 
century,  we  could  scarcely  expect  to  see  either  the  most 
brilliant  displays  of  the  light  of  truth  or  the  most  attractive 
exhibitions  of  personal  holiness.  The  waters  of  life  gushed 
forth,  clear  as  crystal,  from  the  Rock  of  Ages ;  but,  as  their 
course  was  through  the  waste  wilderness  of  a  degenerate 
world,  they  were  soon  defiled  by  its  pollutions ;  and  it  was 
not  until  the  desert  began  "to  rejoice  and  blossom  as  the 
rose,''  that  the  stream  flowed  smoothly  in  the  channel  it 
had  wrought,  and  partially  recovered  its  native  purity. 
At  the  present  day  we  would  not  be  warranted  in  expect- 
ing as  high  a  style  of  Christianity  in  a  convert  from  idola- 
try as  in  one  who  had  been  trained  up  from  infancy  under 
the  care  of  enlightened  and  godly  parents.  By  judicious 
culture  the  graces  of  the  Spirit,  as  well  as  the  fruits  of  the 
earth,  may  be  improved;  but  when  a  section  of  the  open 
field  of  immorality  and  ignorance  is  first  added  to  the 


C52  CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

garden  of  the  Lord,  it  may  not  forthwith  possess  all  the 
fertility  and  loveliness  of  the  more  ancient  plantation.''^ 
A  large  portion  of  the  early  disciples  had  once  been 
heathens ;  they  had  to  struggle  against  evil  habits  and 
inveterate  prejudices;  they  were  surrounded  on  all  sides 
by  corrupting  influences;  and,  as  they  had  not  the  same 
means  of  obtaining  an  exact  and  comprehensive  knowledge 
of  the  gospel  as  ourselves,  we  cannot  reasonably  hope  to 
find  among  them  any  very  extraordinary  measure  either  of 
spiritual  wisdom  or  of  consistent  piety. 

AVhen  the  Church  towards  the  middle  of  the  second  cen- 
tury was  sorely  harassed  by  divisions,  its  situation  was 
extremely  critical  and  embarrassing.  Christianity  had 
appeared  among  men  bearing  the  olive  branch  of  peace, 
and  had  proposed  to  suj^ersede  the  countless  superstitions 
of  the  heathen  by  a  faith  which  would  bind  the  human 
race  together  in  one  great  and  harmonious  family.  How 
mortified,  then,  must  have  been  its  friends  when  Basilides, 
Marcion,  Valentine,  Cerdo,  Mark,  and  many  others  began 
to  propagate  their  heresies,  and  when  it  appeared  as  if  the 
divisions  of  the  Church  were  to  be  as  numerous  as  the  reli- 
gions of  paganism !  Had  the  ministers  of  the  gospel 
girded  themselves  for  the  emergency ;  had  they  boldly 
encountered  the  errorists,  and  vanquished  them  with 
weapons  drawn  from  the  armoury  of  the  AVord ;  they 
would  have  approved  themselves  worthy  of  their  position, 
and  acquired  strength  for  future  conflicts.  But  whilst 
they  did  not  altogether  neglect  an  appeal  to  Scripture, 
they  were  tempted  in  an  evil  hour  to  think  of  sequestrating 
their  own  freedom  that  they  might  overwhelm  heresy  with 
the  vigour  of  an  ecclesiastical  despotism.  By  investing 
their  chairman  with  arbitrary  power  and  by  making  com- 

*  One  of  the  most  distinguished  and  sagacious  of  modern  missionaries  has 
called  attention  to  this  fact.  See  Livingstone's  "  Missionary  Travels  in  South 
Africa,"  p.  107. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS.  653 

munioii  with  this  functionary  the  criterion  of  discijoleship, 
they  at  once  sanctioned  a  perilous  arrangement  and  en- 
dorsed a  vicious  principle.  From  this  date  we  may  trace 
the  commencement  of  a  career  of  defection.  The  bishop 
and  the  Church  Ijegan  to  supplant  Christ  and  a  knowledge 
of  the  gospel.  Bigotry  advanced  apace,  and  conscience 
found  itself  in  bondage. 

The  establishment  of  the  hierarchical  system,  though  im- 
parting, as  was  thought,  greater  unity  to  the  structure  of 
the  Church,  did  not  really  invigorate  its  constitution.  The 
spiritual  commonwealth  is  very  different  from  any  merely 
earthly  organization,  for  it  has  no  statute-book  but  the 
Bible,  and  it  owes  explicit  obedience  to  no  ruler  but  the 
King  of  Zion.  Freedom  of  conscience,  in  obedience  to  the 
Word,  is  the  heritage  of  all  its  members ;  and  every  one  of 
them  is  bound  to  exercise  the  privilege,  and  to  resist  its 
violation.  Its  unity  appears,  not  in  adhesion  to  any  visible 
head,  but  in  cordial  submission  to  its  one  great  Lord  and 
Sovereign.  When  a  change  was  made  in  its  primitive 
framework,  its  essential  unity  was  impaired.  After  the 
elders  had  handed  over  a  considerable  share  of  their  autho- 
rity to  their  president,  they  could  not  be  expected  to  take 
such  a  deep  interest  in  its  government  as  when  they  were 
themselves  individually  responsible  for  its  official  adminis- 
tration. They  still,  indeed,  acted  as  his  counsellors,  but  as 
they  no  longer  held  the  independent  footing  they  had  once 
occupied,  they  could  neither  speak  nor  act  so  freely  and  so 
energetically  as  before.  Thus,  whilst  one  member  of  the 
ecclesiastical  body  was  permitted  to  attain  an  unnatural 
magnitude,  others  ceased  to  perform  their  proper  functions, 
and  the  whole  eventually  became  diseased  and  misshaj^en. 
And  the  new  arrangement  entirely  failed  in  checking  the 
growth  of  the  errorists.  After  its  adoption  heresies  sprung 
up  as  rapidly  as  ever,  and  the  multitude  of  its  sects  con- 
tinued to  be  the  scandal  of  Christianity  even  in  the  time  of 


G54  CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

Coiistantine.'"'  Tlieir  suppression  is  to  be  attributed,  not  to 
tlie  potency  of  Prelacy,  but  to  the  stern  intolerance  of  the 
Imperial  laws.  By  the  rigid  enforcement  of  conformity  the 
Catholic  Church  at  length  reigned  without  a  rival. 

It  is  easy  to  see  from  the  extant  ecclesiastical  writings  of 
the  third  century  that  the  doctrine  of  the  visible  unity  of 
the  Church  as  represented  by  the  Catholic  hierarchy  already 
formed  a  prominent  part  of  the  current  creed.  As  there  is 
"  one  God,  one  Christ,  and  one  Holy  Ghost,"  it  was  affirmed 
that  there  could  be  but  "  one  bishop  in  the  Catholic 
Church." t  This  theory  seemed  somewhat  inconsistent  with 
the  fact  that  there  were  many  bishops  in  almost  every 
province  of  the  Empire ;  but  the  ingenuity  of  churchmen 
attempted  a  solution  of  the  difficulty.  It  was  alleged  that 
the  whole  episcopacy  should  be  regarded  as  one,  and  that 
each  bishop  constituted  an  integral  part  of  the  grand  imit. 
"  The  episcopacy  is  one,"  says  Cyprian,  "  it  is  a  whole  in 
which  each  enjoys  fuU  possession." J  "  There  is  one  Church 
from  Christ  throughout  the  whole  world  divided  into  many 
members,  and  one  episcoiKite  diffused  throughout  an  harmo- 
nious multitude  of  many  bishops."  § 

We  have  seen  that  the  Eoman  prelate  was  already  recog- 
nized as  the  centre  of  ecclesiastical  unity.  A  misunderstood 
passage  in  the  Gospel  of  Matthew  1|  was  supposed  to  sanc- 
tion this  ecclesiastical  primacy.  "  There  is,"  said  the  bishop 
of  Carthage,  "  one  God,  and  one  Christ,  and  one  Church,  and 
one  chair  founded  hij  the  Word  of  the  Lord  on  the  Rock."  IT ' 
Though  the  Eoman  chief  pastor  might  be  considered  theo- 
retically only  the  first  among  the  Catholic  bishops,  his  zeal 
for  uniformity  had  now  more  than  once  interrupted  the 
peace  of  the  Christian  community.     The  erection  of  a  new 

*  Maximian,  in  his  famous  edict  of  toleration,  lays  great  stress  on  this  cir- 
cumstance.    "  De  Mortibus  Persecutorum,"  c.  34. 
t  Cornelius  to  Cyprian,  Epist.  xlvi.  p.  136. 
X  "  De  Unit.  Eccles."  p.  397.  §  Epist.  Hi.  p.  156. 

II  Matt.  xvi.  18.  IT  Cyprian,  Epist.  xl.  pp.  120, 121. 


CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS.  G55 

capital  and  the  subsequent  dismembermeut  of  tlie  Empire 
considerably  affected  liis  position;  but,  witliin  a  certain 
sphere,  he  steadily  endeavoui-ed  to  carry  out  the  idea  of 
Catholic  unity.  The  doctrine  reached  its  highest  point  of 
development  after  the  lapse  of  upwards  of  a  thousand 
years.  Then,  the  bishop  of  Rome  had  become  a  sovereign 
prince,  and  was  the  acknowledged  ruler  of  a  vast  and 
magnificent  hierarchy.  Then,  he  swayed  his  spiritual  sceptre 
over  all  the  tribes  of  Western  Christendom.  Then,  verily, 
uniformity  had  its  day  of  triumph ;  for,  with  some  rare  ex- 
ceptions, wherever  the  stranger  travelled  throughout  Europe, 
he  found  the  same  order  of  divine  service,  and  saw  the  mi- 
nisters of  the  sanctuary  arrayed  in  the  same  costume,  and 
practising  even  the  same  gestures.  Then,  wherever  he  en- 
tered a  sacred  edifice,  he  heard  the  same  language,  and 
listened  to  the  same  prayers  expressed  in  the  very  same 
phraseology.  But  what  was  meanwhile  the  real  condition 
of  the  Church  'i  AVas  there  love  without  dissimulation,  and 
the  keeping  of  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace"? 
Nothing  of  the  kind.  Never  could  it  be  said  with  greater 
truth  of  the  people  of  the  West  that  they  were  "foolish, 
disobedient,  deceived,  serving  divers  lusts  and  pleasures, 
living  in  malice  and  envy,  hateful  and  hating  one  another." 
There  were  wars  and  rumours  of  wars;  nation  rose  up 
against  nation  and  kingdom  against  kingdom;  and  the 
Pope  was  generally  the  cause  of  the  contention.  The  very 
man  who  claimed  to  be  the  centre  of  Catholic  unity  was 
the  grand  fomenter  of  ecclesiastical  and  political  disturb- 
ance. The  Sovereign  Pontiff,  and  the  Catholic  princes  with 
whom  he  was  engaged  in  deadly  feuds,  were  equally  faith- 
less, restless,  and  implacable.  Freedom  of  thought  was 
proscribed,  and  the  human  mind  was  placed  under  the  most 
exacting  and  intolerable  tyranny  by  which  it  was  ever 
oppressed. 

The  mutilation  of  this  Dagon  of  hierarchical  unity  is  one 


656  CONCLUDING  OBSERVATIONS. 

of  the  many  glorious  results  of  the  great  Reformation. 
The  sooner  the  remaining  fragments  of  this  idol  be  crushed 
to  atoms,  the  better  for  the  peace  and  freedom  of  Christen- 
dom. The  unity  of  the  Church  cannot  be  achieved  by  the 
iron  rod  of  despotism,  neither  can  the  communion  of  saints 
be  promoted  by  the  sacrifice  of  their  rights  and  privileges. 
"  Where  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty."''  Christ 
alone  can  draw  all  men  unto  Him.  The  real  unity  of  His 
Church  is,  not  any  merely  ecclesiastical  cohesion,  but  a 
unity  of  faith,  of  hope,  and  of  affection.  It  is  the  fellow- 
ship of  Christian  freemen  walking  together  in  the  fear  of 
the  Lord,  and  in  the  comfort  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  It  is  the 
attraction  of  all  hearts  to  one  heavenly  Saviour,  and  the 
submission  of  all  wills  to  one  holy  law.  Looking  at  the 
past  condition  or  the  present  aspect  of  society,  we  may 
think  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  such  unity  altogether 
insurmountable;  but  it  wij^,  in  due  time,  be  brought  about 
by  Him  "who  doeth  great  things  and  unsearchable,  mar- 
vellous things  without  number."  Its  realization  will  present 
the  most  delightful  and  impressive  spectacle  that  the  earth 
has  ever  seen.  "Every  valley  shall  be  exalted,  and  every 
mountain  and  hill  shall  be  made  low;  and  the  crooked 
shall  be  made  straight,  and  the  rough  places  plain ;  and  the 
glory  of  the  Lord  shall  he  revealed,  and  all  flesh  shall  see  it 
together .""^  "Thy  watchmen  shall  lift  up  the  voice,  witH* 
the  voice  together  shall  they  sing;  for  they  shall  see  eye  to 
eye,  when  the  Lord  shall  bring  again  Zion."t  "And  the 
Lord  shall  be  King  over  all  the  earth ;  in  that  day  shall 
there  be  one  Lord,  and  His  name  one!"^     Amen. 

*  2  Cor.  iii.  17.  +  Isa.  xl.  4,  5. 

X  Isa.  Iii.  8.  §  Zech.  xiv.  9. 

THE  END, 


r.ALLANTVKli  AND  COMPANY,  PIUNTKKS,  EDINBTJBOH. 


Date  Due 


OCii^'^ 


N.J  ;  f'\ 


-ar5  t 


TTTTB^ 


^0^^^^^ 


